UC-NRLF 


3D    IDS 


BELKNAP'S 


r  R  T>T  v'TV 

LAKLY  D 


REESE    LIBRARY 

OK   TUB 

UNIVERSITY    OF    CALIFORNIA. 

Refi-ired,  . 


Accessions  No._/?*jt2/dL_         Shelf  No.. 


REV,  DR.  BELKNAFS  BIOGRAPHIES 


OF 


THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS 


OF 


AMERICA. 


Reprint  of  the  First  Edition  of  1798. 


UNIVERSITY 


HAS  STOOD  THE  TEST  OF  CRITICISM  FOR  THREE-QUARTERS  OF  A  CENTURY." 

BANCROFT. 


C.    COLLINS    &    CO.,    PUBLISHERS, 

NEW   YORK. 


BIOGRAPHIES 

OF  THE 

EARLY  DISCOVERERS. 

BY  JEREMY   BELKNAP,   D.D. 


BIRON. 

BIRON,   A    NATIVE   OF   NORWAY — HIS   DISCOVERY  OF  ICELAND   AND    GREENLAND — AN    ACCOUNT 
OF  HIS  VOYAGE — CHARACTER  AND  APPEARANCE  OF  THE  NATIVES. 

THE  ancient  inhabitants  of  Norway  and  Denmark,  collectively  taken,  were  distin 
guished  by  the  name  of  Normans.  Their  situation  near  the  coast  of  the  sea,  and  the 
advantages  which  that  element  presented  to  them  beyond  all  which  they  could 
expect,  from  a  rough  soil,  in  a  cold  climate,  led  them  at  an  early  period  to  the 
science  and  practice  of  navigation.  They  built  their  vessels  with  the  best  of  oak,  and 
constructed  them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  encounter  the  storms  and  billows  of  the 
northern  ocean.  They  covered  them  with  decks  and  furnished  them  with  high  fore 
castles  and  sterns.  They  made  use  of  sails  as  well  as  oars,  and  had  learned  to  trim 
their  sails  to  the  wind,  in  almost  any  direction.  In  these  arts,  of  building  ships  and 
of  navigation,  they  were  superior  to  the  people  bordering  on  the  Mediterranean  Sea, 
who  depended  chiefly  on  their  oars  and  used  sails  only  with  a  fair  wind. 

About  the  end  of  the  eighth  and  beginning  of  the  ninth  century,  the  Norm, ins 
made  themselves  famous  by  their  predatory  excursions.  England,  Scotland,  Ireland, 
the  Orkney  and  Shetland  islands,  were  objects  of  their  depredations ;  and  in  one  of 
their  piratical  expeditions,  A.D.  861,  they  discovered  an  island,  which  from  its  lofty 
mountains,  covered  with  ice  and  snow,  obtained  the  name  of  Iceland.  In  a  few  years 
after  they  planted  a  colony  there,  which  was  continually  augmented  by  migrations 
from  the  neighboring  countries.  Within  the  space  of  thirty  years,  889,  a  new  coun 
try,  situate^to  the  west,  was  discovered,  and  from  its  verdure  during  the  summer 
months,  received  the  name  of- Greenland.  This  was  deemed  so  important  an  acqui 
sition,  that,  under  the  conduct  of  ERIC  RAUDE  or  RED  HEAD,  a  Danish  chief,  it  was 
soon  peopled. 

The  emigrants  to  these  new  regions  were  still  inflamed  with  the  passion  for 
adventure  and  discovery.  An  Icelander  of  the  name  of  HERIOLF  and  his  son  BIRON* 


His  name  is  spelled  by  different  authors  Biron,  Biorn,  Jiisera,  and  Biaem.'r  f' 


6  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

made  a  voyage  every  year  to  different  countries  for  the  sake  of  traffic.  About  the 
beginning  of  the  eleventh  century,  1001,  their  ships  were  separated  by  a  storm. 
When  Biron  arrived  in  Norway,  he  heard  that  his  father  was  gone  to  Greenland,  and 
he  resolved  to  follow  him  ;  but  another  storm  drove  him  to  the  south-west,  where  he 
discovered  a  flat  country,  free  from  rocks,  but  covered  with  thick  woods,  and  an 
island  near  the  coast. 

He  made  no  longer  stay  at  either  of  these  places  than  till  the  storm  abated ; 
when  by  a  north-east  course  he  hastened  to  Greenland.  The'  discovery  was  no 
sooner  known  there,  than  LEIF,  the  son  of  ERIC,  who,  like  his  father,  had  a  strong 
desire  to  acquire  glory  by  adventures,  equipped  a  vessel,  carrying  twenty-five  men  ; 
and  taking  Biron  for  his  pilot,  sailed  in  1002  in  search  of  the  new  country. 

His  course  was  south-west.  On  the  first  land  which  he  saw,  he  found  nothing  but 
flat  rocks  and  ice,  without  any  verdure.  He  therefore  gave  it  the  name  of  Helleland, 
which  signifies  rocky.  Afterwards  he  came  to  a  level  shore,  without  any  rocks,  but 
overgrown  with  woods,  and  the  sand  was  remarkably  white.  This  he  named  Markland, 
or  woody.  Two  days  after,  he  saw  land  again,  and  an  island  lying  before  the 
northern  coast  of  it.  Here  he  first  landed :  and  thence  sailing  westward,  round  a 
point  of  land,  found  a  creek  or  river,  into  which  the  ship  entered. 

On  the  banks  of  this  river  were  bushes  bearing  sweet  berries ;  the  air  was  mild, 
the  soil  fertile,  and  the  river  well  stored  with  fish,  among  which  were  very  fine  sal 
mon.  At  the  head  of  this  river  was  a  lake,  on  the  shore  of  which  they  resolved  to 
pass  the  winter,  and  erected  huts  for  their  accommodation.  One  of  their  company, 
a  German  named  Tyrker,  having  straggled  into  the  woods,  found  gra/> .'S  ;  from  which 
he  told  them,  that  in  his  country  they  made  wine.  From  this  circumstance,  Leif, 
the  commander  of  the  party,  called  the  place  Win/and  dat  Code,  the  Good  Wine 
Country. 

An  intercourse  being  thus  opened  between  Greenland  and  Winland,  several  voy 
ages  were  made,  and  the  new  country  was  further  explored.  Many  islands  were 
found  near  the  coast,  but  not  a  human  creature  was  seen  till  the  third  summer,  1004, 
when  three  boats  constructed  with  ribs  of  bone,  fastened  with  thongs  or  twigs  and 
covered  with  skins,  each  boat  containing  three  men,  made  their  appearance.  From  the 
diminutive  size  of  these  people,  the  Normans  denominated  them  Scralings*  and  in 
humanly  killed  them  all  but  one;  who  escaped  and  collected  a  large  number  of  his 
countrymen,  to  make  an  attack  on  their  invaders.  The  Normans  defended  their 
ships  with  so  much  spirit  that  the  assailants  were  obliged  to  retire. 

After  this,  a  colony  of  Normans  went  and  settled  at  Winland,  carrying  on  a  bar 
ter  trade  with  the  Scraelings  for  furs;  but  a  controversy  arose  in  the  colony,  which 
induced  some  to  return  to  Greenland.  The  others  dispersed  and  mixed  among  the 
Scraelings. 

In  the  next  century,  1121,  Eric,  bishop  of  Greenland,  went  to  Winland,  with  a 
benevolent  design  to  recover  and  convert  his  countrymen  who  had  degenerated  into 
savages.  This  prelate  never  returned  to  Greenland ;  nor  was  anything  more  heard 
of  Winland  for  several  centuries. 

This  account  of  the  discovery  of  Winland  is  taken  from  Pontoppidan's  History 
of  Norway,  Crantz's  History  of  Greenland,  and  a  late  History  of  Northern  Voyages, 
by  Dr.  John  Reinhold  Foster.  The  facts  are  said  to  have  been  collected  from  a 

•  Cut  sticks,  chips — dwarfs. 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  7 

"  great  number  of  Icelandic  Manuscripts  by  Thormond  Thorfceus,  Adam  von  Bremen, 
Arngrim  Jonas,  and  many  other  writers,  so  that  it  is  hardly  possible  to  entertain  the 
least  doubt  concerning  the  authenticity  of  the  relation. 

Pontoppidan  says  "  that  they  could  see  the  sun  full  six  hours  in  the  shortest 
day;"  but  Crantz  tells  us  that  "the  sun  rose  on  the  shortest  day  at  eight  of  the 
clock,"  and  Foster  that  "  the  sun  was  eight  hours  above  the  horizon,"  from  which  he 
concludes  that  Winland  must  be  found  in  the  4gth  degree  of  northern  latitude;  and, 
from  its  being  in  a  south-westerly  direction  from  Greenland,  he  supposes  that  it  is 
either  a  part  of  Newfoundland  or  some  place  on  the  northern  coast  of  the  Gulf  of 
St.  Lawrence ;  but  whether  grapes  are  found  in  either  of  those  countries  he  can  not 
say.  However,  he  seems  so  fully  persuaded  of  the  facts,  that  he  gives  it  as  his 
opinion  that  the  Normans  were,  strictly  speaking,  the  first  discoverers  of  America, 
nearly  five  centuries  before  Columbus. 

From  a  careful  perusal  of  the  first  accounts  of  Newfoundland,  preserved  by  those 
painful  collectors,  Hakluyt  and  Purchas,  and  of  other  memoirs  respecting,  that  island 
and  the  coast  of  Labrador;  and  from  inspecting  the  most  approved  maps  of  those 
regions,  particularly  one  in  the  American  Atlas,  delineated  agreeably  to  the  actual 
surveys  of  the  late  celebrated  navigator,  Captain  James  Cook,  the  following  observa 
tions  occur: 

On  the  N.  E.  part  of  Newfoundland,  which  is  most  directly  accessible  from 
Greenland,  there  is  a  long  range  of  coast,  in  which  are  two  bays,  the  one  called 
Gander  Bay,  and  the  other  the  Bay  of  Exploits.  Before  the  mouth  of  the  former, 
among  many  smaller,  there  lies  one  large  island,  called  Fogo ;  and  before  the  mouth 
of  the  latter  another  called  the  New  World.  Either  of  these  will  sufficiently  answer 
to  the  situation  described  in  the  account  of  Biron's  second  voyage.  Into  each  of 
these  bays  runs  a  river,  which  has  its  head  in  a  lake,  and  both  these  lakes  lie  in  the 
49th  degree  of  north  latitude. 

The  earliest  accounts  of  Newfoundland  after  its  discovery,  and  the  establishment 
of  a  fishery  on  its  coast,  have  respect  chiefly  to  the  lands  about  Trinity  and  Concep 
tion  Bays,  between  the  parallels  of  48°  and  49°.  These  lands  are  represented  as 
producing  strawberries,  whortleberries,  raspberries,  pears,  wild  cherries,  and  hazel- 
nuts,  in  very  great  plenty.  The  rivers  are  said  to  have  been  well  stored  with  salmon 
and  trout.  The  natives,  who  inhabited  a  bay  lying  to  the  northward  of  Trinity,  and 
came  occasionally  thither  in  their  canoes,  are  described  as  broad-breasted  and  upright, 
with  black  eyes,  and  without  beards;  the  hair  on  their  heads  was  of  different  colors; 
some  had  black,  some  brown,  and  others  yellow.  In  this  variety  they  differed  from 
the  other  savages  of  North  America,  who  have  uniformly  black  hair,  unless  it  be 
grown  gray  with  age. 

The  climate  is  represented  as  more  mild  in  the  winter  than  that  of  England ;  but 
much  colder  in  the  spring,  by  reason  of  the  vast  islands  of  ice,  which  are  driven  into 
the  bays  or  grounded  on  the  banks. 

On  the  north-eastern  coast  of  Labrador,  between  the  latitudes  of  53°  and  56°,  are 
many  excellent  harbors  and  islands.  The  seas  are  full  of  cod,  the  rivers  abound  with 
salmon  ;  and  the  climate  is  said  to  be  more  mild  than  that  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence. 

Nothing  is  said  in  any  of  these  accounts  of  vines  or  grapes,  excepting  that  some 
which  were  brought  from  England  had  thriven  well.  If  any  evidence  can  be  drawn 
from  the  comparison  between  the  countries  of  Newfoundland  and  New  England,  it 


8  THE    AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

may  be  observed  that  all  the  above-mentioned  fruits  and  berries  are  found  in  the 
northern  and  eastern  parts  of  New  England  as  far  as  Nova  Scotia,  in  the  latitudes 
of  44°  and  45° ;  and  that  grapes  (vitis  valpina,  vitis  valbrnscd]  are  known  to  grow 
wherever  these  fruits  are  found. 

Du  Monts,  in  his  voyage  to  Acadia  in  1608,  speaks  of  grapes  in  several  places; 
and  they  were  in  such  plenty  on  the  isle  of  Orleans,  in  lat.  47°,  that  it  was  first  called 
the  island  of  Bacchus.  Though  there  is  no  direct  and  positive  testimony  of  grapes 
in  the  island  of  Newfoundland,  it  is  by  no  means  to  be  concluded  that  there  were 
none.  Nor  is  it  improbable  that  grapes,  though  once  found  there,  might  have  been 
so  scarce  as  not  to  merit  notice  in  such  general  descriptions  as  were  given  by  the 
first  English  adventurers. 

The  distance  between  Greenland  and  Newfoundland  is  not  greater  than  between 
Iceland  and  Norway ;  and  there  could  be  no  more  difficulty  in  navigating  the 
western  than  the  eastern  parts  of  the  northern  ocean,  with  such  vessels  as  were 
then  in  use,  and  by  such  seamen  as  the  Normans  are  said  to  have  been  ;  though  they 
knew  nothing  of  the  magnetic  needle. 

Upon  the  whole,  though  we  can  come  to  no  positive  conclusion  in  a  question  of 
such  remote  antiquity ;  yet  there  are  many  circumstances  to  confirm,  and  none  to 
disprove,  the  relation  given  of  the  voyages  of  Biron.    But  if  it  be  allowed  that  he  is 
entitled  to   the  honor  of  having  discovered  America  before  Columbus,  yet  this  dis 
covery  can  not  in  the  least  detract  from  the  merit  of  that  celebrated  navigator.    For 
there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Columbus  had  any  knowledge  of  the  Norman    O 
discoveries ;  which  long  before  his  time  were  forgotten,  and  would  perhaps  never     , 
have  been  recollected  if  he  had  not,  by  the  astonishing  exertions  of  his  genius  and 
his  persevering  industry,  effected  a  discovery  of  this  continent,  in  a  climate  more 
friendly  to  the  views  of  commercial  adventurers. 

Even  Greenland  itself,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  was  known  to  the  Danes  and 
Normans  only  by  the  name  of  lost  Greenland  ;  and  they  did  not  recover  their  knowl 
edge  of  it  till  after  the  English  had  ascertained  its  existence  by  their  voyages  to 
discover  a  north-west  passage  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  the  Dutch  had  coasted  it  in 
pursuing  of  whales. 


MADOC. 

MADOC,  PRINCE  OF  WALES— HIS  SUPPOSED  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA — AN  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS   VOY 
AGE  EXAMINED — THE  IMPROBABILITY   OF  HIS  SUPPOSED  DISCOVERY  SHOWN. 

Tins  person  is  supposed  to  have  discovered  America,  and  brought  a  colony  of  his 
countrymen  hither,  before  the  discovery  made  by  Columbus.  The  story  of  his 
emigration  from  Wales  is  thus  related  by  Hakluyt,  whose  book  was  first  published 
in  1589,  and  a  second  edition  of  it  in  1600. 

"  The  voyage  of  Madoc,  the  son  of  Owen  Gwynneth,  prince  of  North  Wales, 
to  the  West  Indies  in  the  year  1170,  taken  out  of  the  History  of  Wales,  lately  pub 
lished  by  M.  David  Powel,  Doctor  of  Divinitie." 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  9 

"  After  the  death  of  Owen  Gwynneth,  his  sons  fell  at  debate  who  should  inherit 
after  him.  For  the  eldest  son  born  in  matrimony,  Edward,  or  lorwerth  Drwydion, 
was  counted  unmeet  to  govern  because  of  the  maime  upon  his  face  ;  and  Howel,  that 
took  upon  him  all  the  rule,  was  a  base  son  begotten  of  an  Irish  woman.  Therefore, 
David  gathered  all  the  power  he  could  and  came  against  Howel,  and  fighting  with 
him,  slew  him  ;  and  afterward  enjoyed  quietly  the  whole  land  of  North  Wales,  until 
his  brother  lorwerth's  son  came  to  age. 

"  MADOC,  another  of  Owen  Gwynneth  his  sons,  left  the  land  in  contention  between 
his  brethren,  and  prepared  certain  ships  with  men  and  munition,  and  sought  advent 
ures  by  sea,  sailing  west,  and  leaving  the  coast  of  Ireland  so  far  north  that  he  came 
to  a  land  unknown,  where  he  saw  many  strange  things. 

"  This  land  must  needs  be  some  part  of  that  country  of  which  the  Spaniards 
affirm  themselves  to  be  the  first  finders  since  Hanno's  time.  [For,  by  reason  and 
order  of  cosmographie,  this  land  to  the  which  Madoc  came,  must  needs  be  some 
part  of  Nova  Hispania  or  Florida.]  Whereupon  it  is  manifest  that  that  country  was 
long  [before]  by  Britains  discovered,  afore  [either]  Columbus  [or  Americus  Ves- 
putius]  led  any  Spaniards  thither. 

"  Of  the  voyage  and  return  of  that  Madoc  there  be  many  fables  feigned,  as  the 
common  people  do  use,  in  distance  of  place  and  length  of  time,  rather  to  augment 
than  diminish,  but  sure  it  is  that  there  he  was.  And  after  he  had  returned  home  and 
declared  the  pleasant  and  fruitful  countries  that  he  had  seen  without  inhabitants  ; 
and  upon  the  contrary  part,  for  what  wild  and  barren  ground  his  brethren  and 
nephews  did  murther  one  another,  he  prepared  a  number  of  ships  and  got  with  him 
such  men  and  women  as  were  desirous  to  live  in  quietness  ;  and  taking  leave  of  his 
friends,  took  his  journey  thitherwards  again. 

"  Therefore  it  is  to  be  supposed,  that  he  and  his  people  inhabited  part  of  those 
countries  ;  for  it  appeareth,  by  Francis  Lopez  de  Gomara,  that  in  Acuzamil,  and 
other  places,  the  people  honored  the  cross.  Whereby  it  may  be  gathered  that 
Christians  had  been  there  before  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards.  But  because  this 
people  were  not  many,  they  followed  the  manners  of  the  land  they  came  to,  and 
used  the  language  they  found  there. 

"  This  Madoc  arriving  in  that  western  country  unto  the  which  he  came  in  the  year 
1170,  left  most  of  his  people  there,  and  returning  back  for  more  of  his  own  nation, 
acquaintance,  and  friends,  to  inhabit  that  fair  and  large  country,  went  thither  again 
with  ten  sails,  as  I  find  noted  by  Gutyn  Owen.  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  land  whereto 
he  came,  was  some  part  of  Mexico ;  the  causes  which  make  me  think  so  be  these : 

1.  "  The  common  report  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  country,  which  affirm  that  their 
rulers  descended  from  a  strange  nation,  that  came  thither  from  a  far  country ;  which 
thing  is  confessed  by  Mutezuma,  king  of  that  country,  in  an  oration  made  for  quiet 
ing  of  his  people  at  his  submission  to  the  King  of  Castile  ;  Hernando  Cortez  being  then 
present,  which  is  laid  down  in  the  Spanish  chronicles  of  the  conquest  of  the  West  Indies. 

2.  "  The  British  words  and  names  of  places  used  in  that  country  even  to  this  day 
do  argue  the  same;  as  when  they  talk  together,  they  use  the  word  Gwrando,  which 
is  hearken,  or  listen.     Also  they  have  a  certain  bird  with  a  white  head,  which  they 
call  fenguin,  that  is  white  head.     But  the  island  of  Corroeso,  the  river  of  Guyndor, 
and  the  white  rock  of  Pcnuygn,  which  be  all  British  or  Welsh  words,  do  manifestly 
show  that  it  was  that  country  which  Madoc  and  his  people  inhabited." 

2 


10  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

"  Cannina  Meredith  filii  Rhesi  mentionem  facientia  de  Madoco  filio  Ovveni  G \vyn- 
nedd  et  de  sua  navigatione  in  terras  incognitas.  Vixit  bic  Meredith  circiter  annum 
Domini,  1477- 

"  Madoc  wyf,  mwyedic  wedd 
lawn  genau,  Owen  Gwynedd, 
Ni  fynwm  dir,  fy  enaid  oedd 
Na  da  mawr,  ond  y  moroedd." 

These  verses  I  received  of  my  learned  friend,  M.  William  Camden. 

THE   SAME   IN  ENGLISH. 

"  Madoc  I  am  the  son  of  Owen  Gwynnedd, 
With  stature  large  and  comely  grace  adorned. 
No  lands  at  home,  nor  store  of  wealth  me  please, 
My  mind  was  whole  to  search  the  Ocean  Seas." 

In  this  extract  from  Hakluyt  is  contained  all  the  original  information  which  I 
have  been  able  to  find  respecting  the  supposed  discovery  of  America  by  the  Welsh. 
The  account  itself  is  confused  and  contradictory.  The  country  discovered  by  Madoc 
is  said  to  be  "  without  inhabitants ;  "  and  yet  the  people  whom  he  carried  thither 
"  followed  the  manners  of  the  land,  and  used  the  language  they  found  there." 
Though  the  Welsh  emigrants  lost  their  language,  yet  the  author  attempts  to  prove 
the  truth  of  his  story  by  the  preservation  of  several  Welsh  words  in  the  American 
tongue.  Among  these  he  is  unfortunate  in  the  choice  of  "penguin,  a  bird  with  a 
white  head ;  "  all  birds  of  that  name  on  the  American  shores  having  black  or  dark 
brown  heads,  and  the  name  penguin  is  said  to  have  been  originally  pindiicginc,  from 
their  excessive  fatness. 

Among  the  proofs  which  some  late  writers  have  adduced  in  support  of  the 
discovery  of  America  by  Madoc  is  this,  that  a  language  resembling  the  Welsh 
was  spoken  by  a  tribe  of  Indians  in  North  Carolina,  and  that  it  is  still  used  by  a  na 
tion  situate  on  some  of  the  western  waters  of  the  Mississippi.  If  that  part  of  the 
account  preserved  by  Hakluyt  be  true,  that  the  language  was  lost,  it  is  in  vain  to  offer 
an  argument  of  this  kind  in  support  of  the  truth  of  the  story;  but  a  question  may 
here  arise,  How  could  any  report  of  the  loss  of  their  language  have  been  transmitted 
to  Europe  at  so  early  a  period  ? 

An  attempt  has  lately  been  made  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  this  piece  of  history 
by  Dr.  John  Williams.  I  have  not  seen  the  book  itself,  but  if  the  critical  reviewers 
may  be  credited,  no  new  facts  have  been  adduced.  It  is  remarked  by  them,  that 
"  if  Madoc  once  reached  America,  it  is  difficult  to  explain  how  he  could  return  home, 
and  it  would  be  more  improbable  that  he  should  arrive  in  America  a  second  time ;  of 
which  there  is  not  the  slightest  evidence."  They  also  observe,  that  "  if  Madoc  sailed 
westward  from  Wales,  the  currents  would  rather  have  carried  him  to  Nova  Scotia 
than  to  the  southward." 

The  mentioning  of  Nova  Scotia  reminds  me  of  some  words  in  the  native  language 
of  that  country  which  begin  with  two  syllables  resembling  the  name  of  Madoc.  A 
sachem  of  the  Penobscot  tribe  who  lived  in  the  end  of  the  last  and  in  the  beginning 
of  the  present  century  bore  the  name  of  Madokawando.  A  village  on  Penobscot 
river  was  Madawankec.  One  branch  of  the  river  St.  John,  which  runs  into  the  Bay 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE   EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  11 

of  Funda,  is  Medoctack,  and  another  is  Medocscenecasis.  The  advocates  of  this  opinion 
may  avail  themselves  as  far  as  they  can  of  this  coincidence,  but  in  my  apprehension 
it  is  too  precarious  to  be  the  basis  of  any  just  conclusion. 

After  all  that  has  been  said,  or  can  be  said,  on  the  subject,  we  must  observe  with 
the  critical  reviewers,  that  if  "  Madoc  left  Wales  and  discovered  any  other  country,  it 
must  always  remain  uncertain  where  that  country  is."  Dr.  Robertson  thinks,  if  he 
made  any  discovery  at  all,  it  might  be  Madeira,  or  one  of  the  Azores. 

The  book  of  Hakluyt,  in  which  the  original  story  is  preserved,  was  written  in  the 
reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  in  the  time  of  her  controversy  with  Spain.  The 
design  of  his  bringing  forward  the  voyage  of  Madoc  appears,  from  what  he  says  of 
Columbus,  to  have  been  the  asserting  of  a  discovery  prior  to  his,  and  consequently 
the  right  of  the  Crown  of  England  to  the  sovereignty  of  America ;  a  point  at  that 
time  warmly  contested  between  the  two  nations.  The  remarks  which  the  same 
author  makes  on  several  other  voyages  evidently  tend  to  the  establishment  of  that 
claim.  But  if  the  story  of  Biron  be  true,  which  (though  Hakluyt  has  said  nothing 
of  it)  is  better  authenticated  than  this  of  Madoc,  the  right  of  the  Crown  of  Denmark 
is,  on  the  principle  of  prior  discovery,  superior  to  either  of  them. 

Perhaps  the  whole  mystery  may  be  unveiled  if  we  advert  to  this  one  circum 
stance  :  the  time  when  Hakluyt's  book  was  first  published,  national  prejudice  might 
prevail  even  with  so  honest  a  writer,  to  convert  a  Welsh  fable  into  a  political  argu 
ment,  to  support,  against  a  powerful  rival,  the  claim  of  his  sovereign  to  the  dominion 
of  this  continent. 


THE 


UNIVERSITY 

ZENO. 


ZENO— HIS  RANK  AND  BIRTH— HE  SAILS  ON  A  VOYAGE  OF  DISCOVERY— IS  OVERTAKEN  BY  A 
TEMPEST — ARRIVES  AT  FRISLAND — DIFFICULTIES  WITH  THE  NATIVES — DEATH  OF  NICOLO 
ZENO — HIS  BROTHER  ANTONIO  TAKES  THE  COMMAND. 

IT  is  well  known  that  the  Venetians  were  reckoned  among  the  most  expert  and 
adventurous  of  the  maritime  nations.  In  that  republic  the  family  of  Zeno,  or  Zeni,  is 
not  only  very  ancient  and  of  high  rank,  but  celebrated  for  illustrious  achievements. 
Nicolo  Zeno,  having  exhibited  great  valor  in  a  war  with  the  Genoese,  conceived  an 
ardent  desire,  agreeably  to  the  genius  of  his  nation,  to  travel ;  that  he  might,  by  his 
acquaintance  with  foreign  nations  and  languages,  render  himself  more  illustrious  and 
useful.  With  this  view  he  equipped  a  vessel  at  his  own  expense,  and  sailed  through 
the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  to  the  northward,  A.D.  1380,  with  an  intention  to  visit  Britain 
and  Flanders ;  but  by  a  storm  which  lasted  many  days  he  was  cast  away  on  the  coast 
of  Frisland. 

The  prince  of  the  country,  Zichmni  (or,  as  Purchas  spells  it,  Zichmui),  finding 
Zeno  an  expert  seaman,  gave  him  the  command  of  his  fleet,  consisting  of  thirteen 
vessels,  of  which  two  only  were  rowed  with  cars :  one  was  a  ship,  and  the  rest  were 
small  barks.  With  this  fleet  he  made  conquest  and  depredations  in  Ledovo  and 
Ilosy,  and  other  small  islands,  several  barks  laden  with  fish  being  a  part  of  his 
capture. 


12  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

Nicolo  wrote  to  his  brother  Antonio  Zeno  at  Venice,  inviting  him  to  Frisland, 
whither  he  went ;  and,  being  taken  into  the  service  of  Zichmni,  continued  with  him 
fourteen  years.  The  fleet  sailed  on  an  expedition  to  Estland,  where  they  committed 
great  ravages ;  but,  hearing  that  the  King  of  Norway  was  coming  against  them  with 
a  superior  fleet,  they  departed,  and  were  driven  by  a  storm  on  shoals,  where  part  of 
the  fleet  was  wrecked,  and  the  rest  were  saved  on  Grisland,  "  a  great  island,  but  not 
inhabited." 

Zichmni  then  determined  to  attack  Iceland,  which  belonged  to  the  King  of 
Norway ;  but,  finding  it  well  fortified  and  defended,  and  his  fleet  being  diminished, 
he  retired  and  built  a  fort  in  Bress,  one  of  seven  small  islands,  where  he  left  Nicolo, 
and  returned  to  Frisland. 

In  the  next  spring  Zeno,  with  three  small  barks,  sailed  to  the  northward  on 
discovery,  and  arrived  at  Engroenland,  where  he  found  a  monastery  of  Friars,  and  a 
church  dedicated  to  St.  Thomas,  situate  near  a  volcano,  and  heated  by  warm  springs 
flowing  from  the  mountain. 

After  the  death  of  Nicolo,  which  happened  in  about  four  years,  Antonio  succeeded 
him  in  the  command  of  the  fleet ;  and  the  prince  Zichmni,  aiming  at  the  sovereignty 
of  the  sea,  undertook  an  expedition  westward,  because  that  some  fishermen  had 
discovered  rich  and  populous  islands  in  that  quarter. 

The  report  of  the  fisherman  was,  that  above  a  thousand  miles  westward  from 
Frisland,  to  which  distance  they  had  been  driven  by  a  tempest,  there  was  an  island 
called  Estotiland,  which  they  had  discovered  twenty-six  years  before ;  that  six  men 
in  one  boat  were  driven  upon  the  island,  and  being  taken  by  the  inhabitants,  were 
brought  into  a  fair  and  populous  city  ;  that  the  king  of  that  place  sent  for  many  in 
terpreters,  but  none  were  found  who  could  understand  the  language  of  the  fishermen, 
except  one  who  could  speak  Latin,  and  he  had  formerly  been  cast  ashore  on  the 
island  ;  that  on  his  reporting  their  case  to  the  king,  he  detained  them  five  years,  in 
which  time  they  learned  the  language  ;  that  one  of  them  visited  divers  parts  of  the 
island  and  reported  that  it  was  a  very  rich  country,  abounding  with  all  the  commodi 
ties  of  the  world  ;  that  it  was  less  than  Iceland,  but  far  more  fruitful,  having  in  the 
middle  a  very  high  mountain,  from  which  originated  four  rivers. 

The  inhabitants  were  described  as  very  ingenious,  having  all  mechanic  arts.  They 
had  a  peculiar  kind  of  language  and  letters  ;  and  in  the  king's  library  were  preserved 
Latin  books,  which  they  did  not  understand.  They  had  all  kinds  of  metals  (but 
especially  gold,  with  which  they  mightily  abounded).  They  held  traffic  with  the  peo 
ple  of  Engroenland,  from  whence  they  brought  furs,  pitch,  and  brimstone.  They  had 
many  great  forests,  which  supplied  them  with  timber  for  the  building  of  ships, 
houses,  and  fortifications.  The  use  of  the  loadstone  was  not  known,  but  these  fish 
ermen,  having  the  mariner's  compass,  were  held  in  so  high  estimation,  that  the  king 
sent  them  with  twelve  barks  to  a  country  at  the  southward  called  Drogio,  where  the 
most  of  them  were  killed  and  devoured  by  cannibals;  but  one  of  them  saved  himself 
by  showing  the  savages  a  way  of  taking  fish  by  nets,  in  much  greater  plenty  than  by 
any  other  mode  before  known  among  them.  This  fisherman  was  in  so  great  demand 
with  the  princes  of  the  country,  that  they  frequently  made  war  on  each  other  for  the 
sake  of  gaining  him.  In  this  manner  he  passed  from  one  to  another,  till  in  the  space 
of  thirteen  years  he  had  lived  with  twenty-five  different  princes,  to  whom  he  com 
municated  his  "  miraculous"  art  of  fishing  with  nets. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  13 

He  thus  became  acquainted  with  every  part  of  the  country,  which  he  described 
to  be  so  extensive  as  to  merit  the  name  of  a  new  world.  The  people  were  rude  and 
ignorant  of  the  use  of  clothing,  though  their  climate  was  cold,  and  afforded  beasts 
for  the  chase.  In  their  hunting  and  wars  they  used  the  bow  and  the  lance  ;  but  they 
knew  not  the  use  of  metal. 

Farther  to  the  south-west  the  air  was  said  to  be  more  temperate  and  the  people 
more  civil.  They  dwelt  in  cities,  built  temples,  and  worshiped  idols  ;  to  whom  they 
offered  human  victims  ;  and  they  had  plenty  of  gold  and  silver. 

The  fisherman  having  become  fully  acquainted  with  the  country,  meditated  a 
return.  Having  fled  through  the  woods  to  Drogio,  after  three  years  some  boats  ar 
rived  from  Estotiland,  in  one  of  which  he  embarked  for  that  country ;  and  having 
acquired  considerable  property,  he  fitted  out  a  bark  of  his  own  and  returned  to  Frisland. 

Such  was  the  report  of  the  fisherman  ;  upon  hearing  of  which,  Zichmni  resolved 
to  equip  his  fleet  and  go  in  search  of  the  new  country ;  Antonio  Zeno  being  the 
second  in  command.  But  "  the  preparation  for  the  voyage  to  Estotiland  was  begun 
in  an  evil  hour ;  the  fisherman,  who  was  to  have  been  the  pilot,  died  three  days 
before  their  departure." 

However,  taking  certain  mariners  who  had  sailed  with  the  fisherman,  Zichmni 
began  the  intended  voyage.  When  he  had  sailed  a  small  distance  to  the  westward, 
he  was  overtaken  by  a  storm  which  lasted  eight  days,  at  the  end  of  which  they  dis 
covered  land  which  the  natives  called  Icaria.  They  were  numerous  and  formidable 
and  would  not  permit  him  to  come  on  shore.  From  this  place  they  sailed  six  days 
to  the  westward  with  a  fair  wind  ;  but  a  heavy  gale  from  the  southward  drove  them 
four  days  before  it,  when  they  discovered  land,  in  which  was  a  volcano.  The  air  was 
mild  and  temperate,  it  being  the  height  of  summer.  They  took  a  great  quantity  of 
fish,  of  sea  fowl  and  their  eggs.  A  part  who  penetrated  the  country  as  far  as  the 
foot  of  the  volcano  found  a  spring  from  which  issued  a  "  certain  water,  like  pitch, 
which  ran  into  the  sea."  They  discovered  some  of  the  inhabitants,  who  were  of 
•small  stature  and  wild  ;  and  who,  at  the  approach  of  the  strangers,  hid  themselves 
in  their  caves.  Having  found  a  good  harbor,  Zichmni  intended  to  make  a  settlement ; 
but  his  people  opposing  it,  he  dismissed  part  of  the  fleet  under  Zeno,  who  returned 
to  Frisland. 

The  particulars  of  this  narrative  were  first  written  by  Antonio  Zeno  in  his  letters 
to  his  brother  Carlo,  at  Venice ;  from  some  fragments  of  which  a  compilation  was 
made  by  Francisco  Marcolini,  and  preserved  by  Ramusio.  It  was  translated  by 
Richard  Hakluyt,  and  printed  in  the  third  volume  of  the  second  edition  of  his  col 
lection,  page  121,  etc.  From  it  Ortelius  has  made  an  extract  in  his  Tlicatrum  Or  bis. 

Dr.  Forster  has  taken  much  pains  to  examine  the  whole  account,  both  geograph 
ically  and  historically.  The  result  of  his  inquiry  is,  that  Frisland  is  one  of  the  Ork 
neys  ;  that  Porland  is  the  cluster  of  islands  called  Faro,  and  that  Estland  is  Shetland. 

At  first,  indeed,  he  was  of  opinion  that  "the  countries  described  by  the  Zenos 
actually  existed  at  that  time,  but  had  since  been  swallowed  up  by  the  sea  in  a  great 
earthquake."  This  opinion  he  founded  on  the  probability  that  all  the  high  islands  in 
the  middle  of  the  sea  are  of  volcanic  origin  ;  as  is  evident  with  respect  to  Iceland  and 
the  Faro  Islands  in  the  North  Sea ;  the  Azores,  Teneriffe,  Madeira,  the  Cape  de 
Verds,  St.  Helena,  and  Ascension  in  the  Atlantic;  the  Society  Islands,  Otaheite, 
Easter,  the  Marquesas,  and  other  islands  in  the  Pacific.  This  opinion  he  was  induced 


14  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

to  relinquish,  partly  because  "so  great  a  revolution  must  have  left  behind  it  some 
historical  vestiges  or  traditions;"  but  principally  because  his  knowledge  of  the 
Runic  language  suggested  to  him  a  resemblance  between  the  names  mentioned  by 
Zeno  and  those  which  are  given  to  some  of  the  islands  of  Orkney,  Shetland,  and  the 
Hebrides. 

However  presumptuous  it  may  appear  to  call  in  question  the  opinion  of  so  learned 
and  diligent  an  inquirer,  on  a  subject  which  his  philological  and  geographical  knowl 
edge  must  enable  him  to  examine  with  the  greatest  precision;  yet  from  the  search 
which  I  have  had  opportunity  to  make,  it  appears  probable  to  me  that  his  first 
opinion  was  right,  as  far  as  it  respects  Frisland,  and  perhaps  Porland.  My  reasons 
are  these : 

1.  Dr.  Foster  says  that  Frisland  was  much  larger  than  Iceland;  and  Hakluyt,  in 
his  account  of  Zeno's  voyage,  speaks  of  it  as  "bigger  than  Ireland."     Neither  of 
these  accounts  can  agree  with  the  supposition  of  its  being  one  of  the  Orkneys ;  for 
Iceland  is  346  miles  long,  and  200  wide.     Ireland  is  310  in  length,  and  184  in  breadth. 
But  Pomona,  the  mainland  of  the  Orkneys,  is  but  22  miles  long,  and  20  wide. 

2.  Frisland  was  seen  by  Martin   Frobisher  in  each  of  his  three  voyages  to  and 
from  Greenland  in  the  years  1576,  1577,  and  1578.     In  his  first  voyage  he  took  his 
departure  from  Foula,  the  weaternmost  of  the  Shetland  Islands,  in  latitude  60°  30',  and 
after  sailing  VV.  by  N.  fourteen  days,  he  made  the  land  of  Frisland,  "  bearing  VV.N.VV. 
distance  16  leagues,  in  latitude  6i°."     In  his  second  voyage  he  sailed  from  the  Ork 
neys  W.N.W.  twenty  six  days  before  he  came  "  within  making  of  Frisland,"  which 
he  thus  describes : 

"July  4th.  We  made  land  perfect,  and  knew  it  to  be  Frisland.  Found  ourselves 
in  latitude  6o}4°,  and  were  fallen  in  with  the  southernmost  part  of  this  land.  It  is 
thought  to  be  in  bigness  not  inferior  to  England,  and  is  called  of  some  authors  West 
Frisland.  I  think  it  lieth  more  west  than  any  part  of  Europe.  It  extendeth  to  the 
north  very  far,  as  seemed  to  us,  and  appeareth  by  a  description  set  out  by  two  breth 
ren,  Nicolo  and  Antonio  Zeni ;  who  being  driven  out  from  Ireland  about  200  years 
since,  were  shipwrecked  there.  They  have  in  their  sea  charts  described  every  part ;  and 
for  so  much  of  the  land  as  we  have  sailed  along,  comparing  their  charts  with  the  coast, 
we  find  it  very  agreeable.  All  along  this  coast  the  ice  lieth  as  a  continual  bulwark, 
and  so  defendeth  the  country  that  those  who  would  land  there  incur  great  danger." 
In  his  third  voyage  he  found  means  to  land  on  the  island.  The  inhabitants  fled  and 
hid  themselves.  Their  tents  were  made  of  skins,  and  their  boats  were  like  those  of 
Greenland.  From  these  well-authenticated  accounts  of  Frisland,  and  its  situation  so 
far  westward  of  the  Orkneys  and  Shetland,  it  seems  impossible  that  Dr.  Forster's 
second  opinion  can  be  right. 

3.  One  of  the  reasons  which  led  the  doctor  to  give  up  his  first  opinion,  that  these 
lands  once  existed,  but  had  disappeared,  was,  that  so  great  a  revolution  must  have 
left  some  vestige  behind.    If  no  person  escaped  to  tell  the  news,  what  better  vestige 
can  there  be,  than  the  existence  of  shoals  or  rocks  in  the  places  where  these  islands 
once  were  known  to  be  ?     In  a  map  prefixed  to  Crantz's  history  of  Greenland,  there 
is  marked  a  very  extensive  shoal  between  the  latitudes  of  59°  and  60°,  called  "The 
sunken  land  of  Buss."     Its  longitude  is  between  Iceland  and  Greenland,  and  the  au- 

_thor  speaks  of  it  in  these  words:  "Some  are  of  opinion  that  Frisland  was  sunk 
by  an  earthquake,  and  that  it  was  situate  in  those  parts  where  the  sunken  land  of  Buss 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  15 

is  marked  in  the  maps ;  which  the  seamen  cautiously  avoid,  because  of  the  shallow 
ground  and  turbulent  waves." 

Respecting  Buss  Island,  I  have  met  with  no  other  account  than  what  is  preserved 
by  Purchas  in  his  abridgment  of  the  journal  of  James  Hall's  voyages  from  Denmark 
to  Greenland.  In  his  first  voyage,  A.D.  1635,  he  remarks  thus:  "  Being  in  the  lati 
tude  of  59/4°  we  looked  to  have  seen  Buss  Island;  but  I  do  verily  suppose  the 
same  to  be  placed  in  a  wrong  latitude  in  the  marine  charts."  In  his  second  voy 
age  (1606)  he  saw  land,  which  he  "supposed  to  be  Buss  Island,  lying  more  to  the 
westward  than  it  is  placed  in  the  marine  charts ;  "  and  the  next  day,  viz.,  July  2d,  he 
writes,  "  We  were  in  a  great  current  setting  S.S.W.,  which  I  suppose  to  set  between 
Buss  Island  and  Frisland  over  toward  America." 

In  a  fourth  voyage,  made  in  1612,  by  the  same  James  Hall,  from  England,  for 
the  discovery  of  a  north-west  passage,  of  which  there  is  a  journal  written  by  John 
Gatanbe,  and  preserved  in  Churchill's  Collections,  they  kept  a  good  look-out,  both  in 
going  and  returning,  for  the  island  of  Frisland,  but  could  not  see  it.  In  a  map  pre 
fixed  to  this  voyage,  Frisland  is  laid  down  between  the  latitude  of  61°  and  62°,  and 
Buss  in  the  latitude  of  57°.  In  Gatanbe's  journal  the  distance  between  Shetland 
and  Frisland  is  computed  to  be  260  leagues ;  the  southernmost  part  of  Frisland  and 
the  northernmost  part  of  Shetland  are  said  to  be  in  the  same  latitude.  There  is  also 
a  particular  map  of  Frisland  preserved  by  Purchas,  in  which  are  delineated  several 
towns  and  cities ;  the  two  islands  of  Iloso  and  Ledovo  are  laid  down  to  the  west 
ward  of  it,  and  another  called  Stromio  to  the  eastward. 

In  a  map  of  the  North  Seas,  prefixed  to  an  anonymous  account  of  Greenland,  in 
Churchill's  Collections,  we  find  Frisland  laid  down  in  the  latitude  62°  between  Iceland 
and  Greenland. 

We  have,  then,  no  reason  to  doubt  the  existence  of  these  islands  as  late  as  the 
beginning  of  the  last  century.  At  what  time  they  disappeared  is  uncertain  ;  but  that 
their  place  has  since  been  occupied  by  a  shoal,  we  have  also  credible  testimony. 

The  appearance  and  disappearance  of  islands  in  the  Northern  Sea  is  no  uncom 
mon  thing.  Besides  former  events  of  this  kind,  there  is  one  very  recent.  In  the 
year  1783,  by  means  of  a  volcanic  eruption,  two  islands  were  produced  in  the  sea  near 
the  S.E.  coast  of  Iceland.  One  was  supposed  to  be  so  permanent  that  the  king  of 
Denmark  sent  and  took  formal  possession  of  it  as  part  of  his  dominions ;  but  the 
ocean,  paying  no  regard  to  the  territorial  claim  of  a  mortal  sovereign,  has  since  reab- 
sorbed  it  in  his  watery  bosom. 

These  reasons  incline  me  to  believe  that  Dr.  Forster's  first  opinion  was  well 
founded,  as  far  as  it  respects  Frisland. 

He  supposes  Porland  to  be  the  cluster  of  islands  called  Faro.  But  Porland  is  said 
to  lie  south  of  Frisland  ;  whereas  the  Faro  Islands  lie  north-west  of  Orkney,  which 
he  supposes  to  be  Frisland.  The  learned  doctor,  who  is  generally  very  accurate,  was 
not  aware  of  this  inconsistency. 

In  the  account  which  Hakluyt  has  given  of  Martin  Frobisher's  third  voyage,  we 
find  that  one  of  his  ships,  the  Buss  of  Bridgewater,  in  her  return  fell  in  with  land  fifty 
leagues  S.E.  of  Frisland,  "which  (it  is  said)  was  never  found  before," — the  southern 
most  part  of  which  lay  in  latitude  57^°.  Along  the  coast  of  this  island,  which  they 
judged  to  extend  twenty-five  leagues,  they  sailed  for  three  days.  The  existence  of  this 
land  Dr.  Forster  seems  to  doubt ;  but  yet  allows  that  "  if  it  was  then  really  discov- 


16  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

ered,  it  must  have  sunk  afterwards  into  the  sea,  as  it  has  never  been  seen  again;  or 
else  these  navigators  must  have  been -mistaken  in  their  reckoning." 

If  such  an  island  or  cluster  of  islands  did  not  exist  in  the  situation  described  by 
Frobisher,  it  might  be  the  Porland  of  Zeno ;  for  the  southernmost  part  of  Frisland 
lay  in  the  latitude  of  6oy£°  ;  the  southernmost  part  of  this  land  in  57^°  in  a  direc 
tion  S.E.  from  it.  It  was  probably  called  Buss  by  the  English  from  the  name  of 
Frobisher's  vessel  which  discovered  it. 

The  only  proof  which  can  now  be  produced  of  this  fact  must  be  the  actual 
existence  of  rocks  and  shoals  in  or  near  the  same  place.  Of  this,  it  is  happily  in  my 
power  to  produce  the  evidence  of  two  experienced  shipmasters,  of  incontestable 
veracity,  now  living.  The  first  is  Isaac  Smith,  of  Maiden,  near  Boston,  from  whose 
log-book  I  have  made  the  following  extract :  "  In  a  voyage  from  Petersburg  to 
Boston,  in  the  ship  Thomas  and  Sarah,  belonging  to  Thomas  Russell,  Esq.,  of 
Boston,  merchant,  Thursday,  August  n,  1785,  course  W.N.W.,  wind  W.S.W. 
At  4  A.M.  discovered  a  large  rock  ahead,  which  for  some  time  we  took  to  be  a  ship 
under  close-reefed  top-sail.  At  7,  being  within  two  miles,  saw  breakers  under  our 
lee,  on  which  account  wore  ship.  There  are  breakers  in  two  places,  bearing  S.E. ; 
one  a  mile,  the  other  two  miles,  from  the  rock.  It  lies  in  lat.  57°  38',  longitude  west 
from  London  13°  36',  and  may  be  discovered  five  leagues  off.  We  sounded,  and  had 
fifty-six  fathom.  The  rock  appears  to  be  about  one  hundred  yards  in  circumference, 
and  fifty  feet  above  water.  It  makes  like  a  hay-stack,  black  below  and  white  on  the 
top."  The  other  is  Nathaniel  Goodwin,  of  Boston,  who,  in  his  homeward  passage 
from  Amsterdam,  on  the  i$th  of  August,  1793,  saw  the  same  rock.  According  to 
his  observation  (which,  however,  on  that  day  was  a  little  dubious),  it  lies  in  lat.  57° 
48',  and  Ion.  13°  46'.  He  passed  within  two  miles  of  it  to  the  southward,  and  saw 
breakers  to  the  northward  of  it.  Its  appearance  he  describes  in  the  same  manner 
with  Smith. 

From  these  authorities  I  am  strongly  inclined  to  believe  that  the  shoal  denomi 
nated  "the  sunken  land  of  Buss"  is  either  a  part  of  the  ancient  Frisland  or  of  some 
island  in  its  neighborhood  ;  and  that  the  rock  and  ledges  seen  by  Smith  and  Goodwin 
belonged  to  the  cluster  once  called  Porland.  If  these  conclusions  be  admitted,  there 
can  be  no  suspicion  of  fiction  in  the  story  of  Zeno,  as  far  as  it  respects  Prince 
Zichmni  and  his  expeditions.  Shetland  may  then  well  enough  agree  with  Estland, 
which  is  described  by  Hakluyt  as  laying  "  between  Frisland  and  Norway." 

The  only  place  which  in  Zeno's  relation  is  called  by  the  same  name  by  which  it 
is  now  known,  is  Iceland;  though  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Engroenland,  or 
Engrovcland,  is  the  same  with  Greenland  ;  where,  according  to  Crantz,  there  was 
once  a  church  dedicated  to  St.  Thomas,  and  situate  near  a  volcano  and  a  hot  spring. 

But  the  question  is,  where  shall  we  find  Estotiland  ?  Dr.  Forster  is  positive  that 
it  can  not  be  any  other  country  than  Winland  (discovered  in  1001),  where  the  Nor 
mans  made  a  settlement.  The  Latin  books  seen  there  by  the  fisherman  he  supposes 
to  have  been  the  library  of  Eric,  Bishop  of  Greenland,  who  went  thither  in  the 
twelfth  century  to  convert  his  countrymen.  He  is  also  of  opinion  that  this  fisherman 
had  the  use  of  the  magnetic  needle,  which  began  to  be  known  in  Europe  about  the 
yar  1302,  before  the  time  of  the  Zenos.  He  also  thinks  that  the  country  called 
Drogio  is  the  same  with  Florida. 

In  some  of  the  old  maps,  particularly  in  Sanson's  French  Atlas,  the  name  Estoti- 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  17 

land  is  marked  on  the  country  of  Labrador;  but  the  pompous  description  of  it  by 
the  fisherman,  whether  it  be  Labrador  or  Newfoundland,  exceeds  all  the  bounds  of 
credibility,  and  abuses  even  the  license  of  a  traveler.  The  utmost  extent  of  Zichmni's 
expedition,  in  consequence  of  the  fisherman's  report,  could  not  be  any  further  wcst- 
•  ward  than  Greenland,  to  which  his  description  well  agrees.  The  original  inhabitants 
were  short  of  stature,  half  wild,  and  lived  in  caverns;  and  between  the  years  1380 
and  1384  they  had  extirpated  the  Normans  and  the  monks  of  St.  Thomas. 

The  discovery  of  Estotiland  must,  therefore,  rest  on  the  report  of  the  fisherman ; 
but  the  description  of  it,  of  Drogio,  and  the  country  south-west  of  Drogio,  must  be 
ranked  in  the  fabulous  history  of  America,  and  would  probably  have  been  long  since 
forgotten  if  Christopher  Columbus  had  not  made  his  grand  discovery  ;  from  the  merit 
of  which  his  rivals  and  the  enemies  of  the  Spanish  nation  have  uniformly  endeavored 
to  detract. 


CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS— HIS  REASONS  FOR  SEEKING  INDIA  IN  THE  WEST— HIS  FIRST  VOVAGE 
—  HIS  SECOND  VOYAGE — HIS  THIRD  VOYAGE — HIS  FOURTH  VOYAGE — DIFFICULTIES.  PRIVA 
TIONS,  AND  THE  HARDSHIPS  HE  UNDERWENT — HE  IS  WRECKED  ON  JAMAICA — HIS  DF.ATH 
AND  CHARACTER. 

THE  adventures  which  have  already  been  spoken  of  were  more  the  result  of 
accident  than  design  ;  we  arc  now  entering  on  one  founded  in  science  and  conducted 
by  judgment;  an  adventure  which,  whether  we  regard  its  conception,  its  execution, 
or  its  consequences,  will  always  reflect  the  highest  honor  on  him  who  projected  it. 

About  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  when  the  Portuguese,  under  the  conduct 
of  Prince  Henry,  and  afterward  of  King  John  II.,  were  pursuing  their  discoveries 
along  the  western  shore  of  Africa,  to  find  a  passage  by  the  south  to  India,  a  genius 
arose  whose  memory  has  been  preserved  with  veneration  in  the  pages  of  history,  as 
the  instrument  of  enlarging  the  regions  of  science  and  commerce  beyond  any  of  his 
predecessors.  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS,  a  native  of  the  Republic  of  Genoa,  was  born 
in  the  year  1447,  and  at  the  age  of  fourteen  entered  on  a  seafaring  life,  as  the  proper 
sphere  in  which  his  vigorous  mind  was  destined  to  perform  exploits  which  should 
astonish  mankind.  He  was  educated  in  the  sciences  of  geometry  and  astronomy, 
which  form  the  basis  of  navigation  ;  and  he  was  well  versed  in  cosmography,  history, 
and  philosophy.  His  active  and  enterprising  genius,  though  it  enabled  him  to  com 
prehend  the  old  systems,  yet  would  not  suffer  him  to  rest  in  their  decisions,  however 
sanctified  by  time  or  by  venerable  names;  but  determined  to  examine  them  by  actual 
experiment,  he  first  visited  the  seas  within  the  polar  circle,  and  afterward  those  parts 
of  Africa  which  the  Portuguese  had  discovered,  as  far  as  the  coast  of  Guinea ;  and 
by  the  time  he  had  attained  the  age  of  thirty-seven,  he  had  from  his  own  experience 
received  the  fullest  conviction  that  the  opinion  of  the  ancients  respecting  the  torrid 
and  frigid  zones  was  void  of  any  just -foundation. 

When  an  old  system  is  found  erroneous  in  one  point,  it  is  natural  to  suspect  it  of 
3 


18  THE   AMERICAN  .CONTINENT. 

farther  imperfections ;  and  when  one  difficulty  is  overcome,  others  appear  less  for 
midable.  Such  was  the  case  with  Columbus;  and  his  views  were  accelerated  by  an 
incident  which  threatened  to  put  an  end  to  his  life.  During  one  of  his  voyages,  the 
ship  in  which  he  sailed  took  fire,  in  an  engagement  with  a  Venetian  galley,  and  the 
crew  were  obliged  to  leap  into  the  sea  to  avoid  perishing  in  the  flames.  In  this  ex 
tremity  Columbus,  by  the  help  of  a  floating  oar,  swam  upwards  of  two  leagues  to 
the  coast  of  Portugal  near  Lisbon,  and  met  with  a  welcome  reception  from  many  of 
his  countrymen  who  were  settled  there. 

At  Lisbon  he  married  the  daughter  of  Perestrello,  an  old  seaman,  who  had  been 
concerned  in  the  discovery  of  Porto  Santo  and  Madeira ;  from  whose  journals  and 
charts  he  received  the  highest  entertainment.  Pursuing  his  inquiries  in  geog 
raphy,  and  observing  what  slow  progress  the  Portuguese  made  in  their  attempts  to 
find  a  way  round  Africa  to  India,  "he  began  to  reflect  that  as  the  Portuguese  trav 
eled  so  far  southward,  it  were  no  less  proper  to  sail  westward,"  and  that  it  was 
reasonable  to  expect  to  find  the  desired  land  in  that  direction. 

It  must  here  be  remembered  that  India  was  in  part  known  to  the  ancients,  and 
that  its  rich  and  useful  productions  had  for  many  centuries  been  conveyed  into  Eu 
rope,  either  by  caravans  through  the  deserts  of  Syria  and  Arabia,  or  by  the  way  of  the 
Red  Sea  through  Egypt  into  the  Mediterranean.  This  lucrative  commerce  had 
been  successively  engrossed  by  the  Phenicians,  the  Hebrews,  the  Egyptians,  the 
Assyrians,  the  Palmyrenes,  the  Arabians,  the  Genoese,  and  the  Venetians.  The  Por 
tuguese  were  then  seeking  it  by  attempting  the  circumnavigation  of  Africa  ;  and 
their  expectation  of  finding  it  in  that  direction  was  grounded  on  ancient  historical 
traditions  that  a  voyage  had  been  formerly  made  by  the  orders  of  Necho,  King  of 
Egypt,  from  the  Red  Sea,  round  the  southern  part  of  Africa,  to  the  Straits  of  Her 
cules  ;  and  that  the  same  route  had  been  traversed  by  Hanno  the  Carthaginian,  by 
Eudoxus  the  Egyptian,  and  others.  The  Portuguese  had  consumed  about  half  a 
century  in  making  various  attempts,  and  had  advanced  no  farther  on  the  western 
coast  of  Africa  than  just  to  cross  the  equator,  when  Columbus  conceived  his  great 
design  of  finding  India  in  the  west. 

The  causes  which  led  him  to  entertain  this  idea  are  distinguished  by  his  son,  the 
writer  of  his  life,  into  these  three :  "  natural  reason,  the  authority  of  writers,  and  .the 
testimony  of  sailors." 

By  the  help  of  "  reason,"  he  argued  in  this  manner:  That  the  earth  and  sea 
composed  one  globe  or  sphere.  This  was  known  by  observing  the  shadow  of  the 
earth  in  lunar  eclipses.  Hence  he  concluded  that  it  might  be  traveled  over  from 
east  to  west,  or  from  west  to  east.  It  had  been  explored  to  the  cast  by  some  Euro 
pean  travelers  as  far  as  Cipango,  or  Japan;  and  as  far  westward  as  the  Azores  or 
Western  Islands.  The  remaining  space,  though  now  known  to  be  more  than  half,  he 
supposed  to  be  but  one-third  part  of  the  circumference  of  the  globe.  If  this  space 
were  an  open  sea,  he  imagined  it  might  be  easily  sailed  over  ;  and  if  there  were  any 
land  extending  eastwardly  beyond  the  known  limits  of  Asia,  he  supposed  that  it  must 
be  nearer  to  Spain  by  the  west  than  by  the  east.  For,  it  was  then  a  received  opin 
ion  that  the  continent  and  islands  of  India  extended  over  one-third  part  of  the  cir 
cumference  of  the  globe  ;  that  another  third  part  was  comprehended  between  India 
and  the  western  shore  of  Spain  ;  therefore  it  was  concluded,  that  the  eastern  part  of 
India  must  be  as  near  to  Spain  as  the  western  part.  This  opinion,  though  now 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  19 

known  to  be  erroneous,  yet  being  then  admitted. as  true,  made  it  appear  to  Colum 
bus  very  easy  and  practicable  to  discover  India  in  the  west.  He  hoped  also  that  be 
tween  Spain  and  India,  in  that  direction,  there  might  be  found  some  islands;  by  the 
help  of  which,  as  resting  places  in  his  voyage,  he  might  the  better  pursue  his  main 
design.  The  probability  of  the  existence  of  land  in  that  Ocean,  he  argued,  partly 
from  the  opinion  of  philosophers,  that  there  was  more  land  than  sea  on  the  surface 
of  the  globe ;  and  partly  from  the  necessity  of  a  counterpoise  in  the  west,  for  the 
immense  quantity  of  land  which  was  known  to  be  in  the  east. 

Another  source  from  which  he  drew  his  conclusion,  was,  "  the  authority  of  learned 
men,"  who  had  affirmed  the  possibility  of  sailing  from  the  western  coast  of  Spain,  to 
the  eastern  bounds  of  India.  Some  of  the  ancient  Geographers  had  admitted  this 
for  truth,  and  one  of  them,  Pliny,  had  affirmed  that  forty  days  were  sufficient  to  per 
form  this  navigation.  These  authorities  fell  in  with  the  theory  which  Columbus  had 
formed;  and  having,  as  early  as  1474,  communicated  his  ideas  in  writing  to  Paul,  a 
learned  physician  of  Florence,  he  received  from  him  letters  of  that  date,  confirming 
his  opinion  and  encouraging  his  design ;  accompanied  with  a  chart,  in  which  Paul 
had  laid  down  the  city  of  Quisay  (supposed  to  be  the  capital  of  China),  but  little 
more  than  two  thousand  leagues  westward  from  Lisbon,  which  in  fact  is  but  half  the 
distance.  Thus,  by  arguing  from  true  principles,  and  by  indulging  conjectures  partly 
well  founded  and  partly  erroneous,  Columbus  was  led  to  the  execution  of  a  plan, 
bold  in  its  conception,  and,  to  his  view,  easily  practicable  ;  for  great  minds  overlook 
intermediate  obstacles,  which  men  of  smaller  views  magnify  into  insuperable  difficulties. 
The  third  ground  on  which  he  formed  his  ideas  was  "  the  testimony  of  mariners;  " 
a  class  of  men  who  at  that  time,  and  in  that  imperfect  state  of  science,  were  too  prone 
to  mix  fable  with  fact ;  and  were  often  misled  by  appearances  which  they  could  not 
solve.  In  the  sea,  between  Madeira  and  the  Western  Islands,  pieces  of  carved  wood 
and  large  joints  of  cane  had  been  discovered,  which  were  supposed  to  be  brought  by 
westerly  winds.  Branches  of  pine  trees,  a  covered  canoe,  and  two  human  bodies  of  a 
complexion  different  from  the  Europeans  and  Africans  had  been  found  on  the  shores 
of  these  islands.  Some  navigators  had  affirmed,  that  they  had  seen  islands  not  more 
than  a  hundred  leagues  westward  from  the  Azores.  There  was  a  tradition,  that  when 
Spain  was  conquered  by  the  Moors  in  the  eighth  century,  seven  Bishops,  who  were 
exiled  from  their  country,  had  built  seven  cities  and  churches,  on  an  island  called 
Antilla  ;  which  was  supposed  to  be  not  more  than  two  hundred  leagues  west  of  the 
Canaries ;  and  it  was  said  that  a  Portuguese  ship  had  once  discovered  this  island,  but 
could  never  find  it  again.  These  stories,  partly  true  and  partly  fabulous,  had  their 
effect  on  the  mind  of  Columbus.  He  believed  that  islands  were  to  be  found  west 
ward  of  the  Azores  and  Canaries ;  though,  according  to  his  theory,  they  were  at  a 
greater  distance  than  any  of  his  contemporaries  had  imagined.  His  candor  led  him 
to  adopt  an  opinion  from  Pliny  respecting  floating  islands,  by  the  help  of  which  he 
accounted  for  the  appearances  related  to  him,  by  his  marine  brethren.  It  is  not  im 
probable  that  the  large  islands  of  floating  ice,  driven  from  the  Polar  Seas  to  the 
southward  ;  or  the  Fog  Banks,  which  form  many  singular  appearances  resembling 
land  and  trees,  might  have  been  the  true  foundation  of  this  opinion  and  of  these 
reports. 

It  is  not  pretended  that  Columbus  was  the  only  person  of  his  age  who  had  acquired 
these  ideas  of  the  form,  dimensions,  and  balancing  of  the  globe;  but  he  was  one  of 


20  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

the  few  who  had  begun  to  think  for  themselves,  and  he  had  a  genius  of  that  kind 
which  makes  use  of  speculation  and  reasoning  only  as  excitements  to  action.  He 
was  not  a  closet  projector,  but  an  enterprising  adventurer;  and  having  established 
his  theory  on  principles,  he  was  determined  to  exert  himself  to  the  utmost  to  dem 
onstrate  its  truth  by  experiment.  But  deeming  the  enterprise  too  great  to  be  under 
taken  by  any  but  a  sovereign  State,  he  first  applied  (as  it  is  said)  to  the  Republic  of 
Genoa,  by  whom  his  project  was  treated  as  visionary.  He  then  proposed  his  plan  to 
John  II.,  King  of  Portugal,  who,  though  a  Prince  of  good  understanding  and  of  an 
enterprising  disposition,  yet  was  so  deeply  engaged  in  prosecuting  discoveries  on  the 
African  coast,  with  a  view  to  find  a  way  to  India  round  that  continent ;  and  had  been 
at  so  vast  an  expense  without  any  considerable  success,  that  he  had  no  inclination  to 
acccp':  the  terms  which  Columbus  proposed.  Influenced,  however,  by  the  advice  of 
Calzadilla,  a  favorite  courtier,  he  privately  gave  orders  to  a  ship,  bound  to  the 
islands  of  Cape  dc  Vcrd,  to  attempt  a  discovery  in  the  west ;  but  through  ignorance 
and  want  of  enterprise,  the  navigators,  after  wandering  for  some  time  in  the  ocean 
and  making  no  discovery,  reached  their  destined  port  and  turned  the  project  of 
Columbus  into  ridicule. 

Disgusted  with  this  base  artifice,  he  quitted  Portugal  and  went  to  Ferdinand, 
King  of  Spain,  having  previously  sent  his  brother  to  England  to  solicit  the  patron 
age  of  Henry  VII.  But,  being  taken  by  pirates  and  detained  several  years  in  cap 
tivity,  Bartholomew  had  it  not  in  his  power  to  reveal  his  project  to  Henry,  till  Chris 
topher  Columbus  had  succeeded  in  Spain.  Before  this  could  be  accomplished,  he 
had  various  obstacles  to  surmount ;  and  it  was  not  till  after  seven  years  of  painful 
solicitation  that  he  obtained  his  request. 

The  objections  made  to  the  proposal  of  Columbus  by  the  most  learned  men  in 
Spain,  to  whom  the  consideration  of  it  was  referred,  will  give  us  some  idea  of  the 
state  of  geographical  science  at  that  time.  One  objection  was  :  How  should  he  know 
more  than  all  the  wise  and  skillful  sailors  who  had  existed  since  the  creation?  An 
other  was  the  authority  of  Seneca,  who  had  doubted  whether  it  were  possible  to 
navigate  the  ocean  at  any  great  distance  from  the  shore ;  but,  admitting  that  it  were 
navigable,  they  imagined  that  three  years  would  be  required  to  perform  the  voyage 
which  Columbus  proposed.  A  third  was,  that  if  a  ship  should  sail  westward  on  a 
round  globe,  she  would  necessarily  go  down  on  the  opposite  side,  and  then  it  would 
be  impossible  to  return,  because  it  would  be  like  climbing  up  a  hill,  which  no  ship 
could  do  with  the  strongest  wind.  A  fourth  objection  was  grounded  on  a  book  of 
St.  Augustine,  in  which  he  had  expressed  his  doubt  of  the  existence  of  antipodes 
and  the  possibility  of  going  from  one  hemisphere  to  the  other.  As  the  writing  of 
this  Holy  Father  was  received,  the  sanction  of  the  Church  to  contradict  him  was 
deemed  heresy. 

For  such  reasons,  and  by  such  rcasoncrs,  the  proposal  of  Columbus  was  at  first 
rejected ;  but  by  the  influence  of  John  Perez,  a  Spanish  priest,  and  Lewis  Santangel, 
an  officer  of  the  King's  household,  Queen  Isabella  was  persuaded  to  listen  to  his 
solicitation,  and,  after  he  had  been  twice  repulsed,  to  recall  him  to  Court ;  when  she 
offered  to  pawn  her  jewels  to  defray  the  expense  of  the  equipment,  amounting  to  no 
more  than  2, 500  crowns;  which  sum  was  advanced  by  Santangel,  and  the  Queen's 
jewelry  was  saved.  Thus,  to  the  generous  decision  of  a  female  mind,  we  owe  the 
discovery  of  America. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  21 

The  conditions  stipulated  between  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  on  the  one  part,  and 
Columbus  on  the  other  part,  were  these:  "That  he,  his  heirs  and  successors,  should 
hold  the  office  of  Admiral  in  all  those  islands  and  continents  which  he  should 
discover ;  that  he  should  be  Viceroy  and  Governor  of  the  same,  with  power  of 
nominating  three  associates,  of  whom  their  majesties  should  appoint  one.  That  he 
should  h:.ve  one-tenth  part  of  the  net  proceeds  of  all  the  gold  and  silver,  precious 
stones,  spice,  and  other  merchandise  which  should  be  found ;  that  he,  or  a  deputy  of 
his  own  appointing,  should  decide  all  controversies  respecting  the  trade;  that  he 
should  be  at  one-eighth  part  of  the  expense  of  equipping  the  first  fleet,  and  should 
receive  one-eighth  part  of  the  profits." 

The  necessary  preparations  being  made,  and  a  year's  provision  laid  in,  on  the  3d 
of  August,  1492,  Columbus  sailed  from  Palos,  a  port  of  Spain,  on  the  Mediterranean, 
with  three  vessels,  one  of  which  was  called  a  carrack,  and  the  other  two  caravels,* 
having  on  board  the  whole  ninety  men.  Having  passed  through  the  Straits  of 
Gibraltar,  he  arrived  at  the  Canaries  on  the  I2t.h  of  the  same  month,  where  he  was 
detained  in  refitting  one  of  the  caravels,  and  taking  in  wood  and  water,  till  the  6th 
of  September,  when  he  sailed  westward  on  his  voyage  of  discovery. 

This  voyage,  which  is  now  considered  as  an  easy  and  pleasant  run,  between  the 
latitudes  of  20  and  30  degrees,  with  a  trade  wind,  was  then  the  boldest  attempt 
which  had  ever  been  made,  and  filled  the  minds  of  the  best  seamen  with  apprehen 
sion.  They  were  going  directly  from  home,  and  from  all  hope  of  relief  if  any  accident 
should  befall  them.  No  friendly  port  nor  human  being  was  known  to  be  in  that 
direction.  Every  bird  which  flew  in  the  air,  every  fish  which  appeared  in  the  sea, 
and  every  weed  which  floated  on  its  surface,  was  regarded  with  the  most  minute 
attention,  as  if  the  fate  of  the  voyage  depended  on  it.  A  phenomenon  which  had 
never  before  been  observed  struck  them  with  terror.  The  magnetic  needle  appeared 
to  vary  from  the  pole.  They  began  to  apprehend  that  their  compass  would  prove 
an  unfaithful  guide ;  and  the  trade  wind,  which  wafted  them  along  with  its  friendly 
wings,  they  feared  would  obstruct  their  return. 

To  be  twenty  days  at  sea  without  sight  of  land  was  what  the  boldest  mariner  had 
never  before  attempted.  At  the  expiration  of  that  time  the  impatient  sailors  began 
to  talk  of  throwing  their  commander  into  the  ocean,  and  returning  home.  Their 
murmurs  reached  his  ears ;  but  his  active  mind  was  never  at  a  loss  for  expedients, 
even  in  the  greatest  extremity.  By  soothing,  flattery,  and  artifice,  by  inventing 
reasons  for  every  uncommon  appearance,  by  promising  reward  to  the  obedient,  and 
a  gratuity  to  him  who  should  first  discover  land,  in  addition  to  what  the  king  had 
ordered,  and  by  deceiving  them  on  the  ship's  reckoning,  he  kept  them  on  their 
course  for  sixteen  days  longer.  In  the  night  of  the  nth  of  October  he  himself  saw 
a  light,  which  seemed  to  be  on  shore,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  I2th  they  had  the 
joyful  sight  of  land,  which  proved  to  be  the  island  of  Guanahana,  one  of  the  cluster 
called  Bahamas,  in  the  25th  degree  of  north  latitude. 

Thus,  in  the  space  of  thirty-six  days,  and  in  the  forty-fifth  year  of  his  age, 
Columbus  completed  a  voyage  which  he  had  spent  twenty  years  in  projecting  and 
executing;  a  voyage  which  opened  to  the  Europeans  a  new  world;  which  gave 
a  new  turn  to  their  thoughts,  to  their  spirit  of  enterprise  and  of  commerce; 


A  carrack  was  a  vessel  with  a  deck  ;  a  caravel  had  none. 


22  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

which  enlarged  the  empire  of  Spain,  and  stamped  with  immortality  the  name  of 
Columbus. 

After  spending  several  months  in. sailing  from  one  island  to  another  in  that  vast 
archipelago,  which,  from  the  mistakes  of  the  age,  received  the  name  of  the  West 
Indies,  Columbus  returned  to  Spain  with  the  two  smaller  vessels  (the  larger  having 
been  wrecked  on  the  island  of  Hispaniola),  leaving  behind  him  a  colony  of  thirty- 
nine  men,  furnished  with  a  year's  provision,  and  lodged  in  a  fort  which  had  been 
built  of  the  timber  saved  from  the  wreck.  During  his  passage  he  met  with  a  violent 
tempest,  which  threatened  him  with  destruction.  In  this  extremity  he  gave  an 
admirable  proof  of  his  calmness  and  foresight.  He  wrote  on  parchment  an  account 
of  his  discoveries,  wrapped  it  in  a  piece  of  oil-cloth,  and  inclosed  it  in  a  cake  of  wax, 
which  he  put  into  a  tight  cask  and  threw  into  the  sea.  Another  parchment,  secured 
in  the  same  manner,  he  placed  on  the  stern,  that,  if  the  ship  should  sink,  the  cask 
might  float,  and  possibly  one  or  the  other  might  be  driven  on  shore,  or  taken  up  at 
sea  by  some  future  navigator.  But  this  precaution  proved  fruitless.  He  arrived  safe 
in  Spain,  in  March,  1493,  and  was  received  with  the  honors  due  to  his  merit. 

The  account  which  Columbus  gave  of  his  new  discoveries,  the  specimens  of  gold 
and  other  valuable  productions,  and  the  sight  of  the  natives  which  he  carried  from 
the  West  Indies  to  Spain,  were  so  pleasing  that  the  court  determined  on  another 
expedition.  But  first  it  was  necessary  to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the  Pope,  who  readily 
granted  it ;  and  by  an  imaginary  line  drawn  from  pole  to  pole,  at  the  distance  of  IOO 
leagues  westward  of  the  Azores,  he  divided  between  the  Crowns  of  Spain  and  Port 
ugal,  all  the  new  countries  already  discovered  or  to  be  discovered  ;  giving  the 
western  part  to  the  former,  and  the  eastern  to  the  latter.  No  provision,  however,  was 
made,  in  case  they  shoulr'  meet,  and  their  claims  should  interfere  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  globe.  The  bull  containing  this  famous,  but  imperfect  line  of  demarkation, 
was  signed  by  Alexander  VI.,  on  the  second  day  of  May,  1493  ;  and  on  the  28th  of 
the  same  month,  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain,  by  a  written  instrument,  explained 
and  confirmed  the  privileges  and  powers  which  they  had  before  granted  to  Columbus, 
making  the  office  of  Viceroy  and  Governor  of  the  Indies  hereditary  in  his  family.  On 
the  25th  of  September  following,  he  sailed  from  Cadiz  with  a  fleet  of  seventeen 
ships,  great  and  small,  well  furnished  with  all  necessaries  for  the  voyage ;  and  having 
on  board  1,500  people,  with  horses,  cattle,  and  implements  to  establish  plantations. 

On  Sunday,  the  3d  of  November,  he  discovered  an  island,  to  which,  in  honor  of 
the  day,  he  gave  the  name  of  Dominica.  Afterward  he  discovered  in  succession  other 
islands,  which  he  called  Marigalante,  Guadaloupe,  Montserrat,  Redonda,  Antigua,  St. 
Martin's,  St.  Ursula,  and  St.  John.  On  the  1 2th  of  November  he  came  to  Navidad.  on 
the  north  side  of  Hispaniola,  where  he  had  built  his  fort  and  left  his  colony  ;  but  he 
had  the  mortification  to  find  that  the  people  were  all  dead,  and  that  the  fort  had 
been  destroyed. 

The  account  given  by  the  natives  of  the  loss  of  the  colony,  was,  that  they  fell  into 
discord  among  themselves,  on  the  usual  subjects  of  controversy,  women  and  gold  ; 
that  having  provoked  a  chief,  whose  name  was  Canaubo,  he  came  against  them  with  a 
superior  force,  and  destroyed  them  ;  that  some  of  the  natives,  in  attempting  to  defend 
them,  had  been  killed,  and  others  were  then  ill  of  their  wounds,  which,  on  inspec 
tion,  appeared  to  have  been  made  with  Indian  weapons. 

Columbus  prudently  forbore  to  make  any  critical  inquiry  into  the  matter,  bul 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  23 

hastened  to  establish  another  colony  in  a  more  eligible  situation,  to  the  eastward, 
which  he  called  Isabella,  after  his  royal  patroness.  He  had  many  difficulties  to  con 
tend  with  besides  those  which  unavoidably  attend  undertakings  of  such  novelty  and 
magnitude.  Nature  indeed  was  bountiful ;  the  soil  and  climate  produced  vegetation 
with  a  rapidity  to  which  the  Spaniards  had  not  been  accustomed.  From  wheat 
sown  at  the  end  of  January,  full  ears  were  gathered  at  the  end  of  March.  The 
stones  of  fruit,  the  slips  of  vines,  and  the  joints  of  sugar-cane  sprouted  in  seven  days, 
and  many  other  seeds  in  half  the  time.  This  was  an  encouraging  prospect ;  but  the 
slow  operations  of  agriculture  did  not  meet  the  views  of  sanguine  adventurers.  The 
numerous  followers  of  Columbus,  some  of  whom  were  of  the  best  families  in  Spain, 
had  conceived  hopes  of  suddenly  enriching  themselves  by  the  precious  metals  of 
those  new  regions,  and  were  not  disposed  to  listen  to  his  recommendations  of 
patience  and  industry  in  cultivating  the  earth.  The  natives  were  displeased  with  the 
licentiousness  of  their  new  neighbors,  who  endeavored  t«  keep  them  in  awe  by  a  dis 
play  of  force.  The  explosion  of  firearms,  and  the  sight  of  men  mounted  on  horses, 
were  at  first  objects  of  terror;  but  use  had  rendered  them  less  formidable.  Colum 
bus,  overburdened  with  care  and  fatigue,  fell  sick,  and  at  his  recovery,  found  a  muti 
ny  among  his  men,  which,  by  a  due  mixture  of  resolution  and  lenity,  he  had  the 
address  to  quell.  He  then  endeavored  to  establish  discipline  among  his  own  people, 
and  to  employ  the  natives  in  cutting  roads  through  the  woods.  Whilst  he  was  pres 
ent,  and  able  to  attend  to  business,  things  went  on  so  prosperously  that  he  thought 
he  might  safely  proceed  on  his  discoveries. 

In  his  former  voyage  he  had  visited  Cuba ;  but  was  uncertain  whether  it  were  an 
island  or  a  part  of  some  continent.  He  therefore  passed  over  to  its  eastern  extrem 
ity  ;  and  coasted  its  southward  side,  till  he  found  himself  entangled  among  a  vast 
number  of  small  islands,  which  for  their  beauty  and  fertility  he  called  the  Garden  of 
the  Queen  ;  but  the  dangerous  rocks  and  shoals  which  surrounded  them,  obliged 
him  to  stretch  farther  to  the  southward  ;  by  which  means  he  discovered  the  island 
of  Jamaica,  where  he  found  water  and  other  refreshments  for  his  men,  who  were  al 
most  dead  with  famine.  The  hazards,  fatigue,  and  distress  of  this  voyage,  threw 
him  into  a  lethargic  disorder,  from  which  he  had  just  recovered,  when  he  returned 
to  his  colony  and  found  it  all  in  confusion,  from  the  same  causes  which  had  proved 
destructive  to  the  first. 

In  his  absence,  the  licentiousness  of  the  Spaniards  had  provoked  several  of  the 
chiefs:  four  of  whom  had  united  to  destroy  them,  and  had  actually  commenced  hos 
tilities,  in  which  twenty  Spaniards  were  killed.  Columbus  collected  his  people,  put 
them  into  the  best  order,  and  by  a  judicious  combination  of  force  and  stratagem 
gained  a  decisive  victory,  to  which  the  horses  and  dogs  did  not  a  little  contribute. 

At  his  return  to  Hispaniola,  he  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  his  brother  Bartholo 
mew,  whom  he  had  not  seen  for  several  years,  and  whom  he  supposed  to  have  been 
dead.  Bartholomew  was  a  man  of  equal  knowledge,  experience,  bravery,  and  pru 
dence  with  himself.  His  patience  had  endured  a  severe  trial  in  their  long  separation. 
He  had  many  obstacles  to  surmount  before  he  could  get  to  England  and  obtain  ac 
cess  to  the  King.  He  was  at  Paris  when  he  heard  of  the  success  of  his  brother's  first 
enterprise  ;  who  had  gone  on  the  second  before  Bartholomew  could  get  to  Spain. 
On  his  arrival  there,  and  being  introduced  to  the  court,  he  was  appointed  to  the 
command  of  three  ships,  which  were  destined  to  convey  supplies  to  the  colony ;  and 


24  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

he  arrived  whilst  Christopher  was  absent  on  his  voyage  to  Cuba  and  Jamaica.  Co 
lumbus  appointed  his  brother  to  command  at  Isabella,  whilst  he  went  into  the  inte 
rior  part  of  the  island  to  perfect  his  conquest,  and  reduce  the  natives  to  subjection 
and  tribute. 

The  Indians  were  so  unused  to  collect  gold  dust  in  such  quantities  as  their  con 
querors  demanded  it,  that  they  offered  to  plant  the  immense  plains  of  Hispaniola, 
and  pay  an  equivalent  in  corn.  Columbus  was  struck  with  the  magnanimity  of  the 
proposal,  and  in  consequence  moderated  the  tribute.  This  did  not  satisfy  the  ava 
rice  of  his  fellow  adventurers,  who  found  means  to  complain  of  him  to  the  King's 
ministers,  for  his  negligence  in  acquiring  the  only  commodity  which  they  thought 
deserved  the  name  of  riches.  The  Indians  then  desisted  from  planting  their  usual 
quantity  of  corn,  and  attempted  to  subsist  chiefly  on  animal  food.  This  experiment 
proved  injurious  to  themselves  as  well  as  their  conquerors;  and  it  was  computed 
that  within  four  years  from*  the  discovery  of  the  island,  one-third  part  of  its  inhab 
itants  perished. 

The  complaint  against  Columbus  so  wrought  on  the  jealous  mind  of  King  Ferdi 
nand,  that  John  Aguado,  who  was  sent  in  1495  with  supplies  to  the  colony,  had 
orders  to  act  as  a  spy  on  his  conduct.  This  man  behaved  with  so  little  discretion, 
as  to  seek  matter  of  accusation,  and  give  out  threats  against  the  Admiral.  At  the 
same  time,  the  ships  which  he  commanded  being  destroyed  by  a  hurricane,  he  had 
no  means  left  to  return ;  till  Columbus,  knowing  that  he  had  enemies  at  home  and 
nothing  to  support  himself  but  his  own  merit,  resolved  to  go  to  Spain  with  two  car 
avels,  himself  in  one  and  Aguado  in  the  other.  Having  appointed  proper  persons 
to  command  the  several  forts — his  brother  Bartholomew  to  superintend  the  whole, 
and  his  brother  James  to  be  next  in  authority — he  set  sail  on  the  loth  of  March, 
1496,  and  after  a  perilous  and  tedious  voyage  in  the  tropical  latitudes,  arrived  at 
Cadiz  on  the  nth  of  June. 

His  presence  at  court,  with  the  gold  and  other  valuable  articles  which  he  carried 
home,  removed,  in  some  measure,  the  prejudices  which  had  been  excited  against  him. 
But  his  enemies,  though  silent,  were  not  idle;  and  in  a  court  where  phlegm  and 
languor  proved  a  clog  to  the  spirit  of  enterprise,  they  found  it  not  difficult  to  ob 
struct  his  views;  which,  notwithstanding  all  discouragements,  were  still  pointed  to 
the  discovery  of  a  way  to  India  by  the  west. 

He  now  demanded  eight  ships  to  carry  supplies  to  his  colony  and  six  to  go  on 
discovery.  These  demands  were  complied  with,  and  he  began  his  third  voyage  on 
the  3Oth  of  May,  1498.  He  kept  a  course  so  far  to  the  southward,  that  not  only  his 
men,  but  his  provisions  and  water  suffered  greatly  from  excessive  heat.  The  first 
land  he  made  after  leaving  the  Isles  of  Cape  de  Verd  was  a  large  island  which  he 
named  Trinidad,  from  its  appearance  in  the  form  of  three  mountains.  He  then 
passed  through  a  narrow  strait  and  whirlpool  into  the  Gulf  of  Paria ;  where,  observ 
ing  the  tide  to  be  rapid  and  the  water  brackish,  he  conjectured  that  the  land  on  the 
western  and  southern  sides  of  the  gulf  was  part  of  a  continent,  and  that  the  fresh 
water  proceeded  from  some  great  rivers. 

The  people  on  the  coast  of  Paria  were  whiter  than  those  of  the  islands.  They 
had  about  their  necks  plates  of  gold  and  strings  of  pearl,  which  they  readily  ex 
changed  for  pieces  of  tin  and  brass  and  little  bells ;  and,  when  they  were  questioned 
whence  they  obtained  the  gold  and  pearls,  they  pointed  to  the  west. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  25 

The  Admiral's  provision  not  allowing  him  to  stay  long  in  this  place,  he  passed 
again  through  that  dangerous  strait,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  the  Dragon's 
Mouth ;  and,  having  satisfied  himself  that  the  land  on  his  left  was  a  continent,  he 
steered  to  the  N.W.,  discovering  Margarita  and  several  other  islands  in  his  course, 
and  on  the  3Oth  of  August  arrived  at  the  harbor  of  St.  Domingo  in  Hispaniola,  to 
which  place  his  brother  had  removed  the  colony  in  his  absence,  in  consequence  of  a 
plan  preconcerted  between  them. 

Wearied  with  incessant  care  and  watching  in  this  dangerous  voyage,  he  hoped  now 
to  enjoy  repose,  instead  of  which  he  found  his  colony  much  reduced  by  death ; 
many  of  the  survivors  sick  with  a  disease,  the  peculiar  consequence  of  their  de 
bauchery;  and  a  large  number  of  them  in  actual  rebellion.  They  had  formed  them 
selves  into  a  body ;  they  had  gained  over  many  of  the  Indians  under  pretense  of 
protecting  them ;  and  they  had  retired  to  a  distant  part  of  the  island,  which  proved 
a  resort  for  the  seditious  and  discontented.  Their  commander  was  Francis  Roldan, 
who  had  been  Chief-Justice  of  the  colony,  and  their  number  was  so  considerable  that 
Columbus  could  not  command  a  force  sufficient  to  subdue  them.  He  therefore  en 
tered  into  a  negotiation,  by  offering  a  pardon  to  those  who  would  submit,  and  liberty 
of  returning  to  Spain  to  those  who  desired  it.  These  offers,  however  impolitic, 
proved  successful.  Roldan  himself  accepted  them  and  persuaded  others  to  do  the 
same ;  then,  being  restored  to  his  office,  he  tried  and  condemned  the  refractory, 
some  of  whom  were  put  to  death. 

An  account  of  this  mutiny  was  sent  home  to  Spain  by  Columbus  and  another  by 
Roldan.  Each  had  their  advocates  at  court,  and  the  cause  was  heard  by  the  King 
and  Queen.  Roldan  and  his  men  were  accused  of  adultery,  perjury,  robbery,  mur 
der,  and  disturbing  the  peace  of  the  whole  island  ;  whilst  Columbus  was  charged 
with  cruelty  to  individuals,  aiming  at  independence,  and  engrossing  the  tribute.  It 
was  insinuated  that  not  being  a  native  of  Spain,  he  had  no  proper  respect  for  the 
noble  families  who  had  become  adventurers,  and  that  the  debts  due  to  them  could 
not  be  recovered.  It  was  suggested  that  if  some  remedy  were  not  speedily  applied, 
there  was  danger  that  he  would  revolt  and  join  with  some  other  prince ;  and  that  to 
compass  this  design,  he  had  concealed  the  real  wealth  of  the  colony  and  prevented 
the  conversion  of  the  Indians  to  the  Catholic  faith. 

These  insinuations  prevailed  on  the  jealousy  of  Ferdinand,  and  even  staggered 
the  constancy  of  Isabella.  They  resolved  to  appoint  a  judge  who  should  examine 
facts  on  the  spot ;  and,  if  he  should  find  the  Admiral  guilty,  to  supersede  him.  For 
this  purpose  they  sent  Francis  Bovadilla,  a  man  of  noble  rank,  but  whose  poverty 
alone  recommended  him  to  the  office.  Furnished  with  these  powers  he  arrived  at 
St.  Domingo  when  Columbus  was  absent,  took  lodgings  in  his  house,  invited  accu 
sers  to  appear  against  him,  seized  on  his  effects,  and  finally  sent  him  and  both  his 
brothers  to  Spain  in  three  different  ships,  but  all  loaded  with  irons. 

The  master  of  the  ship  in  which  the  Admiral  sailed  had  so  much  respect  for  him, 
that,  when  he  had  got  to  sea,  he  offered  to  take  off  his  fetters;  but  Columbus  nobly 
declined  :  that  he  would  permit  that  honor  to  be  done  to  him  by  none  but  his  sover 
eign.  In  this  humiliating  confinement  he  was  delivered  to  Fonseca,  Bishop  of  Ba- 
dajos,  who  had  been  the  chief  instigator  of  all  these  rigorous  proceedings,  and  to 
whom  had  been  committed  the  affairs  of  the  Indies. 

Not  content  with  robbing  Columbus  of  his  liberty,  this  prejudiced  ecclesiastic  would 


20  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

have  deprived  him  of  his  well-earned  reputation  of  having  first  discovered  the  ne\v 
continent.  With  the  accusations  which  Columbus  had  sent  home  against  Roldan,  he 
had  transmitted  an  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  coast  of  Paria,  which  he  justly 
supposed  to  be  part  of  a  continent.  Ojeda,  an  active  officer,  who  had  sailed  with 
Columbus  in  his  second  voyage,  was  at  court  when  these  dispatches  arrived,  and  saw 
the  draught  of  the  discovery,  with  the  specimens  of  gold  and  pearls,  which  the  Admiral 
had  sent  home.  Being  a  favorite  of  Fonseca,  he  easily  obtained  leave  to  pursue  the 
discovery.  Some  merchants  of  Seville  were  prevailed  upon  to  equip  four  ships  ;  with 
which,'in  1499,  Ojeda  followed  the  track  of  Columbus,  and  made  land  on  the  coast 
of  Paria.  Amerigo  Vespucci,  a  Florentine  merchant,  well  skilled  in  geography  and 
navigation,  accompanied  Ojeda  in  this  voyage;  and  by  publishing  the  first  book  and 
chart,  describing  the  new  world,  obtained  the  honor  of  having  it  called  AMERICA. 
This,  however,  did  not  happen  till  after  the  death  of  Columbus.  Several  other  ad 
venturers  followed  the  same  track,  and  all  supposed  that  the  continent  which  they 
had  seen  was  part  of  India. 

As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  Columbus  was  arrived  at  Cadiz,  Nov.  5,  1500,  in  the 
disgraceful  situation  above  mentioned,  the  King  and  Queen,  ashamed  of  the  orders 
which  they  had  given,  commanded  him  to  be  released,  and  invited  him  to  court, 
where  they  apologized  for  the  misbehavior  of  their  new  Governor,  and  not  only  prom 
ised  to  recall  him,  but  to  restore  to  the  Admiral  all  his  effects.  Columbus  could  not 
forget  the  ignominy.  He  preserved  the  fetters,  hung  them  up  in  his  apartment,  and 
ordered  them  to  b^  buried  in  his  grave. 

Instead  of  reinstating  him  in  his  government,  according  to  the  original  contract, 
the  King  and  Queen  sent  Ovando  to  Hispaniola  to  supersede  Bovadilla;  and  only  in 
dulged  Columbus  in  pursuing  his  darling  project,  the  discovery  of  India  by  the  west, 
which  he  still  hoped  to  accomplish.  He  sailed  again  from  Cadiz  on  the  4th  of  May, 
1502,  with  four  vessels,  carrying  140  men  and  boys,  of  which  number  were  his  brother 
Bartholomew  and  his  son  Ferdinand,  the  writer  of  his  life. 

In  his  passage  to  the  Caribbee  Islands  he -found  his  largest  vessel,  of  seventy  tons, 
unfit  for  service;  and,  therefore,  went  to  St.  Domingo  in  hope  of  exchanging  it  for  a 
better;  and  to  seek  shelter  from  a  storm  which  he  saw  approaching.  To  his  infinite 
surprise  and  mortification,  Ovando  would  not  admit  him  into  the  port.  A  fleet  of 
thirty  ships  was  then  ready  to  sail  for  Spain,  on  board  of  which  Roldan  and  Bovadilla 
were  prisoners.  Columbus  informed  Ovando  of  the  prognostics  which  he  had  ob 
served,  which  Ovando  disregarded,  and  the  fleet  sailed.  Columbus  then  laid  three 
of  his  vessels  under  the  lee  of  the  shore,  and,  with  great  difficulty,  rode  out  the  tem 
pest.  His  brother  put  to  sea,  and,  by  his  great  naval  skill,  saved  the  ship  in  which 
he  sailed.  Of  the  fleet  bound  to  Spain,  eighteen  ships  were  lost,  and  in  them  per 
ished  Roldan  and  Bovadilla. 

The  enemies  of  Columbus  gave  out  that  he  had  raised  the  storm  by  the  art  of 
magic ;  and  such  was  the  ignorance  of  the  age,  that  the  story  was  believed.  What 
contributed  the  more  to  its  credit  was,  that  one  of  the  worst  ships  of  the  fleet,  on 
board  of  which  were  all  the  effects  which  had  been  saved  from  the  ruined  fortune  of 
Columbus,  was  the  first  which  arrived  in  Spain.  The  amount  of  these  effects  was 
"  four  thousand  pesos  of  gold,  each  of  the  value  of  eight  shillings."  The  remark 
which  Fcrdinando  Columbus  makes  on  this  event,  so  destructive  to  the  accusers  of 
his  father,  is,  "  I  am  satisfied  it  was  the  hand  of  God,  who  was  pleased  to  infatuate 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  27 

them,  that  they  might  not  hearken  to  good  advice ;  for  had  they  arrived  in  Spain, 
they  had  never  been  punished  as  their  crimes  deserved,  but  rather  favored  and  pre 
ferred  as  being  the  Bishop's  friends." 

After  this  storm,  and  another  which  followed  it,  Columbus,  having  collected  his 
little  squadron,  sailed  on  discovery  toward  the  continent ;  and,  steering  to  the  south 
west,  came  to  an  island  called  Guanania,  twelve  leagues  from  the  coast  of  Honduras 
where  he  met  with  a  large,  covered  canoe,  having  on  board  several  pieces  of  cotton 
cloth  of  divers  colors,  which  the  people  said  they  had  brought  from  the  westward. 
The  men  were  armed  with  swords  of  wood,  in  which  sharp  flints  were  strongly  fixed. 
Their  provision  was  maize  and  roots,  and  they  used  the  berries  of  cocoa  as  money. 
When  the  Admiral  inquired  for  gold,  they  pointed  to  the  west ;  and  when  he  asked 
for  a  strait  by  which  he  might  pass  through  the  land,  they  pointed  to  the  east.  From 
the  specimens  of  colored  cloth,  he  imagined  that  they  had  come  from  India ;  and  he 
hoped  to  pass  thither  by  the  strait  which  they  described.  Pursuing  his  course  to  the 
east  and  south,  he  was  led  to  the  Gulf  of  Darien,  and  visited  several  harbors,  among 
which  was  one  that  he  called  Porto  Bello ;  but  he  found  no  passage  extending 
through  the  land.  He  then  returned  to  the  westward,  and  landed  on  the  coast  of 
Veragua,  where  the  beauty  and  fertility  of  the  country  invited  him  to  begin  a  plan 
tation,  which  he  called  Belem ;  but  the  natives,  a  fierce  and  formidable  race,  de 
prived  him  of  the  honor  of  first  establishing  a  colony  on  the  continent  by  killing 
some  of  his  people  and  obliging  him  to  retire  with  the  others. 

At  sea  he  met  with  tempestuous  weather  of  long  continuance,  in  which  his  ships 
were  so  shattered  that  with  the  utmost  difficulty  he  kept  them  above  water,  till  he  ran 
them  ashore  on  the  island  of  Jamaica.  By  his  extraordinary  address  he  procured  from 
the  natives  two  of  their  largest  canoes;  in  which  two  of  his  most  faithful  friends, 
Mendez  and  Fiesco,  accompanied  by  some  of  his  sailors  and  a  few  Indians,  embarked 
for  Hispaniola.  After  encountering  the  greatest  difficulties  in  their  passage  they 
carried  tidings  of  his  misfortune  to  Ovando,  and  solicited  his  aid.  The  merciless 
wretch  detained  them  eight  months  without  any  answer,  during  which  time  Columbus 
suffered  the  severest  hardships  from  the  discontent  of  his  company  and  a  want  of 
provisions.  By  the  hospitality  of  the  natives  he  at  first  received  such  supplies  as 
they  were  able  to  spare  ;  but  the  long  continuance  of  these  guests  had  diminished  their 
store,  and  the  insolence  of  the  mutineers  gave  a  check  to  their  friendship.  In  this 
extremity  the  fertile  invention  of  Columbus  suggested  an  expedient  which  proved 
successful.  He  knew  that  a  total  eclipse  of  the  moon  was  at  hand,  which  would  be 
visible  in  the  evening.  On  the  preceding  day  he  sent  for  the  principal  Indians,  to 
speak  with  them  on  a  matter  of  the  utmost  importance.  Being  assembled,  he 
directed  his  interpreter  to  tell  them  that  the  God  of  heaven,  whom  he  worshiped, 
was  angry  with  them  for  withholding  provisions  from  him,  and  would  punish  them 
v\'ith  famine  and  pestilence ;  as  a  token  of  which  the  moon  would  in  the  evening 
appear  of  an  angry  and  bloody  color.  Some  of  them  received  his  speech  with  terror 
and  others  with  indifference;  but  when  the  moon  ros?,  and  the  eclipse  increased  as 
she  advanced  from  the  horizon,  they  came  in  crowds,  loaded  with  provisions,  and 
begged  the  Admiral  to  intercede  with  God  for  the  removal  of  His  anger.  Columbus 
retired  to  his  cabin  ;  and  when  the  eclipse  began  to  go  off  he  came  out  and  told  them 
that  he  had  prayed  to  his  God,  and  had  received  this  answer:  that  if  they  would  be 
good  for  the  future,  and  bring  him  provision  as  he  should  want,  God  would  forgive 


28  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

them  ;  and  as  a  token  of  it  the  moon  would  put  on  her  usual  brightness.  They  gave 
him  thanks,  and  promised  compliance ;  and  whilst  he  remained  on  the  island  there 
was  no  more  want  of  provision. 

At  the  end  of  eight  months  Ovando  sent  a  small  vessel  to  Jamaica,  with  a  cask 
of  wine,  two  flitches  of  bacon,  and  a  letter  of  compliment  and  excuse,  which  the 
officer  delivered,  and,  without  waiting  for  an  answer,  weighed  his  anchor  the  same 
evening  and  sailed  back  to  Hispaniola.  The  men  who  adhered  to  Columbus, 
and  were  with  him  on  board  the  wrecks,  wondered  at  the  sudden  departure  of  the 
vessel,  by  which  they  expected  deliverance.  Columbus,  never  at  a  loss  for  an 
evasion,  told  them  that  the  caravel  was  too  small  to  take  the  whole  company,  and 
he  would  not  go  without  them.  This  fiction  had  the  desired  effect ;  those  who 
adhered  to  him  resumed  their  patience;  but  the  mutineers  became  so  insolent  that 
it  was  necessary  to  subdue  them  by  force.  In  the  contest  ten  of  them  were  killed. 
Porras,  their  leader,  was  made  prisoner,  and  the  others  escaped.  Bartholomew 
Columbus  and  two  others  of  the  Admiral's  party  were  wounded,  of  whom  one  died. 

The  fugitives,  having  lost  their  leader,  thought  it  best  to  submit ;  and  on  the 
next  day  sent  a  petition  to  the  Admiral,  confessing  their  fault,  and  promising  fidelity. 
This  promise  they  confirmed  by  an  oath,  of  which  the  imprecation  was  singular; 
"they  renounced,  in  case  of  failure,  any  absolution  from  priest,  bishop,  or  pope,  at 
the  time  of  their  death  ;  and  all  benefit  from  the  sacraments  of  the  Church  ;  consent 
ing  to  be  buried  like  heathens  and  infidels  in  the  open  field."  The  Admiral  received 
their  submission,  provided  that  Porras  should  continue  prisoner,  and  they  would 
accept  a  commander  of  his  appointment  as  long  as  they  should  remain  on  the  island. 

At  length  a  vessel,  which  Mendez  had  been  permitted  to  buy,  with  the  Admiral's 
money,  at  Hispaniola,  came  to  Jamaica,  and  took  them  off.  On  their  arrival  at  St. 
Domingo,  August  13,  1504,  Ovando  affected  great  joy,  and  treated  the  Admiral  with 
a  show  of  respect ;  but  he  liberated  Porras,  and  threatened  with  punishment  the 
faithful  adherents  of  Columbus.  As  soon  as  the  vessel  was  refitted,  the  Admiral 
took  leave  of  his  treacherous  host,  and,  with  his  brother,  son,  and  servants  embarked 
for  Spain.  After  a  long  and  distressing  voyage,  in  which  the  ship  lost  her  masts,  he 
arrived  at  St.  Luca,  in  May,  1505. 

His  patroness,  Isabella,  had  been  dead  about  a  year;  and  with  her  had  expired  all 
the  favor  which  he  ever  enjoyed  in  the  Court  of  Ferdinand.  Worn  out  with  sickness 
and  fatigue,  disgusted  with  the  insincerity  of  his  sovereign,  and  the  haughtiness  of  his 
courtiers,  Columbus  lingered  out  a  year  in  fruitless  solicitation  for  his  violated  rights  ; 
till  death  relieved  him  from  all  his  vexations.  He  died  at  Valadolid,  on  the  2Oth  of 
May,  1 506,  in  the  5pth  year  of  his  age  •  and  was  buried  in  the  Cathedral  of  Seville, 
with  this  inscription  on  his  tomb  : 

A  CasHlla  ya  Leon, 
Ncuvo  Mundo  dio  Colon. 

Translated  thus : 
To  Castile  and  Leon, 
Columbus  gave  a  New  World. 

In  the  life  of  this  remarkable  man  there  is  no  deficiency  of  any  quality  which  can 
constitute  a  truly  great  character.  His  genius  was  penetrating,  and  his  judgment 
solid.  He  had  acquired  as  much  knowledge  of  the  sciences  as  could  be  obtained  at 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  20 

that  day ;  and  he  corrected  what  he  had  learned,  by  his  own  observations.  His  con 
stancy  and  patience  were  equal  to  the  most  hazardous  undertakings.  His  fortitude 
surmounted  many  difficulties ;  and  his  invention  extricated  him  out  of  many  per 
plexities.  His  prudence  enabled  him  to  conceal  or  subdue  his  own  infirmities ;  whilst 
he  took  advantage  of  the  passions  of  others,  adjusting  his  behavior  to  his  circum 
stances ;  temporizing,  or  acting  with  vigor,  as  the  occasion  required. 

His  fidelity  to  the  ungrateful  Prince  whom  he  served,  and  whose  dominions  he 
enlarged,  must  render  him  forever  conspicuous  as  an  example  of  justice  ;  and  his 
attachment  to  the  Queen,  by  whose  influence  he  was  raised  and  supported,  will 
always  be  a  monument  of  his  gratitude. 

To  his  other  excellent  qualities  may  be  added  his  piety.  He  always  entertained, 
and  on  proper  occasions  expressed,  a  reverence  for  the  Deity,  and  a  firm  confidence 
in  His  care  and  protection.  In  his  declining  days,  the  consolations  of  religion  were 
his  chief  support;  and  his  last  words  were,  "Into  Thy  hands,  O  Lord,  I  commend 
my  spirit." 

The  persecution  and  injustice  which  he  suffered,  may  be  traced  up  to  the  contract, 
which  he  insisted  on,  before  he  engaged  in  the  plan  of  discovery.  That  a  foreigner 
should  attain  so  high  a  rank  as  to  be  Viceroy  for  life,  and  that  the  honor  of  an  Ad 
miral  should  be  hereditary  in  his  family,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  nobles  of  Spain,  was 
more  than  their  pride  and  jealousy  could  endure ;  and  they  constantly  endeavored 
to  depreciate  his  merit,  the  only  foundation  on  which  his  honors  were  erected. 

There  is  a  story  recorded  by  Peter  Martyr,  a  contemporary  historian,  which  exem 
plifies  their  malice,  and  his  ingenuity  in  rising  superior  to  it.  After  the  death  of  the 
Queen,  the  nobility  affected  to  insinuate  that  his  discoveries  were  more  the  result 
of  accident  and  good  fortune,  than  of  any  well-concerted  measures.  One  day  at  a 
public  dinner,  Columbus  having  borne  much  insulting  raillery  on  that  head,  at  length 
called  for  an  egg,  and  asked  whether  any  of  them  could  set  it  upright  on  its  little 
end.  They  all  confessed  it  to  be  impossible.  Columbus  striking  it  gently,  flattened 
the  shell  till  it  stood  upright  on  the  table.  The  company,  with  a  disdainful  sneer, 
cried  out,  "Anybody  might  have  done  it."  "Yes,  (said  Columbus),  but  none  of  you 
thought  of  it ;  so  I  discovered  the  Indies,  and  now  every  pilot  can  steer  the  same 
course.  Many  things  appear  easy  when  once  performed  ;  though  before,  they  were 
thought  impossible.  Remember  the  scoffs  that  were  thrown  at  me,  before  I  put  my 
design  in  execution.  Then  it  was  a  dream,  a  chimery  delusion ;  now,  is  what  any 
body  might  have  done  as  well  as  I."  When  this  story  was  told  to  Ferdinand,  he 
could  not  but  admire  the  grandeur  of  that  spirit,  which  at  the  same  time  he  was 
endeavoring  to  depress. 

Writers  of  different  countries  have  treated  the  character  of  Columbus  according 
to  their  prejudices,  either  national  or  personal.  It  is  surprising  to  observe  how  these 
prejudices  have  descended,  and  that  even  at  the  distance  of  three  centuries  there  are 
some  who  affect  to  deny  him  the  virtues  for  which  he  was  conspicuous,  and  the 
merit  of  originating  a  discovery  which  is  an  honor  to  human  reason.  His  humanity 
has  been  called  in  question,  because  he  carried  dogs  to  the  West  Indies,  and  em 
ployed  them  in  extirpating  the  natives.  The  truth  is,  that  in  his  second  expedition 
he  was  accompanied  by  a  number  of  gentlemen  of  the  best  families  in  Spain  ;  and 
many  more  would  have  gone  if  it  had  been  possible  to  accommodate  them.  These 
gentlemen  carried  with  them  "  horses,  asses,  and  other  beasts  which  were  of  a  great 


30  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

use  in  a  new  plantation."  The  conflict  which  Columbus  had  with  the  natives  was  in 
consequence  of  the  disorderly  conduct  of  these  Spaniards,  who,  in  his  absence,  had 
taken  their  goods,  abused  their  women,  and  committed  other  outrages  which  the  In 
dians  could  not  endure,  and  therefore  made  war  upon  them.  In  this  war  he 
found  his  colony  engaged  when  he  returned  from  his  voyage  to  Cuba,  and  there 
was  no  way  to  end  it  but  by  pursuing  it  with  vigor.  With  two  hundred  Spaniards, 
of  whom  twenty  were  mounted  on  "  horses  followed  by  as  many  dogs,"  he  encountered 
a  numerous  body  of  Indians,  estimated  at  one  hundred  thousand,  on  a  large  plain. 
He  divided  his  men  into  two  parties,  and  attacked  them  on  two  sides  ;  the  noise  of 
the  firearms  soon  dispersed  them,  and  the  horses  and  dogs  prevented  them  from  ral 
lying;  and  thus  a  complete  victory  was  obtained.  In  this  instance  alone  were  the 
dogs  used  against  the  natives.  They  naturally  followed  their  masters  into  the  field, 
and  the  horses  to  which  they  were  accustomed  ;  but  to  suppose  that  Columbus 
transported  them  to  the  West  Indies  with  a  view  to  destroy  the  Indians,  appears  al 
together  idle,  when  it  is  considered  that  the  number  is  reckoned  only  at  twenty.  Ex 
cepting  in  this  instance,  where  he  was  driven  by  necessity,  there  is  no  evidence  that 
he  made  war  on  the  natives  of  the  West  Indies;  on  the  contrary,  he  endeavored  as 
far  as  possible  to  treat  them  with  justice  and  gentleness.  The  same  can  not  be  said 
of  those  who  succeeded  him. 

Attempts  have  also  been  made  to  detract  from  his  merit  as  an  original  discoverer 
of  the  New  World.  The  most  successful  candidate  who  has  been  set  up  as  a  rival  to 
him,  is  MARTIN  BEHAIM,  of  Nuremberg,  in  Germany.  His  claim  to  a  prior  discovery 
has  been  so  well  contested,  and  the  vanity  of  it  so  fully- exposed  by  the  late  Dr.  Rob 
ertson,  that  I  should  not  have  thought  of  adding  anything  to  what  he  has  written, 
had  not  a  memoir  appeared  in  the  second  volume  of  Transactions  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society  at  Philadelphia,  in  which  the  pretensions  of  Behaim  are  revived 
by  M.  OTTO,  who  has  produced  some  authorities  which  he  had  obtained  from  Nur 
emberg,  an  imperial  city  of  Germany,  and  which  appear  to  him  "  to  establish  in  the 
clearest  manner  a  discovery  of  America  anterior  to  that  of  Columbus." 

It  is  conceded  that  Behaim  was  a  man  of  learning  and  enterprise ;  that  he  was 
contemporary  with  Columbus,  and  was  his  friend;  that  he  pursued  the  same  studies 
and  drew  the  same  conclusions;  that  he  was  employed  by  King  John  II.  in  making 
discoveries ;  and  that  he  met  with  deserved  honor  for  the  important  services  which 
he  rendered  to  the  crown  of  Portugal.  But  there  are  such  difficulties  attending  the 
story  of  his  discovering  America,  as  appear  to  me  insuperable.  These  I  shall  state, 
together  with  some  remarks  on  the  authorities  produced  by  M.  Otto. 

The  first  of  his  authorities  contains  several  assertions  which  are  contradicted  by 
other  histories;  (i).  That  Isabella,  daughter  of  John,  King  of  Portugal,  reigned  after 
the  death  of  Philip,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  surnamed  the  Good.  (2).  That  to  this  lady, 
when  Regent  of  the  Duchy  of  Burgundy  and  Flanders,  Behaim  paid  a  visit  in  1459. 
And  (3).  That  having  informed  her  of  his  designs,  he  procured  a  vessel,  in  which  he 
made  the  discovery  of  the  island  of  Fayal  in  1460. 

It  is  true  that  Philip,  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  Flanders,  surnamed  the  Good,  mar 
ried  Isabella,  the  daughter  of  King  John  I.  of  Portugal;  but  Philip  did  not  die  till 
1467,  and  was  immediately  succeeded  by  his  son  Charles,  surnamed  the  Bold,  then 
thirty-four  years  of  age.  There  could,  therefore,  have  been  no  interregnum,  nor  fe 
male  Regent  after  the  death  of  Philip  and  if  there  had  been,  the  time  of 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  31 

visit  will  not  correspond  with  it,  that  being  placed  in  1459,  eight  years  before  the 
death  of  Philip.  Such  a  mistake  in  point  of  fact,  and  of  chronology,  is  sufficient  to 
induce  a  suspicion  that  the  "  archives  of  Nuremberg"  are  too  deficient  inaccuracy  to 
be  depended  on  as  authorities. 

With  respect  to  the  discovery  of  Fayal,  in  1460,  M.  Otto  acknowledges  that  it  is 
"  contrary  to  the  received  opinion  ;"  and  well  he  might ;  for  the  first  of  the  Azores, 
St.  Maria,  was  discovered  in  1431  ;  the  second,  St.  Michael,  in  1444;  the  third, 
Terceira,  in  1445  ;  and  before  1449,  the  islands,  St.  George,  Graciosa,  Fayal,  and 
Pico  were  known  to  the  Portuguese.  However  true  it  may  be  that  Behaim  set 
tled  in  the  island  of  Fayal  and  lived  there  twenty  years,  yet  his  claim  to  the  dis 
covery  of  it  must  have  a  better  foundation  than  the  "archives  of  Nuremberg,"  be 
fore  it  can  be  admitted.  . 

The  genuine  account  of  the  settlement  of  Fayal,  and  the  interest  which  Behaim 
had  in  it,  is  thus  related  by  Dr.  Forster,  a  German  author  of  much  learning  and  good 
credit : 

"After  the  death  of  the  infant,  Don  Henry,  which  Happened  in  1466,  the  island 
of  Fayal  was  made  a  present  by  his  sister,  Isabella,  Duchess  of  Burgundy,  to  Jobst 
von  Hurter,  a  native  of  Nuremberg.  Hurter  went  in  1466  with  a  colony  of  more 
than  2,000  Flemings  of  both  sexes,  to  his  property,  the  isle  of  Fayal.  The  Duchess 
had  provided  the  Flemish  emigrants  with  all  necessaries  for  two  years,  and  the  col 
ony  soon  increased.  About  the  year  1486,  Martin  Behaim  married  a  daughter  of  the 
Chevalier  Jobst  von  Hurter,  and  had  a  son  by  her  named  Martin.  Jobst  von  Hur 
ter  and  Martin  Behaim,  both  natives  of  Nuremberg,  were  lords  of  Fayal  and  Pico." 

The  date  of  the  supposed  discovery  of  America,  by  Behaim,  is  placed  by  M. 
Otto  in  1484,  eight  years  before  the  celebrated  voyage  of  Columbus.  In  the  same 
year  we  are  told  that  Alonzo  Sanchaz  de  Huelva  was  driven  by  a  storm  to  the  west 
ward  for  twenty-nine  days  ;  and  saw  an  island  of  which  at  his  return  he  gave  an  infor 
mation  to  Columbus.  From  both  of  these  supposed  discoveries  this  conclusion  is 
drawn  :  "  That  Columbus  would  never  have  thought  of  this  expedition  to  America,  had 
not  Behaim  gone  there  before  him."  Whether  it  be  supposed  that  Behaim  and  San 
chaz  sailed  in  the  same  ship,  or  that  they  made  a  discovery  of  two  different  parts  of 
America,  in  the  same  year,  is  not  easy  to  understand  from  the  authorities  produced  : 
but  what  destroys  the  credibility  of  this  plausible  tale,  is,  that  Columbus  had  formed 
his  theory,  and  projected  his  voyage,  at  least  ten  years  before ;  as  appears  by  his 
correspondence  with  Paul,  a  learned  physician  of  Florence,  which  bears  date  in  1474. 
It  is  uncertain  at  what  time  Columbus  first  made  his  application  to  the  King  of  Port 
ugal,  to  fit  him  out  for  a  western  voyage  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  after  a  negotiation 
with  him  on  the  subject,  and  after  he  had  found  out  the  secret  and  unsuccessful 
attempt  which  had  been  made  to  anticipate  a  discovery,  he  quitted  that  kingdom 
in  disgust,  and  went  into  Spain,  in  the  latter  end  of  the  year  1484.  The  authority 
of  these  facts  is  unquestioned  ;  and  from  them  it  fully  appears,  that  a  prior  discovery 
of  America,  by  Behaim  or  Sanchaz,  made  in  1484,  could  not  have  been  the  founda 
tion  of  the  enterprise  of  Columbus. 

M.  Otto  speaks  of  letters  written  by  Behaim  in  1486,  in  the  German  language, 
and  preserved  in  the  "  archives  of  Nuremberg,"  which  support  his  claim  to  a  prior 
discovery.  As  these  letters  are  not  produced,  no  certain  opinion  can  be  formed 
concerning  them  ;  but  from  the  date  of  the  letters,  and  from  the  letters,  and  from 


32  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

the  voyages  which  Behaim  actually  performed  in  the  two  preceding  years,  we  may 
with  great  probability  suppose  that  they  related  to  the  discovery  of  Congo,  in 
Africa ;  to  which  Behaim  has  an  uncontroverted  claim. 

I  will  now  state  the  facts  relative  to  this  event,  partly  from  the  authorities  cited 
by  M.  Otto,  and  partly  from  others. 

Dr.  Robertson  places  the  discovery  of  Congo  and  Benin  in  1483,  and  with  him 
Dr.  Forstcr  agrees.  The  authors  of  the  Modern  Universal  History  speak  of  two 
voyages  to  that  const :  the  first  in  1484,  the  second  in  1485  ;  both  of  which  were 
made  by  Diego  Cam  v'io  is  said  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  expert  sailors  and  of  an 
enterprising  genius.  From  the  chronicle  of  Hartman  Schedl,  as  quoted  by  M.  Otto, 
we  are  informed  that  Behaim  sailed  from  Cam,  in  these  voyages,  which  are  described 
in  the  following  terms :  "  These  two,  by  the  bounty  of  heaven,  coasting  along  the 
southern  ocean,  and  having  crossed  the  equator,  got  into  the  other  hemisphere ; 
where,  facing  to  the  eastward,  their  shadows  projected  toward  the  south,  and  right 
hand."  No  words  could  be  more  completely  descriptive  of  a  voyage  from  Portugal 
to  Congo,  as  any  person  may  be  satisfied  by  inspecting  a  map  of  Africa ;  but  how 
could  M.  Otto  imagine  that  the  discovery  of  America  was  accomplished  in  such  a 
voyage  as  this?  "  Having  finished  their  cruise  (continues  Schedl)  in  the  space  of  26 
months,  they  returned  to  Portugal,  with  the  loss  of  many  of  their  seamen  by  the 
violence  of  the  climate."  This  latter  circumstance  also  agrees  very  well  with  the 
climate  of  the  African  coast ;  but  Schedl  says  not  a  word  of  the  discovery  of 
America. 

M.  Otto  goes  on  to  tell  us  "  that  the  most  positive  proof  of  the  great  services 
rendered  to  the  Crown  of  Portugal  by  Behaim  is  the  recompense  bestowed  on  him 
by  King  John  II.;  who,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  knighted  him  in  the  presence 
of  all  his  court."  Then  follows  a  particular  detail  of  the  ceremony  of  installation,  as 
performed  on  the  i8th  of  February,  1485,  and  M.  Otto  fairly  owns  that  this  was  "a 
reward  for  the  discovery  of  Congo."  Now,  let  us  bring  the  detached  parts  of  the 
story  together. 

Behaim  was  knighted  on  the  i8th  of  February,  1485,  for  the  discovery  of  Congo, 
in  which  he  had  been  employed  twenty-six  months  preceding ;  having  within  that 
time  made  two  voyages  thither,  in  company  with  Diego  Cam.  It  will  follow,  then, 
that  the  whole  of  the  preceding  years,  1484  and  1483,  were  taken  up  in  these  two 
voyages.  This  agrees  very  well  with  the  accounts  of  the  discovery  of  Congo  in 
Robertson  and  Forster,  and  does  not  disagree  with  the  Modern  Universal  History,  as 
far  as  the  year  1484  is  concerned  ;  which,  unfortunately,  is  the  year  assigned  for 
Behaim's  discovery  of  "  that  part  of  America  called  Brazil,  and  his  sailing  even  to 
the  Straits  of  Magellan." 

The  only  thing  in  M.  Otto's  memoir  which  bears  any  resemblance  to  a  solution 
of  this  difficulty  is  this:  "  We  may  suppose  that  Behaim,  engaged  in  an  expedition 
to  Congo,  was  driven  by  the  winds  to  Fernanbouc,  and  from  thence  by  the  currents 
toward  the  coast  of  Guiana."  But  supposition  without  proof  will  avail  little  ;  and  sup 
position  against  proof  will  avail  nothing.  The  two  voyages  to  Congo  are  admitted. 
The  course  is  described ;  the  time  is  determined  ;  and  both  of  these  are  directly 
opposed  to  the  supposition  of  his  being  driven  by  winds  and  currents  to  America. 
I'nr  if  he  had  been  driven  out  of  his  course,  and  had  spent  "several  years  in  examin 
ing  the  American  islands,  and  discovering  the  strait  which  bears  the  name  of 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  33 

Magellan  ;  "  and  if  one  of  those  years  was  the  year  1484,  then  he  could  not  have 
spent  twenty-six  months  preceding  February,  1485,  in  the  discovery  of  Congo;  but 
of  this  we  have  full  and  satisfactory  evidence ;  the  discovery  of  America,  therefore, 
must  be  given  up. 

There  is  one  thing  further  in  this  memoir  which  deserves  a  particular  remark, 
and  that  is,  the  reason  assigned  by  M.  Otto  for  which  the  King  of  Portugal  declined 
the  proposal  of  Columbus  to  sail  to  India  by  the  west.  "The  refusal  of  John  II.  is 
a  proof  of  the  knowledge  which  that  politic  and  wise  Prince  had  already  procured  of 
the  existence  of  a  new  continent,  which  offered  him  only  barren  lands,  inhabited  by 
unconquerable  savages."  This  knowledge  is  supposed  to  have  been  derived  from 
the  discoveries  made  by  Behaim.  But,  not  to  urge  again  the  chronological  difficulty 
with  which  this  conjecture  is  embarrassed,  I  will  take  notice  of  two  circumstances  in 
the  life  of  Columbus  which  militate  with  this  idea.  The  first  is,  that  when  Columbus 
had  proposed  a  western  voyage  to  King  John,  and  he  declined  it,  "  the  king,  by  the 
advice  of  one  Dr.  Calzadilla,  resolved  to  send  a  caravel  privately,  to  attempt  that 
which  Columbus  had  proposed  to  him;  because  in  case  those  countries  were  so  dis 
covered  he  thought  himself  not  obliged  to  bestow  any  great  reward.  Having 
speedily  equipped  a  caravel,  which  was  to  carry  supplies  to  the  islands  of  Cabo 
Verde,  he  sent  it  that  way  which  the  Admiral  proposed  to  go.  But  those  whom  he 
sent  wanted  the  knowledge,  constancy,  and  spirit  of  the  Admiral.  After  wandering 
many  days  upon  the  sea  they  turned  back  to  the  islands  of  Cabo  Verde,  laughing  at 
the  undertaking  ;  and  saying  it  was  impossible  there  shmld  be  any  land  in  those  seas." 

Afterward  "  the  King  being  sensible  how  faulty  they  were  whom  he  had  sent 
with  the  caravel,  had  a  mind  to  restore  the  Admiral  to  his  favor,  and  desired  that  he 
should  renew  the  discourse  of  his  enterprise;  but  not  being  so  diligent  to  put  this 
in  execution  as  the  Admiral  was  in  getting  away,  he  lost  that  good  opportunity. 
The  Admiral,  about  the  end  of  the  year  1484,  stole  away  privately  out  of  Portugal 
for  fear  of  being  stopped  by  the  King."  This  account  does  not  agree  with  the  sup 
position  of  a  prior  discovery. 

The  other  circumstance  is  an  interview  which  Columbus  had  with  the  people  of 
Lisbon  and  the  King  of  Portugal  on  his  return  from  his  first  voyage.  For  it  so  hap 
pened  that  Columbus  on  his  return  was  by  stress  of  weather  obliged  to  take  shelter 
in  the  port  of  Lisbon  ;  and,  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  he  had  come  from  the  In 
dies,  "  the  people  thronged  to  see  the  natives  whom  he  had  brought,  and  hear  the 
news,  so  that  the  caravel  would  not  contain  them— some  of  them  praising  God  for 
so  great  a  happiness,  others  storming  that  they  had  lost  the  discovery  through  their 
King's  incredulity." 

When  the  King  sent  for  Columbus  "he  was  doubtful  what  to  do;  but  to  take 
off  all  suspicion  that  he  came  from  his  conquests,  he  consented."  At  the  interview 
"  the  King  offered  him  all  that  he  required  for  the  service  of  their  Catholic  Majes 
ties,  though  he  thought  that  forasmuch  as  he  had  been  a  captain  in  Portugal,  that 
conquest  belonged  to  him.  To  which  the  Admiral  answered  that  he  knew  of  no 
such  agreement,  and  that  he  had  strict!^  observed  his  orders,  which  were  not  to  go 
to  the  mines  of  Portugal  [the  gold  coast]  nor  to  Guinea."  Had  John  II.  heard  of 
Behaim's  voyage  to  a  western  continent,  would  he  not  have  claimed  it  by  priority  of 
discovery,  rather  than  by  the  commission  which  Columbus  had  formerly  borne  in  his 
service?  Had  such  a  prior  discovery  been  made,  could  it  have  been  concealed  from 
5 


34  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

the  people  of  Lisbon?  and  would  they  have  been  angry  that  the  King  had  lost  it  by 
his  incredulity?  These  circumstances  appear  to  me  to  carry  sufficient  evidence  that 
no  discovery  of  America  prior  to  that  of  Columbus  had  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  King  of  Portugal. 

In  answer  to  the  question,  "  Why  are  we  searching  the  archives  of  an  imperial 
city  for  the  causes  of  an  event  which  took  place  in  the  western  extremity  of  Eu 
rope?"  M.  Otto  gives  us  to  understand,  that  "from  the  fourteenth  to  the  sixteenth 
centuries,  the  Germans  were  the  best  geographers,  the  best  historians,  and  most  en 
lightened  politicians."  Not  to  detract  from  the  merit  of  the  German  literati  of 
those  ages,  I  think  we  may  give  equal  credit  to  a  learned  German  author  of  the 
present  age,  Dr.  John  Reinhold  Forster,  who  appears  to  have  a  thorough  under 
standing  of  the  claims,  not  only  of  his  own  countrymen,  but  of  others.  In  his  inde 
fatigable  researches  into  the  discoveries  which  have  been  made  by  all  nations,  though 
he  has  given  due  credit  to  the  adventures  of  Behaim  in  Congo  and  Fayal,  yet  he  has 
not  said  one  word  of  his  visiting  America ;  which  he  certainly  would  have  done,  if 
in  his  opinion  there  had  been  any  foundation  for  it. 

LETTERS   FROM   PAUL,   A    PHYSICIAN    OF    FLORENCE,  TO    CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS 
CONCERNING   THE   DISCOVERY   OF  THE   INDIES. 

LETTER   I. 
To  Cliristoplier  Columbus,  Paul  tlie  Physician  wisheth  health. 

I  perceive  your  noble  and  earnest  desire  to  sail  to  those  parts  where  the  spice 
is  produced  ;  and,  therefore,  in  answer  to  a  letter  of  yours,  I  send  you  another  letter 
which  some  days  since  I  wrote  to  a  friend  of  mine  and  servant  to  the  King  of  Port 
ugal  before  the  wars  of  Castile,  in  answer  to  another  he  wrote  to  me  by  his  High- 
ness's  order  upon  this  same  account ;  and  I  send  you  another  sea-chart  like  that  I 
sent  him,  which  \vill_satisfy  your  demands.  The  copy  of  the  letter  is  this: 

To  Ferdinand  Martinez,  Canon  of  Lisbon,  Paul  the  Physician  wisheth  health. 

I  am  very  glad  to  hear  of  the  familiarity  you  have  with  your  most  serene  and 
magnificent  King ;  and,  though  I  have  very  often  discoursed  concerning  the  short 
way  there  is  from  hence  to  the -Indies,  where  the  spice  is  produced,  by  sea,  which  I 
look  upon  to  be  shorter  than  that  you  take  by  the  coast  of  Guinea,  yet  you  now 
tell  me  that  his  Highness  would  have  me  make  out  and  demonstrate  it,  so  as  it  may 
be  understood  and  put  in  practice.  Therefore,  though  I  could  better  show  it  him 
with  a  globe  in  my  hand  and  make  him  sensible  of  the  figure  of  the  world,  yet  I 
have  resolved  to  render  it  more  easy  and  intelligible  to  show  this  way  upon  a  chart, 
such  as  are  used  in  navigation ;  and  therefore  I  send  one  to  his  Majesty,  made  and 
drawn  with  my  own  hand,  wherein  is  set  down  the  utmost  bounds  of  the  west,  from 
Ireland  in  the  north  to  the  farthest  part  of  Guinea,  with  all  the  islands  that  lie  in  the 
way.  Opposite  to  which  western  coast  is  described  the  beginning  of  the  Indies, 
with  the  islands  and  places  whither  you  may  go,  and  how  far  you  may  bend  from  the 
north  pole  toward  the  equinoctial,  and  for  how  long  a  time;  that  is,  how  many 
leagues  you  may  sail  before  you  come  to  those  places  most  fruitful  in  all  sorts  of 
spice,  jewels,  and  precious  stones.  Do  not  wonder  if  I  term  that  country  where  the 
spice  grows,  west:  that  product  being  generally  ascribed  to  the  east;  because  those 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  85 

who  shall  sail  westward  will  always  find  those  places  in  the  west,  and  they  that  travel 
by  land  eastward  will  ever  find  those  places  in  the  east.  The  straight  lines  that  lie 
lengthways  in  the  chart  show  the  distance  there  is  from  west  to  east ;  the  others 
cross  them,  show  the  distance  from  north  to  south.  I  have  also  marked  down  in  the 
said  chart  several  places  in  India  where  ships  might  put  in  upon  any  storm,  or  con 
trary  winds,  or  any  other  accident  unforeseen. 

Moreover,  to  give  you  full  information  of  all  those  places  which  you  are  very 
desirous  to  know,  you  must  understand  that  none  but  traders  live  or  reside  in  all 
those  islands,  and  that  there  is  as  great  number  of  ships  and  seafaring  people  with 
merchandise  as  in  any  other  part  of  the  world;  particularly  in  a  most  noble  port 
called  Zacton,  where  there  are  every  year  a  hundred  large  ships  of  pepper  loaded 
and  unloaded,  besides  many  other  ships  that  take  in  other  spice. 

This  country  is  mighty  populous,  and  there  are  many  provinces  and  kingdoms, 
and  innumerable  cities,  under  the  dominion  of  a  prince  called  the  Kham,  which  name 
signifies  King  of  Kings;  who  for  the  most  part  resides  in  the  province  of  Cathay. 
His  predecessors  were  very  desirous  to  have  commerce  and  be  in  amity  with  Chris 
tians  ;  and  200  years  since  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Pope,  desiring  him  to  send  them 
many  learned  men  and  doctors  to  teach  them  our  faith  ;  but  by  reason  of  some 
obstacles  the  ambassadors  met  with,  they  returned  back  without  coming  to  Rome. 

Besides,  there  came  an  ambassador  to  Pope  Eugenus  IV.,  who  told  him  the  great 
friendship  there  was  between  those  princes,  their  people,  and  the  Christians.  I  dis 
coursed  with  him  a  long  while  upon  the  several  matters  of  the  grandeur  of  the  royal 
structures,  and  of  the  greatness,  length,  and  breadth  of  their  rivers.  He  told  me 
many  wonderful  things  of  the  multitude  of  towns  and  cities  founded  along  the  banks 
of  the  rivers;  and  that  there  were  two  hundred  cities  upon  one  river  only,  with 
marble  bridges  over  it,  of  a  great  length  and  breadth,  and  adorned  with  abundance 
of  pillars.  This  country  deserves  as  well  as  any  other  to  be  discovered  ;  and  there 
may  not  only  be  great  profit  made  there,  and  many  things  of  value  found,  but  also 
gold,  silver,  all  sorts  of  precious  stones,  and  spices  in  abundance,  which  are  not 
brought  into  our  parts.  And  it  is  certain  that  many  wise  men,  philosophers, 
astrologers,  and  other  persons  skilled  in  all  arts,  and  very  ingenious,  govern  that 
mighty  province,  and  command  their  armies. 

From  Lisbon  directly  westwa/d  there  are  in  the  chart  twenty-six  spaces,  each  of 
which  contains  250  miles,  to  the  most  noble  and  vast  city  of  Quisay,  which  is  100 
miles  in  compass,  that  is,  35  leagues;  in  it  there  are  ten  marble  bridges.  The  name 
signifies  a  heavenly  city  ;  of  which  wonderful  things  are  reported,  as  to  the  ingenuity 
of  the  people,  the  buildings,  and  the  revenues.  This  space  above  mentioned  is  almost 
the  third  part  of  the  globe.  This  city  is  in  the  province  of  Mango,  bordering  on 
that  of  Cathay,  where  the  King  for  the  most 'part  resides. 

From  the  island  Antilla,  which  you  call  the  seven  cities,  and  of  wliicli  you  have 
some  knowledge,  to  the  most  noble  island  of  Cipango,  are  ten  spaces,  which  make 
2,500  miles,  or  225  leagues ;  which  island  abounds  in  gold,  pearls,  and  precious 
stones;  and  you  must  understand  they  cover  their  temples  and  palaces  with  plates 
of  pure  gold.  So  that  for  want  of  knowing  the  way,  all  these  things  are  hidden  and 
concealed,  and  yet  may  be  gone  to  with  safety. 

Much  more  might  be  said,  but,  having  told  you  what  is  most  material,  and  you 
being  wise  and  judicious,  I  am  satisfied  there  is  nothing  of  it  but  what  you  under- 


36  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

stand,  and  therefore   I   will  not  be  more  prolix.     Thus  much  may  serve  to  satisfy 
your  curiosity,  it  being  as  much  as  the  shortness  of  time  and  my  business  would 
permit  me  to  say.     So  I  remain  most  ready  to  satisfy  and  serve  his  Highness  to  the 
utmost  in  all  the  commands  he  shall  lay  upon  me. 
FLORENCE,  June  25,  1474. 

LETTER   II. 
To  Christopher  Columbus,  Paul  the  Physician  wishet/i  health. 

I  received  your  letters  with  the  things  you  sent  me,  which  I  shall  take  as  a  great 
favor,  and  commend  your  noble  and  ardent  desire  of  sailing  from  east  to  west,  as  it 
is  marked  out  in  the  chart  I  sent  you,  which  would  demonstrate  itself  better  in  the 
form  of  a  globe. 

I  am  glad  it  is  well  understood,  and  that  the  voyage  laid  down  is  not  only  possi 
ble,  but  true,  certain,  honorable,  very  advantageous,  and  most  glorious  among  all 
Christians.  You  can  not  be  perfect  in  the  knowledge  of  it,  but  my  experience  and 
practice,  as  I  have  had  in  great  measure,  and  by  the  solid  and  true  information  of 
worthy  and  wise  men,  who  have  come  from  those  parts  to  this  court  of  Rome,  and 
from  merchants  who  have  traded  long  in  those  parts  and  are  persons  of  good  reputa 
tion.  So  that,  when  the  said  voyage  is  performed,  it  will  be  to  powerful  kingdoms, 
and  to  the  most  noble  cities  and  provinces;  rich  and  abounding  in  all  things 
we  stand  in  need  of,  particularly  in  all  sorts  of  spice  in  great  quantities,  and  store 
of  jewels. 

This  will  moreover  be  grateful  to  those  Kings  and  Princes  who  are  very  desirous 
to  converse  and  trade  with  Christians  of  these  our  countries,  whether  it  be  for  some  of 
them  to  become  Christians,  or  else  to  have  communication  with  the  wise  and  ingeni- 
o"us  men  of  these  parts,  as  well  in  point  of  religion  as  in  all  sciences,  because  of 
the  extraordinary  account  they  have  of  the  kingdoms  and  government  of  these  parts. 

For  which  reasons  and  many  more  that  might  be  alleged,  I  do  not  at  all  admire, 
that  you  who  have  a  great  heart,  and  all  the  Portuguese  nation  which  has  ever  had 
notable  men  in  all  undertakings,  be  eagerly  bent  upon  performing  this  voyage. 


AMERICUS    VESPUCIUS. 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS — HIS  BIRTH  AND  EDUCATION — HIS  SCIENTIFIC  RESEARCHES — HIS  ACCOUNT 
OF  HIS  VOYAGE  TO  AMERICA— THE  FIRST  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA  PUBLISHED  BY  HIM— THE 
REASON  OF  THIS  CONTINENT  BEING  NAMED  AMERICA — HE  HAS  NO  CLAIM  TO  THE  DISCOVERY. 

AMERICUS  VESruciUS,  or,  more  properly,  Amerigo  Vespucci,  a  Florentine  gentle 
man,  from  whom  America  derives  its  name,  was  born  March  9,  1451,  of  an  ancient 
family.  His  father,  who  was  an  Italian  merchant,  brought  him  up  in  this  business, 
and  his  profession  led  him  to  visit  Spain  and  other  countries.  Being  eminently  skill 
ful  in  all  the  sciences  subservient  to  navigation,  and  possessing  an  enterprising  spirit,  he 
became  desirous  of  seeing  the  New  World,  which  Columbus  had  discovered  in  1492. 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    MARLY    DISCOVERERS.  3? 

He  accordingly  entered  as  a  merchant  on  board  the  small  fleet  of  four  ships,  equip 
ped  by  the  merchants  of  Seville,  and  sent  out  under  the  command  of  Ojeda.  The 
enterprise  was  sanctioned  by  a  royal  license. 

According  to  Amerigo's  own  account  he  sailed  from  Cadiz,  May  20,  1497,  and  re 
turned  to  the  same  port  October  15,  1498,  having  discovered  the  coast  of  Paria,  and 
passed  as  far  as  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  If  this  statement  is  correct,  he  saw  the  conti 
nent  before  Columbus ;  but  its  correctness  has  been  disproved,  and  the  voyage  of 
Ojeda  was  not  made  until  1499,  which  Amerigo  calls  his  second  voyage,  falsely  rep 
resenting  that  he  himself  had  the  command  of  six  vessels.  He  sailed  May  20,  1499, 
under  the  command  of  Ojeda,  and  proceeded  to  the  Antilla  Islands,  and  thence  to  the 
coast  of  Guiana  and  Venezuela,  and  returned  to  Cadiz  in  November,  1500.  After  his 
return,  Emanuel,  King  of  Portugal,  who  was  jealous  of  the  success  and  glory  of 
Spain,  invited  him  to  his  kingdom,  and  gave  him  the  command  of  three  ships  to 
make  a  third  voyage  of  discovery.  He  sailed  from  Lisbon  May  10,  1501,  and  ran 
down  the  coasts  of  Africa  as  far  as  Sierra  Leone  and  the  coast  of  Angola,  and  then 
passed  over  to  Brazil  in  South  America,  and  continued  his  discoveries  to  the  south  as 
far  as  Patagonia.  He  then  returned  to  Sierra  Leone  and  the  coast  of  Guinea,  and 
entered  again  the  port  of  Lisbon  September  7,  1502. 

King  Emanuel,  highly  gratified  by  his  success,  equipped  for  him  six  ships,  with 
which  he  sailed  on  his  fourth  and  last  voyage,  May  10,  1503.  It  was  his  object  to 
discover  a  western  passage  to  the  Molucca  Islands.  He  passed  the  coasts  of  Africa 
and  entered  the  Bay  of  All  Saints  in  Brazil.  Having  provision  for  only  twenty 
months,  and  being  detained  on  the  coast  of  Brazil  by  bad  weather  and  contrary 
winds  five  months,  he  formed  the  resolution  of  returning  to  Portugal,  where  he  ar 
rived  June  14,  1504.  As  he  carried  home  with  him  considerable  quantities  of  the 
Brazil-wood  and  other  articles  of  value,  he  was  received  with  joy.  It  was  soon  after 
this  period  that  he  wrote  an  account  of  his  four  voyages.  The  work  was  dedicated  to 
Rene  II.,  Duke  of  Lorraine,  who  took  the  title  of  the  King  of  Sicily,  and  who  died 
Dec.  10,  1508.  It  was  probably  published  about  the  year  1507,  for  in  that  year  he 
went  from  Lisbon  to  Seville,  and  King  Ferdinand  appointed  him  to  draw  sea-charts 
with  the  title  of  chief  pilot.  He  died  at  the  Island  of  Terceira  in  1514,  aged  about 
sixty-three  years,  or,  agreeably  to  another  account,  at  Seville,  in  1512. 

As  he  published  the  first  book  and  chart  describing  the  New  World,  and  as  he 
claimed  the  honor  of  first  discovering  the  continent,  the  New  World  has  received  from 
him  the  name  of  America.  His  pretensions,  however,  to  this  first  discovery  do  not 
seem  to  be  well  supported  against  the  claims  of  Columbus,  to  whom  the  honor  is 
uniformly  ascribed  by  the  Spanish  historians,  and  who  first  saw  the  continent  in  1498. 
Herrera,  who  compiled  his  general  history  of  America  from  the  most  authentic 
records,  says  that  Amerigo  never  made  but  two  voyages,  and  those  were  with  Ojeda 
in  1499  and  1501,  and  that  his  relation  of  his  other  voyages  was  proved  to  be  a  mere 
imposition.  This  charge  needs  to  be  confirmed  by  strong  proof,  for  Amerigo's  book 
was  published  within  ten  years  of  the  period  assigned  for.  his  first  voyage,  when  the 
facts  must  have  been  fresh  in  the  memories  of  thousands.  Besides  the  improbability 
of  his  being  guilty  of  falsifying  dates,  as  he  was  accused,  which  arises  from  this  cir 
cumstance,  it  is  very  possible  that  the  Spanish  writers  might  have  felt  a  national  re 
sentment  against  him  for  having  deserted  the  service  of  Spain.  But  the  evidence 
against  the  honesty  of  Amerigo  is  very  convincing.  Neither  Martyr  nor  Benzoni, 


38  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

who  were  Italians,  natives  of  the  same  country,  and  the  former  of  whom  was  a  con 
temporary,  attribute  to  him  the  first  discovery  of  the  continent.  Martyr  published 
the  first  general  history  of  the  New  World,  and  his  epistles  contain  an  account  of  all 
the  remarkable  events  of  his  time.  All  the  Spanish  historians  are  against  Amerigo. 
Herrera  brings  against  him  the  testimony  of  Ojeda  as  given  in  a  judicial  inquiry. 
Fonseca,  who  gave  Ojeda  the  license  for  his  voyage,  was  not  reinstated  in  the  direc 
tion  of  Indian  affairs  until  after  the  time  which  Amerigo  assigns  for  the  commence 
ment  of  his  first  voyage.  Other  circumstances  might  be  mentioned;  and  the  whole 
mass  of  evidence  it  is  difficult  to  resist.  The  book  of  Amerigo  was  probably  pub 
lished  about  a  year  after  the  death  of  Columbus,  when  his  pretensions  could  be  ad 
vanced  without  the  fear  of  refutation  from  that  illustrious  navigator.  But  however 
this  controversy  may  be  decided,  it  is  well  known  that  the  honor  of  first  discovering 
the  continent  belongs  neither  to  Columbus  nor  to  Vespucci,  even  admitting  the  re 
lation  of  the  latter;  but  to  the  Cabots,  who  sailed  from  England.  A  life  of  Vespucci 
was  published  at  Florence  by  Bandani,  1745,  in  which  an  attempt  is  made  to  support 
his  pretensions. 

The  relation  of  his  four  voyages,  which  was  first  published  about  the  year  1507, 
was  republished  in  the  Novus  Orbis,  fol.  1555.  His  letters  were  published,  after  his 
death,  at  Florence. 


JOHN   CABOT  AND  SEBASTIAN   CABOT. 

JOHN  CABOT  AND  HIS  SON  SEBASTIAN— KING  HENRY  VII.  GRANTS  JOHN  CABOT  A  COMMISSION 
— HE  SAILS  WITH  HIS  SON  ON  A  VOYAGE  OF  DISCOVERY— APPEARANCE  OF  LAND — 
DESCRIPTION  OF  IT— THEY  RETURN  TO  ENGLAND— SEBASTIAN  SAILS  ON  A  VOYAGE  OF 
DISCOVERY. 

THE  economical  disposition  of  Henry  VII.,  King  of  England,  induced  him  to 
preserve  tranquillity  in  his  dominions,  which  greatly  contributed  to  the  increase  of 
commerce  and  manufactures ;  and  to  bring  thither  merchants  from  all  parts  of 
Europe.  The  Lombards  and  the  Venetians  were  remarkably  numerous :  the  former 
of  whom  had  a  street  in  London  appropriated  to  them  and  called  by  their  name. 

Among  the  Venetians  resident  there  at  that  time  was  John  Cabot,  a  man  per 
fectly  skilled  in  all  the  sciences  requisite  to  form  an  accomplished  mariner.  He  had 
three  sons,  Lewis,  Sebastian,  and  Sanctius,  all  of  whom  he  educated  in  the  same 
manner.  Lewis  and  Sanctius  became  eminent  men,  and  settled,  the  one  at  Genoa, 
the  other  at  Venice.  Of  Sebastian  a  farther  account  will  be  given. 

The  famous  discovery  made  by  Columbus  caused  great  admiration  and  much 
discourse  in  the  court  of  t£e.nry,  among  the  merchants  of  England.  To  find  a  way 
to  India  by  the  west  had  long  been  a  problem  with  men  of  science,  as  well  as  a 
desideratum  in  the  mercantile  interest.  The  way  was  then  supposed  to  be  opened  ; 
and  the  specimens  of  gold  which  Columbus  had  brought  home  excited  the  warmest 
desire  of  pursuing  that  discovery. 

Cabot,  by  his  knowledge  of  the  globe,  supposed  that  a  shorter  way  might  be  found 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  39 

from  England  to  India,  by  the  north-west.  Having  communicated  his  project  to  the 
King,  it  was  favorably  received;  and  on  the  $th  of  March,  1496,  a  commission  was 
granted  to  "  John  Cabot,  and  his  three  sons,  their  heirs  and  deputies,  giving  them 
liberty  to  sail  to  all  ports  of  east,  west,  and  north  under  the  royal  banners  and  ensigns  ; 
to  discover  countries  of  the  heathen  unknown  to  Christians  ;  to  set  up  the  King's  ban 
ners  there  ;  to  occupy  and  possess,  as  his  subjects,  such  places  as  they  could  subdue ; 
giving  them  the  rule  and  jurisdiction  of  the  same,  to  be  holden  on  condition  of 
paying  to  the  King,  as  often  as  they  should  arrive  at  Bristol  (at  which  place  only  they 
were  permitted  to  arrive),  in  wares  and  merchandise,  one-fifth  part  of  all  their  gains  ; 
with  exemption  from  all  customs  and  duties  on  such  merchandise  as  should  be 
brought  from  their  discoveries." 

After  the  granting  of  this  commission,  the  King  gave  orders  for  fitting  out  two 
caravels  for  the  purpose  of  the  discovery.  These  were  victualled  at  the  public  ex 
pense  ;  and  freighted  by  the  merchants  of  London  and  Bristol  with  coarse  cloths  and 
other  articles  of  traffic.  The  whole  company  consisted  of  three  hundred  men. 

With  this  equipment,  in  the  beginning  of  May,  1497,*  John  Cabot  and  his  son 
Sebastian  sailed  from  Bristol  toward  the  north-west,  till  they  reached  the  latitude  of 
58°  ;  where,  meeting  with  floating  ice,  and  the  weather  being  severely  cold,  they 
altered  their  course  to  the  south-west ;  not  expecting  to  find  any  land  till  they  should 
arrive  at  Cathay,  the  northern  part  of  China,  from  whence  they  intended  to  pass 
southward  to  India. 

On  the  24th  of  June,  very  early  in  the  morning,  they  were  surprised  with  the 
sight  of  land  ;  which,  being  the  first  that  they  had  seen,  they  called  Prima  Vista. 
The  description  of  it  is  given  in  these  words  :  "  The  island  which  lieth  out  before 
the  land,  he  called  St.  John,  because  it  was  discovered  on  the  day  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist.  The  inhabitants  of  this  island  wear  beasts'  skins.  In  their  wars  they  use 
bows,  arrows,  pikes,  darts,  wooden  clubs,  and  slings.  The  soil  is  barren  in  some 
places  and  yieldeth  little  fruit ;  but  is  full  of  white  bears  and  stags,  far  greater  than 
ours.  It  yieldeth  plenty  of  fish,  and  those  very  great,  as  seal  and  salmon.  There 
are  soles  above  a  yard  in  length,  but  especially  there  is  great  abundance  of  that 
kind  of  fish  which  the  savages  call  Bacalo  (Cod).  In  the  same  island  are  hawks  and 
eagles,  as  black  as  ravens  ;  also  partridges.  The  inhabitants  had  plenty  of  copper." 

This  land  is  generally  supposed  to  be  some  part  of  the  island  of  Newfoundland ; 
and  Dr.  Forster  thinks  that  the  name  Prima  Vista  was  afterward  changed  to  Bona 
Vista,  now  the  northern  cape  of  Trinity  Bay,  in  latitude  48°  50'.  Peter  Martyr's 
account  is,  that  Cabot  called  the  land  Bacalaos  ;  and  there  is  a  small  island  off  the 
south  cape  of  Trinity  Bay  which  bears  that  name  ;  Mr.  Prince,  in  his  chronology 
(citing  Galvanus  for  an  authority),  says  that  the  land  discovered  by  Cabot  was  in 
latitude  45°.  If  this  were  true,  the  first  discovery  was  made  on  the  peninsula  of 
Nova  Scotia ;  and  as  they  coasted  the  land  northward,  they  must  have  gone  into  the 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  in  pursuit  of  their  north-west  passage. 

The  best  accounts  of  the  voyage  preserved  by  Hakluyt  and  Purchas,  say  nothing 
of  the  latitude  of  Prima  Vista  ;  but  speak  of  their  sailing  northward  after  they  had 


*  There  is  no  good  account  of  this  voyage  written  by  any  contemporary  author.  It  is  therefore  col 
lected  from  several  who  have  set  down  facts  without  much  order  or  precision.  To  reconcile  their  contra 
dictions,  and  deduce  conclusions  from  what  they  have  related,  requires  much  trouble,  and  leaves  an 
uncc  tainty  with  respect  to  particular  circumstances,  though  the  principal  facts  are  well  ascertained. 


40  THK   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

made  the  land,  as  far  as  67°.  Stovve,  in  his  chronicle,  says  it  was  on  the  "  north  side 
of  Terra  de  Labradore."  This  course  must  have  carried  them  far  up  the  strait  which 
separates  Greenland  from  the  continent  of  America. 

Finding  the  land  still  stretching  to  the  northward,  and  the  weather  very  cold  in 
the  month  of  July,  the  men  became  uneasy,  and  the  commanders  found  it  neces 
sary  to  return  to  Bacalaos.  Having  here  refreshed  themselves,  they  coasted  the 
land  southward  till  they  came  into  the  same  latitude  with  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar 
36°,  according  to  some  no  farther  than  38°;  when,  their  provisions  falling  short,  they 
returned  to  England  ;  bringing  three  of  the  savages  as  a  present  to  the  King. 
"  They  were  clothed  with  the  skins  of  beasts,  and  lived  on  raw  flesh ;  but  after  two 
years,  were  seen  in  the  King's  court  clothed  like  Englishmen,  and  could  not  be  dis 
cerned  from  Englishmen." 

Nothing  more  is  said  of  John  Cabot,  the  father ;  and  some  historians  ascribe  the 
whole  of  this  discovery  to  Sebastian  only;  but  at  the  time  of  this  voyage  he  could 
not  have  been  more  than  twenty  years  old,  when,  though  he  might  accompany  his 
father,  yet  he  was  too  young  to  undertake  such  an  expedition  himself.  The  voyage 
having  produced  no  specimens  of  gold,  and  the  King  being  engaged  in  a  controversy 
with  Scotland,  no  farther  encouragement  was  given  to  the  spirit  of  discovery. 

After  the  King's  death,  Sebastian  Cabot  was  invited  to  Spain,  and  was  received  in 
a  respectful  manner  by  King  Ferdinand  and  Queen  Isabella.  In  their  service  he 
sailed  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  southern  parts  of  the  New  Continent ;  and 
having  visited  the  coast  of  Brazil,  entered  a  great  river,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  Rio  de  la  Plata.  He  sailed  up  this  river  one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues,  and 
found  it  divided  into  many  branches ;  the  shores  of  which  were  inhabited  by  numer 
ous  people. 

After  this  he  made  other  voyages,  of  which  no  particular  memorials  remain.  He 
was  honored  by  Ferdinand  with  a  commissio'n  of  Grand  Pilot;  and  was  one  of  the 
Council  of  the  Indies.  His  residence  was  in  the  city  of  Seville.  His  character  was 
gentle,  friendly,  and  social.  His  employment  was  the  drawing  of  charts ;  on  which 
he  delineated  all  the  new  discoveries  made  by  himself  and  others.  Peter  Martyr 
speaks  of  him  as  a  friend  with  whom  he  loved  familiarly  to  converse. 

In  his  advanced  age  he  returned  to  England,  and  resided  at  Bristol.  By  the 
favor  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  he  was  introduced  to  King  Edward  VI.,  who  took 
great  delight  in  his  conversation,  and  settled  on  him  a  pension  of  £166  135.  ^d.  per 
annum  for  life.  He  was  appointed  governor  of  a  company  of  merchants,  associated 
for  the  purpose  of  making  discoveries  of  unknown  countries.  This  is  a  proof  of  the 
great  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  as  a  man  of  knowledge  and  experienced  in  his 
profession.  He  had  a  strong  persuasion  that  a  passage  might  be  found  to  China  by 
the  north-east,  and  warmly  patronized  the  attempt  made  by  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby 
in  1553  to  explore  the  northern  seas  for  that  purpose.  There  is  still  extant  a  com 
plete  set'  of  instructions  drawn  and  subscribed  by  Cabot,  for  the  direction  of  the 
voyage  to  Cathay,  which  affords  the  clearest  proof  of  his  sagacity  and  penetration. 
But  though  this,  as  well  as  all  other  attempts  of  the  kind,  proved  ineffectual  to  the 
principal  end  in  view,  yet  it  was  the  means  of  opening  a  trade  with  Russia,  which 
proved  very  beneficial  to  the  company. 

The  last  account  which  we  have  of  Sebastian  is,  that  in  1556,  when  a  company 
were  sending  out  a  vessel  called  the  Searchtkrift,  under  the  command  of  Stephen 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  41 

Burrough,  for  discovery,  the  Governor  made  a  visit  on  board  ;  which  is  thus  related 
in  the  journal  of  the  voyage  as  preserved  by  Hakluyt : 

"  The  2/th  of  April,  being  Monday,  the  Right  Worshipful  Sebastian  Cabota  came 
aboard  our  pinnace,  at  Gravesend  ;  accompanied  with  divers  gentlemen  and  gentle 
women  ;  who,  after  they  had  viewed  our  pinnace,  and  tasted  of  such  cheer  as  we 
could  make  them,  went  ashore,  giving  to  our  mariners  right  liberal  rewards.  The 
good  old  gentleman  Master  Cabota  gave  to  the  poor  most  liberal  alms,  wishing  than 
to  pray  for  the  good  fortune  and  prosperous  success  of  the  Searchthrift,  our  pinnace. 
And  then  at  the  sign  of  St.  Christopher,  he  and  his  friends  banqueted ;  and  made 
me  and  them  that  were  in  the  company  great  cheer ;  and  for  very  joy  that  he  had 
to  see  the  towardness  of  our  intended  discovery,  he  entered  into  the  dance  himself, 
among  the  rest  of  the  young  and  lusty  company ;  which  being  ended  he  and  hir, 
friends  departed,  most  gently  commending  us  to  the  governance  of  Almighty  God." 

According  to  the  calculation  of  his  age  by  Dr.  Campbell,  he  must  at  that  time 
have  been  about  eighty  years  old. 

He  was  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  men  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  By 
his  ingenuity  and  industry,  he  enlarged  the  bounds  of  science  and  promoted  the 
interest  of  the  English  nation.  Dr.  Campbell  supposes  it  was  he  who  first  took 
notice  of  the  variation  of  the  magnetic  needle.  It  had  been  observed  in  the  first 
voyage  of  Columbus  to  the  West  Indies;  though  probably  Cabot  might  not  have 
known  it,  till  after  he  made  the  same  discovery. 


JAMES    CARTIER. 

JAMES  CARTIER— HE  SAILS  ON  A  VOYAGE  OF  DISCOVERY — COMES  IN  SIGHT  OF  LAND — ACCOUNT 
OF  HIS  VOYAGE — CHALEUR  BAY  DISCOVERED — HIS  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  NATIVES— DONA- 
CONA,  THE  INDIAN  CHIEF — HIS  STRATAGEM — RECEPTION  OF  CARTIER  AND  HIS  COMPANY 
BY  THE  INDIANS — CHARACTER,  HABITS,  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  INDIANS— CARTIER  MAKES 
FURTHER  DISCOVERIES — RAGING  OF  THE  SCURVY  IN  HIS  COMPANY— CARTIER  TAKES  POS 
SESSION  OF  THE  COUNTRY— HE  RETURNS  TO  FRANCE  WITH  TWO  OF  THE  NATIVES — CAR- 
TIER  AGAIN  SAILS — THE  NATIVES  INQUIRE  AFTER  THEIR  BRETHREN— KINDNESS  OF  THE 
INDIANS. 

THOUGH  the  English  did  not  prosecute  the  discovery  made  by  the  Cabots,  nor 
avail  themselves  of  the  only  advantages  which  it  could  have  afforded  them,  yet  their 
neighbors  of  Brittany,  Normandy,  and  Biscay  wisely  pursued  the  track  of  those  ad 
venturers  and  took  vast  quantities  of  cod  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland. 

In  1524,  John  Verazzani,  a  Florentine,  in  the  service  of  France,  ranged  the  coast 
of  the  new  continent  from  Florida  to  Newfoundland  and  gave  it  the  name  of  New 
France.  In  a  subsequent  voyage  he  was  cut  to  pieces  and  devoured  by  the  savages. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  three  great  European  kingdoms — Spain,  England,  and 
France — made  use  of  three  Italians  to  conduct  their  discoveries:  Columbus,  a  Gen 
oese  ;  Cabot,  a  Venetian  ;  and  Verazzani,  a  Florentine.  This  is  a  proof,  that,  among 
the  Italians,  there  were  at  that  time  persons  superior  in  maritime  knowledge  to  the 
G 


42  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

other  nations  of  Europe;  though  the  penurious  spirit  of  those  republics,  their  mut 
ual  jealousy,  and  petty  wars  made  them  overlook  the  benefits  resulting  from  exten 
sive  enterprises  and  leave  the  vast  regions  of  the  New  World  to  be  occupied  by- 
others. 

The  voyages  of  Verazzani  having  produced  no  addition  to  the  revenue  of  France, 
all  further  attempts  to  perfect  his  discoveries  were  laid  aside  ;  but  the  fishery  being 
found  conducive  to  the  commercial  interest,  it  was  at  length  conceived  that  a  planta 
tion  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  banks  might  be  advantageous.  This  being  repre 
sented  to  King  Francis  I.  by  Chabot  the  Admiral,  James  Cartier,  of  St.  Malo,  was 
commissioned  to  explore  the  country,  with  a  view  to  find  a  place  for  a  colony. 

On  the  2Oth  of  April,  1534,  he  sailed  from  St.  Malo  with  two  ships  of  sixty  tons 
and  one  hundred  and  twenty-two  men,  and,  on  the  loth  of  May,  came  in  sight  of 
Bonavista  on  the  island  of  Newfoundland ;  but  the  ice  which  lay  along  the  shore 
obliged  him  to  go  southward,  and  he  entered  a  harbor  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
St.  Catharine,  where  he  waited  for  fair  weather  and  fitted  his  boats. 

As  soon  as  the  season  would  permit  he  .sailed  northward  and  examined  several 
harbors  and  islands  on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland,  in  one  of  which  he  found  such  a 
quantity  of  birds,  that  in  half  an  hour  two  boats  were  loaded  with  them  ;  and,  aftei 
they  had  eaten  as  many  as  they  could,  five  or  six  barrels  full  were  salted  for  each 
ship.  This  place  was  called  Bird  Island. 

Having  passed  Cape  de  Grat,  the  northern  extremity  of  the  land,  he  entered  the 
Straits  of  Belisle  and  visited  several  harbors  on  the  opposite  coast  of  Labrador,  one 
of  which  he  called  Carticr's  Sound.  The  harbor  is  described  as  one  of  the  best  in 
the  world,  but  the  land  is  stigmatized  as  the  place  to  which  Cain  was  banished  ;  no 
vegetation  being  produced  among  the  rocks  but  thorns  and  moss.  Yet,  bad  as  it 
was,  there  were  inhabitants  in  it,  who  lived  by  catching  seals,  and  seemed  to  be  a 
wandering  tribe. 

In  circumnavigating  the  great  island  of  Newfoundland,  they  found  the  weather 
in  general  cold  ;  but,  when  they  had  crossed  the  gulf  in  a  south-westerly  direction  to 
the  continent,  they  came  into  a  deep  bay,  where  the  climate  was  so  warm  that  they 
named  it  Baye  de  Chaleur,  or  the  Bay  of  Heat.  Here  were  several  kinds  of  wild 
berries,  roses,  and  meadows  of  grass.  In  the  fresh  waters  they  caught  salmon  in 
great  plenty. 

Having  searched  in  vain  for  a  passage  through  the  bay,  they  quitted  it  and  sailed 
along  the  coast  eastward  till  they  came  to  the  smaller  bay  of  Gaspe,  where  they 
sought  shelter  from  a  tempest  and  were  detained  twelve  days  in  the  month  of  July. 
In  this  place  Cartier  performed  the  ceremony  of  taking  possession  for  the  King 
of  France.  A  cross  thirty  feet  high  was  erected  on  a  point  of  land.  On  this 
cross  was  suspended  a  shield  with  the  arms  of  France  and  the  words  Vive  le  Roy  de 
France.  Before  it  the  people  knelt  uncovered,  with  their  hands  extended  and 
their  eyes  lifted  toward  heaven.  The  natives  who  were  present  beheld  the  cere 
mony  with  silent  admiration;  but,  after  a  while,  an  old  man  clad  in  bear's  skin 
made  signs  to  them  that  the  land  was  his,  and  that  they  should  not  have  it  without 
his  leave.  They  then  informed  him  by  signs  that  the  cross  was  intended  only  as  a 
mark  of  direction  by  which  they  might  again  find  the  port,  and  they  promised  to 
return  the  next  year  and  to  bring  iron  and  other  commodities. 

They  thought  it  proper,  however,  to  conciliate  the  old   man's  good-will  by  enter- 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE   EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  13 

taining  him  on  board  the  ship  and  making  him  several  presents ;  by  which  means, 
they  so  prevailed  on  him  that  he  permitted  Cartier  to  carry  two  of  his  sons,  young 
men,  to  France  on  the  security  of  a  promise  that  he  would  bring  them  back,  on  his 
return  the  next  spring. 

From  Gaspe,  he  sailed  so  far  into  the  great  river  afterward  called  St.  Lawrence, 
as  to  discover  land 'on  the  opposite  side  ;  but  the  weather  being  boisterous,  and  the 
current  setting  against  him,  he  thought  it  best  to  return  to  Newfoundland,  and  then 
to  France  ;  where  he  arrived  safe  in  the  harbor  of  St.  Malo  on  the  5th  of  September. 

The  discoveries  made  in  this  voyage  excited  farther  curiosity ;  and  the  Vice-Ad 
miral  Melleraye  represented  Cartier's  merits  to  the  King  so  favorably  as  to  procure 
for  him  a  more  ample  equipment.  Three  ships,  one  of  120,  one  of  60,  and  one  of 
40  tons,  were  destined  to  perform  another  voyage  in  the  ensuing  spring,  and  several 
young  men  of  distinction  entered  as  volunteers,  to  seek  adventures  in  the  New 
World.  When  they  were  ready  to  sail,  the  whole  company,  after  the  example  of 
Columbus,  went  in  procession  to  church,  on  Whitsunday,  where  the  Bishop  of  St. 
Malo  pronounced  his  blessing  on  them.  They  sailed  on  the  igth  of  May,  1535. 
Meeting  with  tempestuous  weather,  the  ships  were  separated,  and  did  not  join  again 
till  Cartier  in  the  largest  ship  arrived  at  Bird  Island,  where  he  again  filled  his  boats 
with  fowls,  and  on  the  26th  of  July  was  joined  by  the  other  vessels. 

From  Bird  Island  they  pursued  the  same  course  as  in  the  preceding  summer ;  and 
having  come  into  the  gulf  on  the  western  side  of  Newfoundland,  gave  it  the  name 
of  St.  Lawrence.  Here  they  saw  abundance  of  whales.  Passing  between  the  Island 
of  Assumption  (since  called  Anticosti)  and  the  northern  shore,  they  sailed  up  the 
great  river,  till  they  came  to  a  branch  on  the  northern  side,  which  the  young  natives 
who  were  on  board  called  Saguenay ;  the  main  river,  they  told  him,  would  carry  him 
to  Hochelaga,  the  capital  of  the  whole  country. 

After  spending  some  time  in  exploring  the  northern  coast,  to  find  an  opening  to 
the  northward,  in  the  beginning  of  September  he  sailed  up  the  river  and  discovered 
several  islands;  one  of  which,  from  the  multitude  of  filberts,  he  called  Coudres  ;  and 
another,  from  the  vast  quantity  of  grapes,  he  named  Bacchus  (now  Orleans).  This 
island  was  full  of  inhabitants,  who  subsisted  by  fishing.  • 

When  the  ships  had  come  to  anchor  between  the  north-west  side  of  the  island  and 
the  main,  Cartier  went  on  shore  with  his  two  young  savages.  The  people  of  the  coun 
try  were  at  first  afraid  of  them,  but  hearing  the  youths  speak  to  them  in  their  own 
language,  they  became  sociable,  and  brought  eels  and  other  fish,  with  a  quantity  of 
Indian  corn  in  ears,  for  the  refreshment  of  their  new  guests  ;  in  return  for  which 
they  were  presented  with  such  European  baubles  as  were  pleasing  to  them. 

The  next  day,  Donacona,  the  prince  of  the  place,  came  to  visit  them,  attended 
by  twelve  boats ;  but,  keeping  ten  of  them  at  a  distance,  he  approached  with  two 
only,  containing  sixteen  men.  In  the  true  spirit  of  hospitality,  he  made  a  speech, 
accompanied  with  significant  gestures,  welcoming  the  French  to  his  country,  and 
offering  his  service  to  them.  The  young  savages,  Tiagnoagni  and  Domagaia,  an 
swered  him,  reporting  all  which  they  had  seen  in  France,  at  which  he  appeared  to  be 
pleased.  Then  approaching  the  captain,  who  held  out  his  hand,  he  kissed  it,  and 
laid  it  round  his  own  neck,  in  token  of  friendship.  Cartier,  on  his  part,  entertained 
Donacona  with  bread  and  wine,  and  they  parted  mutually  pleased. 

The  next  day  Cartier  went  up  in  his  boat  to  find  a  harbor  for  his  ships ;  the  season 


44  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

being  so  far  advanced  that  it  became  necessary  to  secure  them.  At  the  west  end  of 
the  isle  of  Bacchus  he  found  "a  goodly  and  pleasant  sound,  where  is  a  little  river 
and  haven,  about  three  fathoms  deep  at  high  water."  To  this  he  gave  the  name  of 
St.  Croix,  and  determined  there  to  lay  up  his  ships. 

Near  this  place  was  a  village  called  Stadacona,  of  which  Donacona  was  the  lord. 
It  was  environed  with  forest  trees,  some  of  which  bore  fruit ;  and  under  the  trees 
was  a  growth  of  wild  hemp.  As  Cartier  was  returning  to  his  ships  he  had  another 
specimen  of  the  hospitable  manners  of  the  natives.  A  company  of  people,  of  both 
sexes,  met  him  on  the  shore  of  the  little  river,  singing  and  dancing  up  to  their  knees 
in  water.  In  return  for  their  courtesy  he  gave  them  knives  and  beads,  and  they 
continued  their  music  till  he  was  beyond  hearing  it. 

When  Cartier  had  brought  his  ships  to  the  harbor  and  secured  them,  he  intimated 
his  intention  to  pass  in  his  boats  up  the  river  to  Hochelaga.  Donacona  was  loth  to 
part  with  him,  and  invented  several  artifices  to  prevent  his  going  thither.  Among 
others,  he  contrived  to  dress  three  of  his  men  in  black  and  white  skins,  with  horns 
on  their  heads,  and  their  faces  besmeared  with  coal,  to  make  them  resemble  infernal 
spirits.  They  were  put  into  a  canoe  and  passed  to  the  ships,  brandishing  their  horns 
and  making  an  unintelligible  harangue.  Donacona,  with  his  people,  pursued  and  took 
them,  on  which  they  fell  down  as  if  dead.  They  were  carried  ashore  into  the  woods, 
and  all  the  savages  followed  them.  A  long  discourse  ensued,  and  the  conclusion  of 
the  farce  was  that  these  demons  had  brought  news  from  the  god  of  Hochelaga  that 
his  country  was  so  full  of  snow  and  ice  that  whoever  should  adventure  thither  would 
perish  with  the  cold.  The  artifice  afforded  diversion  to  the  French,  but  was  too 
thin  to  deceive  them.  Cartier  determined  to  proceed  ;  and  on  the  igth  of  September, 
with  his  pinnace  and  two  boats,  began  his  voyage  up  the  river  to  Hochelaga. 

Among  the  woods  on  the  margin  of  the  river  were  many  vines  loaded  with  white 
grapes,  than  which  nothing  could  be  a  more  welcome  sight  to  Frenchmen,  though 
the  fruit  was  not  so  delicious  as  they  had  been  used  to  taste  in  their  own  country. 
Along  the  banks  were  many  huts  of  the  natives,  who  made  signs  of  joy  as  they 
passed ;  presented  them  with  fish  ;  piloted  them  through  narrow  channels ;  carried 
them  ashore  on  their  backs,  and  helped  them  to  get  off  their  boats  when  aground. 
Some  presented  their  children  to  them,  and  such  as  were  of  proper  age  were 
accepted. 

The  water  at  that  time  of  the  year  being  low,  their  passage  was  rendered  difficult ; 
but  by  the  friendly  assistance  of  the  natives  they  surmounted  the  obstructions.  On 
the  2$th  of  September  they  passed  the  rapids  between  the  islands  in  the  upper  part 
of  the  lake  Angoleme  (now  called  St.  Peter's),  and  on  the  2d  of  October  they  arrived 
at  the  island  of  Hochelaga,  where  they  had  been  expected,  and  preparations  were  made 
to  give  them  a  welcome  reception.  About  a  thousand  persons  came  to  meet  them, 
singing  and  dancing,  the  men  on  one  side,  the  women  on  the  other,  and  the  children 
in  a  distinct  body.  Presents  of  fish  and  other  victuals  were  brought,  and  in  return 
were  given  knives,  beads,  and  other  trinkets.  The  Frenchmen  lodged  the  first  night 
in  their  boats,  and  the  natives  watched  on  the  shore,  dancing  round  their  fires  during 
the  whole  night. 

The  next  morning  Cartier,  with  twenty-five  of  his  company,  went  to  visit  the 
town,  and  were  met  on  the  way  by  a  person  of  distinction,  who  bade  them  welcome. 
To  him  they  gave  two  hatchets  and  two  knives,  and  hung  over  his  neck  a  cross, 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  45 

which  they  taught  him  to  kiss.  As  they  proceeded  they  passed  through  groves  of 
oak,  from  which  acorns  were  fallen  and  lay  thick  on  the  ground.  After  this  they 
came  to  fields  of  ripe  corn,  some  of  which  was  gathered.  In  the  midst  of  these  fields 
was  situate  the  town  of  Hochelaga. 

It  was  of  a  round  form,  encompassed  with  three  lines  of  palisades,  through  which 
was  one  entrance,  well  secured  with  stakes  and  bars.  On  the  inside  was  a  rampart 
of  timber,  to  which  were  ascents  by  ladders,  and  heaps  of  stones  were  laid  in  proper 
places  for  defense.  In  the  town  were  about  fifty  long  huts,  built  with  stakes  and 
covered  with  bark.  In  the  middle  of  each  hut  was  a  fire,  round  which  were  lodging 
places,  floored  with  bark  and  covered  with  skins.  In  the  upper  part  was  a  scaffold, 
on  which  they  dried  and  preserved  their  corn.  To  prepare  it  for  eating,  they 
pounded  it  in  wooden  mortars,  and,  having  mixed  it  with  water,  baked  it  on  hot 
stones.  Besides  corn,  they  had  beans,  squashes,  and  pumpkins.  They  dried  their 
fish  and  preserved  them  in  troughs.  These  people  lived  chiefly  by  tillage  and  fishing, 
and  seldom  went  far  from  home.  Those  on  the  lower  parts  of  the  river  were  more 
given  to  hunting,  and  considered  the  Lord  of  Hochelaga  as  their  sovereign,  to  whom 
they  paid  tribute. 

When  the  new  guests  were  conducted  to  an  open  square  in  the  center  of  the 
town,  the  females  came  to  them,  rubbing  their  hands  and  faces,  weeping  with  joy 
at  their  arrival,  and  bringing  their  children  to  be  touched  by  the  strangers.  They 
spread  mats  for  them  on  the  ground,  whilst  the  men  seated  themselves  in  a  large 
circle  on  the  outside.  The  King  was  then  brought  in  a  litter  on  the  shoulders  of 
ten  men,  and  placed  on  a  mat  next  to  the  French  Captain.  He  was  about  fifty  years 
old,  and  had  no  mark  of  distinction  but  a  coronet  made  of  porcupines'  quills  dyed 
red ;  which  he  took  off  and  gave  to  the  Captain,  requesting  him  to  rub  his  arms  and 
legs,  which  were  trembling  with  the  palsy.  Several  persons,  blind,  lame,  and  withered 
with  age,  were  also  brought  to  be  touched  ;  as  if  they  supposed  that  their  new  guests 
were  messengers  from  heaven  invested  with  a  power  of  healing  diseases.  Cartier 
gratified  them  ;?s  well  as  he  could,  by  laying  his  hands  on  them  and  repeating  some 
devotional  passages  from  a  service  book,  which  he  had  in  his  pocket ;  accompanying 
his  ejaculations  with  significant  gestures,  and  lifting  up  his  eyes  to  heaven.  The 
natives  attentively  observed  and  imitated  all  his  motions. 

Having  performed  this  ceremony,  he  desired  the  men,  women,  and  children  to 
arrange  themselves  in  separate  bodies.  To  the  men  he  gave  hatchets,  to  the  women 
beads,  and  to  the  children  rings.  He  then  ordered  his  drums  and  trumpets  to  sound, 
which  highly  pleased  the  company  and  set  them  to  dancing. 

Being  desirous  of  ascending  the  hill  under  which  the  town  was  built,  the  natives 
conducted  them  to  the  summit ;  where  they  were  entertained  with  a  most  extensive 
and  beautiful  prospect  of  mountains,  woods,  islands,  and  waters.  They  observed  the 
course  of  the  river  above,  and  some  falls  of  water  in  it ;  and  the  natives  informed 
them  that  they  might  sail  on  it  for  three  months ;  that  it  ran  through  two  or  three 
great  lakes,  beyond  which  was  a  sea  of  fresh  water,  to  which  they  knew  of  no  bounds  ; 
and  that  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains  there  was  another  river  which  ran  in  a 
contrary  direction  to  the  south-west,  through  a  country  full  of  delicious  fruits,  and 
free  from  snow  and  ice ;  that  there  was  found  such  metal  as  the  Captain's  silver 
whistle  and  the  haft  of  the  dagger  belonging  to  one  of  the  company  which  was  gilt 
with  gold.  Being  shown  some  copper,  they  pointed  to  the  northward,  and  said  it 


46  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

came  from  Saguenay.  To  this  hill  Cartier  gave  the  name  of  Montreal,  which  it  has 
ever  since  retained. 

The  visit  being  finished,  the  natives  accompanied  the  French  to  their  boats,  car 
rying  s^ch  as  were  weary  on  their  shoulders.  They  were  loth  to  part  with  their 
guests,  and  followed  them  along  the  shore  of  the  river  to  a  considerable  distance. 

On  the  4th  of  October,  Cartier  and  his  company  departed  from  Hochelaga.  In 
passing  down  the  river,  they  erected  a  cross  on  the  point  of  an  island,  which,  with 
three  others,  lay  in  the  mouth  of  a  shallow  river,  on  the  north  side,  called  Fouetz. 
On  the  I  ith  they  arrived  at  the  Porte  de  St.  Croix,  and  found  that  their  companions 
had  enclosed  the  ships  with  a  palisade  and  rampart,  on  which  they  had  mounted 
cannon. 

The  next  day  Donacona  invited  them  to  his  residence,  where  they  were  enter 
tained  with  the  usual  festivity  and  made  the  customary  presents.  They  observed 
that  these  people  used  the  leaves  of  an  herb  (tobacco),  which  they  preserved  in 
pouches  made  of  skins  and  smoked  in  stone  pipes.  It  was  very  offensive  to  the 
French ;  but  the  natives  valued  it  as  contributing  much  to  the  preservation  of  their 
health.  Their  houses  appeared  to  be  well  supplied  with  provisions.  Among  other 
things  which  were  new  to  the  French,  they  observed  the  scalps  of  five  men,  spread 
and  dried  like  parchment.  These  were  taken  from  their  enemies  the  Toudamani, 
who  came  from  the  south,  and  were  continually  at  war  with  them. 

Being  determined  to  spend  the  winter  among  those  friendly  people,  they  traded 
with  them  for  the  provisions  which  they  could  spare,  and  the  river  supplied  them 
with  fish  till  it  was  hard  frozen. 

In  December  the  scurvy  began  to  make  its  appearance  among  the  natives,  and 
Cartier  prohibited  all  intercourse  with  them ;  but  it  was  not  long  before  his  own  men 
were  taken  with  it.  It  raged  with  uncontrolled  violence  for  above  two  months,  and 
by  the  middle  of  February,  out  of  one  hundred  and  ten  persons,  fifty  were  sick  at 
once,  and  eight  or  ten  had  died. 

In  this  extremity  Cartier  appointed  a  day  of  solemn  humiliation  and  prayer.  A 
crucifix  was  placed  on  a  tree,  and  as  many  as  were  able  to  walk  went  in  procession, 
through  the  ice  and  snow,  singing  the  seven  penitential  psalms  and  performing  other 
devotional  exercises.  At  the  close  of  the  solemnity  Cartier  made  a  vow,  that  "  if  it 
would  please  God  to  permit  him  to  return  to  France,  he  would  go  in  pilgrimage  to 
our  Lady  of  Roquemado."  But  it  was  necessary  to  watch  as  well  as  pray.  To  pre 
vent  the  natives  from  knowing  their  weak  and  defenseless  state,  he  obliged  all  who 
were  able,  to  make  as  much  noise  as  possible  with  axes  and  hammers ;  and  told  the 
natives  that  his  men  were  all  busily  employed,  and  that  he  would  not  suffer  any  of 
them  to  go  from  the  ships  till  their  work  was  done.  The  ships  were  fast  frozen  up 
from  the  middle  of  November  to  the  middle  of  March ;  the  snow  was  four  feet  deep, 
and  higher  than  the  sides  of  the  ships  above  the  ice.  The  severity  of  the  winter 
exceeded  all  which  they  had  ever  experienced  ;  the  scurvy  still  raged  ;  twenty-five 
men  had  fallen  victims  to  it,  and  the  others  were  so  weak  and  low  in  spirits,  that 
they  despaired  of  ever  seeing  their  native  country. 

In  the  depth  of  this  distress  and  despondency,  Cartier,  who  had  escaped  the 
disease,  in  walking  one  day  on  the  ice,  met  some  of  the  natives,  among  whom  was 
Domagaia,  one  of  the  young  men  who  had  been  with  him  to  France,  and  who  then 
resided  with  his  countrymen  at  Stadacona.  He  had  been  sick  with  the  ;curvy,  his 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  47 

sinews  had  txy.n  shrunk  and  his  knees  swollen,  his  teeth  loose,  and  his  gums  rotten  ; 
but  he  was  then  recovered,  and  told  Cartier  of  a  certain  tree,  the  leaves  and  bark  of 
which  he  ha-I  used  as  a  remedy.  Cartier  expressed  his  wish  to  see  the  tree,  telling 
him  that  one  of  his  people  had  been  affected  with  the  same  disorder.  Two  women 
were  immediately  dispatched,  who  brought  ten  or  twelve  branches,  and  showe.d  him 
how  to  prepare  the  decoction  ;  which  was  thus,  "  to  boil  the  bark  and  the  leaves  ;  to 
drink  of  the  liquor  every  other  day ;  and  to  put  the  dregs  on  the  legs  of  the  sick."* 

This  remedy  presently  came  into  use  on  board  the  ships,  and  its  good  effects  were  so 
surprising,  that  within  one  week  they  were  completely  healed  of  the  scurvy  ;  and  some 
who  had  venereal  complaints  of  long  standing  were  also  cured  by  the  same  means. 

The  severity  of  the  winter  having  continued  four  months  without  intermission,  at 
the  return  of  the  sun  the  season  became  milder,  and  in  April  the  ice  began  to  break 
up.  On  the  3d  of  May,  Cartier  took  possession  of  the  country  by  erecting  a  cross 
thirty-five  feet  high,  on  which  was  hung  a  shield,  bearing  the  arms  of  France,  with 
this  inscription  :  FRANCICUS  Primus,  Dei  gratia,  FRANCORUM  Rex.  rcgnat. 

The  same  day  being  a  day  of  festivity,  the  two  young  savages,  Tiagnoagni  and  Doma- 
gaia,  with  Donacona,  the  chief  of  the  place,  came  on  board  the  ships,  and  were  partly 
prevailed  on  and  partly  constrained  to  accompany  Cartier  to  France.  A  handsome 
present  was  made  to  the  family  of  Donacona,  but  it  was  with  great  reluctance  that 
his  friends  parted  with  him ;  though  Cartier  promised  to  bring  him  again  at  the  end 
of  twelve  months.  On  the  6th  of  May  they  sailed  from  the  port  of  St.  Croix, 
and  having  touched  at  St.  Peter's,  in  Newfoundland,  they  arrived  at  St.  Malo,  in 
France,  the  6th  of  July,  1536. 

Whether  Cartier  performed  his  vow  to  God,  the  history  does  not  tell  us ;  certain 
it  is,  however,  that  he  did  not  perform  his  promise  to  his  passengers.  The  zeal  for 
adventures  of  this  kind  began  to  abate.  Neither  gold  nor  silver  were  carried 
home.  The  advantages  of  the  fur  trade  were  not  fully  understood,  and  the  prospect 
of  benefit  from  cultivation  in  the  short  summer  of  that  cold  climate  was  greatly  over 
balanced  by  the  length  and  severity  of  a  Canadian  winter.  The  natives  had  been  so 
often  told  of  the  necessity  of  baptism  in  order  to  salvation,  that  on  their  arrival  in 
France,  they  were,  at  their  own  request,  baptized ;  but  neither  of  them  lived  to  see 
their  native  land  again. 

The  report  which  Cartier  brought  home  of  the  fine  country  beyond  the  Lakes, 
had,  however,  made  such  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  some,  that  at  the  end  of 
four  years  another  expedition  was  projected.  Francis  de  la  Roche,  Lord  of  Rober- 
val,  was  commissioned  by  the  King  as  his  Lieutenant-Governor  in  Canada  and  Hoche- 
laga ;  and  Cartier  was  appointed  his  pilot,  with  the  command  of  five  ships.  When 
they  were  ready  to  sail,  Roberval  had  not  finished  his  preparations,  and  was  therefore 
detained.  The  King's  orders  to  Cartier  being  positive,  he  sailed  from  St.  Malo  on  the 
23d  of  May,  1540. 

The  winds  were  adverse  and  the  voyage  tedious.     The  ships  were  scattered,  and 


*  This  tree  was  called  by  the  natives,  Ameda  or  Haneda.  Mr.  Hakluyt  supposes  it  to  have  been  the 
Sassafras;  but  as  the  leaves  were  used  with  the  bark,  in  the  winter,  it  must  have  been  an  evergreen.  The 
dregs  of  the  bark  were  also  applied  to  the  sore  legs  of  the  patient.  From  these  circumstances  I  am  inclined 
to  think  that  it  was  the  spruce  pine  (pinus  canadensis),  which  is  used  in  the  same  manner  by  the  Indians, 
and  such  as  have  learned  of  them.  Spruce  beer  is  well  known  to  be  a  powerful  anti-scorbutic;  and  the 
bark  of  this  and  of  the  white  pine  serves  as  a  cataplasm  for  wounds  and  sores. 


48  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

did  not  arrive  at  the  place  of  their  destination  till  the  23d  of  August ;  when  they 
came  to  the  port  of  St.  Croix,  in  the  river  of  Canada. 

The  first  inquiry  made  by  the  natives  was  for  their  countrymen  who  had  been 
carried  away.  The  answer  was  that  Donacona  was  dead,  and  that  the  others 
had  become  great  lords,  were  married  in  France,  and  refused  to  return.  Neither 
sorrow  nor  resentment  were  shown  on  this  occasion  ;  but  a  secret  jealousy,  which  had 
long  been  working,  received  strength  from  an  answer  so  liable  to  suspicion. 

The  history  of  this  voyage  being  imperfect,  it  is  not  possible  to  say  in  what  par 
ticular  manner  this  jealousy  operated.  Cartier  made  another  excursion  up  the  river, 
and  pitched  about  four  leagues  above  St.  Croix  to  lay  up  three  of  his  vessels  for  the 
winter.  The  other  two  he  sent  back  to  France,  to  inform  the  King  of  what  they  had 
done ;  and  that  Roberval  had  not  arrived. 

At  the  new  harbor  which  he  had  chosen  for  his  ships  was  a  small  river,  running 
in  a  serpentine  course  to  the  south.  On  the  eastern  side  of  its  entrance  was  a  high 
and  steep  cliff,  on  the  top  of  which  they  built  a  fort  and  called  it  Charleburg.  Below, 
the  ships  were  drawn  up  and  fortified,  as  they  had  been  in  the  former  winter  which 
he  spent  here.  Not  far  from  the  fort  were  some  rocks  containing  crystals,  which 
they  denominated  diamonds,  and  on  the  shore  were  picked  up  certain  specks  of  a 
yellow  substance,  which  their  imaginations  refined  into  gold.  Iron  ore  was  found  in 
abundance ;  and  a  kind  of  black  slate,  with  veins  of  an  apparent  metallic  substance. 

In  what  manner  they  passed  the  winter  the  defective  accounts  which  we  have  do 
not  inform  us.  In  the  spring  of  the  following  year  Cartier  and  his  company,  having 
heard  nothing  of  Roberval,  and  concluding  that  they  were  abandoned  by  their 
friends  and  exposed  to  perish  in  a  climate  the  most  severe,  and  among  people  whose 
conduct  toward  them  was  totally  changed,  determined  to  return  to  France.  Ac 
cordingly,  having  set  sail  at  the  breaking  up  of  the  ice,  they  arrived  in  the  harbor  of 
St.  Johns,  in  Newfoundland,  some  time  in  June,  where  they  met  Roberval,  who, 
with  three  ships  and  two  hundred  persons,  male  and  female,  had  sailed  from  Rochelle 
in  April,  and  were  on  their  way  to  establish  a  colony  in  Canada.  Cartier  went  on 
board  Robcrval's  ship,  and  showed  him  the  diamonds  and  gold  which  he  had  found ; 
but  told  him  that  the  hostile  disposition  of  the  natives  had  obliged  him  to  quit  the 
country ;  which,  however,  he  represented  to  him  as  capable  of  profitable  cultivation. 
Roberval  ordered  him  to  return  to  Canada ;  but  Cartier  privately  sailed  out  of  the 
harbor  in  the  night,  and  pursued  his  voyage  to  France. 

Mortified  and  disappointed,  Roberval  continued  some  time  longer  at  St.  Johns 
before  he  proceeded,  and  about  the  end  of  July  arrived  at  the  place  which  Cartier 
had  quitted.  There  he  erected  a  fort  on  a  commanding  eminence,  and  another  at 
its  foot,  in  which  were  deposited  all  the  provision,  ammunition,  artillery,  implements 
of  husbandry,  and  other  materials  for  the  intended  colony. 

In  September  two  vessels  were  sent  back  to  France,  to  carry  specimens  of  crystal 
and  fetch  provisions  for  the  next  year ;  the  stores  which  they  had  brought  being 
much  reduced.  By  the  help  of  the  fish  which  they  took  in  the  river,  and  the  game 
which  they  procured  from  the  savages,  and  by  well  husbanding  their  provisions,  they 
lingered  out  a  tedious  winter,  having  suffered  much  from  the  scurvy,  of  which  about 
fifty  of  them  died.  In  addition  to  this  distress,  Roberval  exercised  such  severity  in 
his  government  that  one  man  was  hanged,  several  were  laid  in  irons,  and  some  of 
both  sexes  underwent  the  discipline  of  the  whip. 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  49 

In  April  the  ice  began  to  break  up ;  and  on  the  5th  of  June  he  proceeded  up  the 
river,  leaving  De  Royeze,  his  lieutenant,  to  command  in  his  absence,  with  orders  to 
embark  for  France  if  he  should  not  return  by  the  middle  of  July. 

As  the  account  of  the  expedition  ends  here,  we  can  only  remark  that  the  colony 
was  broken  up,  and  no  farther  attempt  was  made  by  the  French  to  establish  them 
selves  in  Canada  till  after  the  expiration  of  half  a  century.  The  last  account  of 
Roberval  is  that,  in  1549,  he  sailed  with  his  brother  on  some  voyage  of  discovery, 
and  never  returned. 

In  this  first  visit  which  the  natives  of  Canada  received  from  the  Europeans,  we  have 
a  striking  instance  of  their  primitive  manners.  Suspecting  no  danger,  and  influenced 
by  no  fear,  they  embraced  the  stranger  with  unaffected  joy.  Their  huts  were  open 
to  receive  him,  their  fires  and  furs  to  give  warmth  and  rest  to  his  weary  limbs ;  their 
food  was  shared  with  him  or  given  in  exchange  for  his  trifles ;  they  were  ready  with 
their  simple  medicines  to  heal  his  diseases  and  his  wounds;  they  would  wade  through 
rivers  and  climb  rocks  and  mountains  to  guide  him  in  his  way,  and  they  would  re 
member  and  requite  his  kindness  more  than  it  deserved. 

Unhappily  for  them  they  set  too  high  a  value  on  their  new  guest.  .Imagining 
him  to  be  of  a  heavenly  origin,  they  were  extravagant  and  unguarded  in  their  first 
attachment,  and  from  some  specimens  of  his  superiority,  obvious  to  their  senses, 
they  expected  more  than  ought  ever  to  be  expected  from  beings  of  the  same  spe 
cies.  But  when  the  mistake  was  discovered,  and  the  stranger  whom  they  adored 
proved  to  be  no  more  than  human,  having  the  same  inferior  desires  and  passions 
with  themselves ;  especially  when  they  found  their  confidence  misplaced  and  their 
generous  friendship  ill  requited  ;  then  the  rage  of  jealousy  extinguished  the  virtue 
of  benevolence,  and  they  struggled  to  rid  themselves  of  him,  as  an  enemy,  whom 
they  had  received  into  their  bosom  as  a  friend. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  war  too  common  for  the  European  adventurer  to  regard 
the  man  of  nature  as  an  inferior  being  ;  and  whilst  he  availed  himself  of  his  strength 
and  experience  to  abuse  his  confidence,  and  repay  his  kindness  with  insult  and  injury  ; 
to  stigmatize  him  as  a  heathen  and  a  savage,  and  to  bestow  on  him  the  epithets  of 
deceitful,  treacherous,  and  cruel,  though  he  himself  had  first  set  the  example  of 
these  detestable  vices. 


FERDINANDO   DE  SOTO. 

FERDINANDO  DE  SOTO— HIS  EXPEDITION— HIS  ADVENTURES— HE  PENETRATES  INTO  THE  IN 
TERIOR  OF  THE  COUNTRY— HIS  DIFFICULTY  WITH  THE  INDIANS— ENCOUNTER  WITH  THE 
INDIANS,  IN  WHICH  MANY  ARE  KILLED — HIS  DEATH. 

THE  travels  and  transactions  of  this  adventurer  are  of  so  little  importance  in  the 
history  of  America,  that  I  should  not  have  thought  them  worthy  of  notice  had  it 
not  been  that  some  gentlemen  of  ingenuity  and  learning  have  had  recourse  to  the 
expedition  of  this  Spaniard  as  a  means  of  solving  the  question  respecting  the 
mounds  and  fortifications  of  a  regular  construction  which,  within  a  few  years  past, 
7 


50  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

have  been  discovered  in  the  thickest  shades  of  the  American  forest.*  Though  the 
opinion  seems  to  have  been  candidly  given  up  by  one  of  the  writers  who  attempted 
to  defend  it ;  yet,  as  what  was  published  on  the  subject  may  have  impressed  some 
persons  with  an  idea  that  these  works  were  of  European  fabric,  I  shall  briefly  relate 
the  history  of  Soto's  march,  and  the  difficulties  which  attend  the  supposition  that 
he  was  the  builder  of  any  of  these  fortifications. 

After  the  conquest  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  cen 
tury,  the  inextinguishable  thirst  for  gold  which  had  seized  the  Spanish  adventurers, 
prompted  them  to  search  for  that  bewitching  metal  wherever  there  could  be  any 
prospect  of  finding  it.  Three  unsuccessful  attempts  had  been  made  in  Florida  by 
Ponce,  Gomez,  and  Narvaez  ;  but  because  these  adventurers  did  not  penetrate  the 
interior  parts  of  the  continent,  FEROINANDO  DE  SOTO,  Governor  of  Cuba,  who  had 
been  a  companion  of  the  Pizarros  in  their  Peruvian  expedition,  and  had  there 
amassed  much  wealth,  projected  a  march  into  Florida,  of  which  country  he  had  the 
title  of  Adelantado,  or  President.  He  sailed  from  the  port  of  Havana,  May  18, 
1539,  with  nine  vessels,  six  hundred  men,  two  hundred  and  thirteen  horses,  and  a 
herd-of  swine,  and  arrived  on  the  3oth  of  the  same  month  in  the  Bay  of  Espiritu 
Santo,  on  the  western  coast  of  the  peninsula  of  Florida. 

Being  a  soldier  of  fortune  and  determined  on  conquest,  he  immediately  pitched 
his  camp  and  secured  it.  A  foraging  party  met  with  a  few  Indians,  who  resisted 
them  ;  two  were  killed,  the  others  escaped,  and  reported  to  their  countrymen  that 
the  warriors  of  fire  had  invaded  their  territories,  upon  which  the  smaller  towns  were 
deserted  and  the  natives  hid  in  the  woods. 

Having  met  with  a  Spaniard  of  the  party  of  Narvaez  who  had  been  wrecked  on 
the  coast,  and  had  b  Jen  twelve  years  a  captive  with  the  Indians,  Sot&  made  use  of 
him  as  a  messenger  to  them  to  inquire  for  gold  and  silver ;  and  wherever  he  could 
receive  any  information  respecting  these  precious  metals,  thither  he  directed  his 
march. 

His  manner  of  marching  was  this:  The  horsemen  carried  bags  of  corn  and  other 
provisions ;  the  footmen  marched  by  the  side  of  the  horses,  and  the  swine  were 
driven  before  them.  When  they  first  landed  they  had  thirteen  female  swine,  which, 
in  two  years,  increased  to  several  hundred;  the  warmth  of  the  climate  being  favor 
able  to  their  propagation,  and  the  forests  yielding  them  plenty  of  food. 

The  first  summer  and  winter  were  spent  in  the  peninsula  of  Florida,  not  far  from 
the  Bay  of  Apalache  ;  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  following  spring,  having  sent  back 
his  vessels  to  Cuba  for  supplies,  and  left  a  part  of  his  men  at  the  port,  where  he  ex 
pected  the  ships  to  return,  he  marched  toward  the  north  and  east  in  search  of  a  place 
called  Yupaha,  where  he  had  been  informed  there  was  gold. 

In  this  march  he  crossed  the  river  Altamaha,  and  probably  the  Ogeechce,  and 
came,  as  he  was  informed,  within  two  days'  journey  of  the  Bay  of  St.  Helena,  where 
the  Spaniards  had  been  several  years  before.  In  all  this  march  he  stayed  not  more 
than  a  week  in  any  one  place. 

He  then  set  his  face  northward,  and  having  passed  a  hilly  country,  came  to  a  dis- 

*  If  the  reader  wishes  to  see  a  particular  investigation  of  this  hypothesis,  he  may  consult  the  American 
Magazine,  printed  at  New  York,  for  December,  1787,  January  and  February,  1788,  and  some  subsequent 
numbers  ;  compared  with  the  Columbian  Magazine,  printed  at  Philadelphia,  for  September  and  November, 
1788. 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  51 

trict  called  Chalaque,  which  is  supposed  to  be  the  country  now  called  Cherokee,  on 
the  upper  branches  of  the  river  Savannah.  Thence  he  turned  westward  in  search  of 
a  place  called  Chiaha,  and  in  this  route  he  crossed  the  Alleghany  ridge,  and  came  to 
Chiaha,  where  his  horses  and  men  being  excessively  fatigued,  he  rested  thirty  days. 
The  horses  fed  in  a  meadow,  and  the  people  lay  under  the  trees,  the  weather  being 
very  hot,  and  the  natives  in  peace.  This  was  in  the  months  of  May  and  June.  Dur 
ing  their  abode  there  they  heard  of  a  country  called  Chisca,  where  was  copper  and 
another  metal  of  the  same  color.  This  country  lay  northward,  and  a  party  was  sent 
with  Indian  guides  to  view  it.  Their  report  was,  that  the  mountains  were  impassa 
ble,  and  Soto  did  not  attempt  to  proceed  any"  farther  in  that  direction. 

From  a  careful  inspection  of  the  maps  in  the  American  Atlas,  I  am  inclined  to 
think  that  the  place  where  Soto  crossed  the  mountains  was  within  the  thirty-fifth 
degree  of  latitude.  In  Delisle's  map,  a  village  called  Canasaga  is  laid  down  on  the 
north-west  side  of  the  Alleghany,  or  (as  it  is  sometimes  called)  the  Apalachian  ridge 
of  mountains,  in  that  latitude ;  and  Chiaha  is  said  in  Soto's  journal  to  be  five  days 
westward  from  Canasaga. 

To  ascertain  the  situation  of  Chiaha,  we  must  observe  that  it  is  said  to  be  subject 
to  the  Lord  of  Cosa,  which  is  situate  on  an  eastern  branch  of  the  Mobile ;  and  Soto's 
sick  men  came  down  the  river  from  Chiaha  in  boats.  This  river  could  be  none  but  a 
branch  of  the  Mobile,  and  his  course  was  then  turned  toward  the  south.  In  this 
march  he  passed  through  Alabama,  Talise,  Tascalusa,  names  which  are  still  known 
and  marked  on  the  maps,  till  he  came  to  the  town  of  Mavilla,  which  the  French  pro 
nounce  Mouville  and  Mabille.  It  was  then  a  walled  town,  but  the  walls  were  of 
wood.  The  inhabitants  had  conceived  a  disgust  to  the  Spaniards,  which  was  aug 
mented  by  an  outrage  committed  on  one  of  their  chiefs,  and  finally  broke  out  in  a 
severe  conflict,  in  which  two  thousand  of  the  innocent  natives  were  slain,  and  many 
of  the  Spaniards  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  town  was  burnt.  This  was  in  the  latter 
end  of  October. 

It  is  probable  that  Soto  intended  to  pass  the  winter  in  the  neighborhood  of  that 
village,  if  he  could  have  kept  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Indians ;  for  there  he  could 
have  had  a  communication  with  Cuba.  There  he  heard  that  the  vessels  which  he 
had  sent  to  Cuba  for  supplies  were  arrived  at  Ochus  (Pensacola),  where  he  agreed  to 
meet  them  ;  but  he  kept  this  information  secret,  because  he  had  not  yet  made  any 
discoveries  which  his  Spanish  friends  would  think  worthy  of  regard.  The  country 
about  him  was  populous  and  hostile,  and,  being  void  of  gold  or  silver,  was  not  an  ob 
ject  for  him  to  possess  at  the  risk  of  losing  his  army,  of  which  above  an  hundred  had 
already  perished.  He  therefore,  after  staying  twenty-eight  days  for  the  recovery  of 
his  wounded,  determined  on  a  retreat. 

In  this  retreat  it  has  been  supposed  that  he  penetrated  northward,  beyond  the 
Ohio.  The  truth  is,  that  he  began  his  march  from  Mavilla,  a  village  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Mobile,  on  the  i8th  of  November,  and  on  the  i/th  of  December  arrived  at 
Chicaca,  an  Indian  village  of  twenty  houses,  where  they  remained  till  the  next 
April. 

The  distance,  the  time,  the  nature  of  the  country,  the  course  and  manner  of  the 
march,  and  the  name  of  the  village,  all  concur  to  determine  this  winter  station  of 
Soto  to  be  a  village  of  the  Chickesaw  Indians,  situate  on  the  upper  part  of  the  Yasou, 
a  branch  of  the  Mississippi,  about  eighty  leagues  north-westward  from  Mobile,  and 


52  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

not  less  than  one  hundred  and  forty  leagues  south-westward  from  the  Muskingum, 
where  the  great  fortifications,  which  gave  rise  to  this  inquiry,  are  found.  From  Clii- 
caca,  in  the  spring,  he  went  westward,  and  crossed  a  river  within  the  34°  of  latitude, 
which  he  called  Rio  Grande,  and  which  is  now  known  to  be  the  Mississippi. 

On  the  western  side  of  the  Mississippi,  after  rambling  all  summer,  he  spent  the 
next  winter  at  a  place  called  Autiamque,  where  he  inclosed  his  camp  with  a  wall  of 
timber,  the  work  of  three  days  only.  Within  this  inclosure  he  lodged  safely  during 
three  months ;  and  in  the  succeeding  spring,  the  extreme  fatigue  and  anxiety  which 
he  had  suffered,  threw  him  into  a  fever,  of  which  he  died,  May  21,  1542,  at  Guacoya. 
To  prevent  his  death  from  being  known  to  the  Indians,  his  body  was  sunk  in  the 
middle  of  a  river. 

His  lieutenant,  Louis  de  Moscosco,  continued  to  ramble  on  the  western  side  of 
the  Mississippi  till  the  next  summer ;  when  worn  with  fatigue,  disappointment,  and 
loss  of  men,  he  built  seven  boats,  called  brigantines,  on  the  Mississippi,  in  which  the 
shattered  remnants,  consisting  of  three  hundred  and  eleven,  returned  to  Cuba,  in  Sep 
tember,  1543. 

The  place  where  Soto  died  is  said  to  have  been  on  the  bank  of  the  Red  River,  a 
western  branch  of  the  Mississippi,  in  latitude  31°.  The  place  where  the  remnant  of 
his  army  built  their  vessels  and  embarked  for  Cuba,  is  called  in  the  journal,  Minoya. 
They  were  seventeen  days  in  sailing  down  the  river,  and  they  computed  the  distance 
to  be  two  hundred  and  fifty  leagues. 

From  this  account,  faithfully  abridged  from  Purchas  and  compared  with  the  best 
maps,  I  am  fully  persuaded  that  the  whole  country  through  which  Soto  traveled  on 
the  eastern  side  of  the  Mississippi,  is  comprehended  within  Florida,  Georgia,  and 
South  Carolina ;  and  that  he  never  went  farther  northward  than  the  35th  degree  of 
latitude,  which  is  distant  two  degrees  southward  from  any  part  of  the  Ohio. 
The  conclusion  then  is,  that  he  could  not  have  been  the  builder  of  those  fortifica 
tions  still  remaining  in  that  part  of  the  continent  which  lies  north-west  of  the 
Ohio.  Nor,  indeed,  can  any  works  which  he  erected  for  the  security  of  his  camp  be 
subsisting  at  this  time;  for  the  best  of  them  were  made  of  wood,  and  were  intended 
to  cover  his  men  and  protect  his  horses  and  swine  only  during  one  winter. 

The  works  which  have  so  much  excited  curiosity  and  conjecture,  are  far  more  nu 
merous,  extensive,  and  durable.  They  are  found  in  various  and  distant  places,  in  the 
interior  part  of  the  continent,  on  both  sides  of  the  Mississippi;  on  the  Ohio  and  its 
branches;  on  James  and  Potowmack  Rivers  in  Virginia;  in  the  country  of  the  Six 
Nations,  and  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie,  where  they  are  exceedingly  numerous. 

The  most  obvious  mode  of  solving  the  question  respecting  them,  is  by  inquiry  of 
the  present  natives.  But  the  structures  are  too  ancient  for  their  tradition ;  the  old 
est  and  wisest  men  know  nothing  of  their  original.  The  form  and  materials  of  these 
works  indicate  the  existence  of  a  race  of  men  superior  to  the  present  race,  in  im 
provement,  in  design,  and  in  that  patience  which  must  have  accompanied  the  labor 
of  erecting  them. 

Trees  which  have  been  found  growing  on  them  have  been  cut  down,  and  from 
indubitable  marks,  are  known  to  have  been  upward  of  three  hundred  years  old  ;  nor 
were  these  the  first  growth  upon  them. 

The  mounds  and  ramparts  are  constructed  of  earth,  and  have  acquired  a  firmness 
and  solidity  which  render  it  probable  that  they  are  the  work  of  some  remote  age  and 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF    THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  53 

some  other  people,  who  had  different  ideas  of  convenience,  and  were  better  acquainted 
with  the  arts  of  defense ;  and,  in  fact,  were  much  more  numerous  than  the  ancestry 
of  those  natives  of  whom  we  or  our  fathers  have  had  any  knowledge.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  the  persons  who  now  occupy  and  are  cultivating  the  lands  where  these 
singular  buildings  are  found,  will  preserve,  as  far  as  they  are  able,  some,  at  least,  of 
these  monuments  of  unknown  ages ;  that  as  they  have  long  resisted  the  ravages  of 
time,  and  may  possibly  baffle  the  researches  of  the  present  generation,  they  may 
subsist  unimpaired  as  subjects  of  speculation  to  our  posterity. 


HUMPHREY  GILBERT. 

MASTER  ITORE  SAILS  ON  A  VOYAGE  OF  DISCOVERY,  ACCOMPANIED  BY  A  NUMBER  OF  GENTLE 
MEN  OF  RANK  AND  FORTUNE — THEY  GET  REDUCED — THEY  DEVOUR  ONE  ANOTHER  — 
SEIZURE  OF  A  FRENCH  VESSEL  WITH  PROVISION  BY  THE  ENGLISH — HUMPHREY  GILBERT 
—  HE  OBTAINS  A  COMMISSION  FROM  QUEEN  ELIZABETH  —  HE  SAILS  AND  IS  OVERTAKEN 
BY  A  STORM — IS  OBLIGED  TO  PUT  BACK — HIS  DIFFICULTIES  —  HE  AGAIN  SETS  SAIL  WITH 
FIVE  SHIPS  AND  ARRIVES  IN  AMERICA— HIS  RECEPTION  — HE  TAKES  POSSESSION  IN  THE 
NAME  OF  THE  QUEEN — HE  ESTABLISHES  LAWS — HE  SAILS  ON  HIS  RETURN — LOSS  OF  THE 
"DELIGHT" — LOSS  OF  THE  VESSEL  WITH  GILBERT  ON  BOARD. 

AFTER  the  discovery  of  Newfoundland  by  the  Cabots,  the  passion  for  adventure, 
among  the  English,  met  with  many  severe  checks.  But  whilst  one  adventurer  after 
another  was  returning  home  from  an  unsuccessful  voyage,  intended  to  penetrate 
unknown  seas  to  China,  foreigners  were  reaping  the  benefit  of  their  partial  discoveries. 

Within  the  first  forty  years  we  have  no  account  of  any  attempt  made  by  the 
English  to  prosecute  the  discovery  of  the  new  continent,  except  that  in  1536,  two 
vessels  containing  one  hundred  and  twenty  persons,  of  whom  thirty  were  gentlemen 
of  education  and  character,  under  the  conduct  of  "Master  Hore  of  London,"  made 
a  voyage  to  Newfoundland  ;  but  they  were  so  ill  provided,  and  knew  so  little  of  the 
nature  of  the  countiy,  that  they  suffered  the  extremity  of  famine.  For,  notwith 
standing  the  immense  quantities  of  fish  and  fowl  to  be  found  on  those  coasts,  they 
were  reduced  so  low  as  to  watch  the  nests  of  birds  of  prey  ahd  rob  them  of  the  fish 
which  they  brought  to  feed  their  young.  To  collect  this  scanty  supply,  with  a  mix 
ture  of  roots  and  herbs,  the  men  dispersed  themselves  in  the  woods,  until  several  of 
them  were  missing.  It  was  at  first  thought  they  were  devoured  by  wild  beasts ;  but 
it  was  found  that  they  met  with  a  more  tragical  fate  ;  the  stronger  having  killed  the 
weaker  and  feasted  on  their  flesh.  In  the  midst  of  this  distress,  a  French  ship  arriv 
ing  with  a  supply  of  provisions,  they  took  her  by  force,  and  returned  to  England ; 
leaving  to  the  Frenchmen  their  own  smaller  vessels,  and  dividing  the  provision 
between  them.  Complaint  of  this  act  of  piracy  was  made  to  King  Henry  VIII.; 
who,  knowing  the  miseries  of  the  unfortunate  crew,  instead  of  punishing  them,  paid 
the  damage  out  of  his  own  coffers. 

Within  the  succeeding  forty  years,  the  English  had  begun  to  make  some  advan 
tage  by  the  fishery  ;  and  in  1578,  the  state  of  it  is  thus  described  :  "  There  are  about 


54  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

one  hundred  sail  of  Spaniards  who  come  to  take  cod ;  who  make  it  all  wet,  and  dry 
it  when  they  come  home ;  besides  twenty  or  thirty  more,  who  come  from  Biscay  to 
kill  whales  for  train.  These  be  better  appointed  for  shipping  and  furniture  of  muni-' 
tion  than  any  other  nation  save  the  English  ;  who  commonly  are  lords  of  the  harbors. 
As  touching  their  tonnage,  I  think  it  may  be  near  five  or  six  thousand.  Of  Portu- 
gals,  there  are  not  above  fifty  sail,  whose  tonnage  may  amount  to  three  thousand, 
and  they  make  all  wet.  Of  the  French  nation  are  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  sail ; 
the  most  of  their  shipping  is  very  small,  not  past  forty  tons ;  among  which  some  are 
great  and  reasonably  well  appointed  ;  better  than  the  Portugals,  and  not  so  well  as 
the  Spaniards ;  the  burden  of  them  may  be  about  seven  thousand.  The  English 
vessels  have  increased  in  four  years  from  thirty  to  fifty  sail.  The  trade  which  our 
nation  hath  to  Iceland,  maketh,  that  the  English  are  not  there  in  such  numbers  as 
other  nations." 

The  next  year  (15/9)  Queen  Elizabeth  granted  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  a  patent 
for  the  discovering,  occupying,  and  peopling  of  "  such  remote,  heathen,  and  barbarous 
countries  as  were  not  actually  possessed  by  any  Christian  people."  In  consequence 
of  this  grant  many  of  his  friends  joined  him,  and  preparations  were  made  for  an 
expedition,  which  promised  to  be  highly  advantageous.  But  before  the  fleet  was 
ready,  some  declined  and  retracted  their  engagements.  Gilbert,  with  a  few  compan 
ions,  sailed  ;  but  a  violent  storm,  in  which  one  of  the  ships  foundered,  caused  them 
to  return.  This  misfortune  involved  him  in  debt ;  and  he  had  no  way  to  satisfy  the 
demands  of  his  creditors  but  by  grants  of  land  in  America.  By  such  means  the 
country  was  not  likely  to  be  peopled,  nor  the  conditions  of  his  patent  fulfilled.  He 
was  obliged,  therefore,  to  sell  his  estate  before  he  could  make  another  attempt ;  and 
after  long  solicitation,  being  assisted  by  some  friends,  he  set  sail  from  Plymouth  with 
five  ships,  carrying  two  hundred  and  sixty  men,  on  the  nth  of  June,  1583  ;  and  on 
the  nth  of  July  arrived  off  the  Bay  of  St.  John,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Newfound 
land. 

Thirty-six  fishing  vessels  were  then  in  the  harbor,  who  refused  him  admittance. 
He  prepared  to  enter  by  force  of  arms,  but  previously  sent  in  his  boat  with  his  com 
mission  from  Queen  Elizabeth,  on  sight  of  which  they  submitted,  and  he  sailed  into 
the  port. 

The  intention  of  this  voyage  was  to  take  formal  possession  of  the  island,  and  of 
the  fishery  on  its  banks,  for  the  Crown  of  England.  This  was  done  in  the  following 
manner: 

On  Monday,  the  5th  of  August,  Admiral  Gilbert  had  his  tent  pitched  on  shore, 
in  sight  of  all  the  shipping;  and,  being  attended  by  his  own  people,  summoned  the 
merchants  and  masters  of  vessels,  both  Englishmen  and  others,  to  be  present  at  the 
ceremony.  When  they  were  all  assembled,  his  commission  was  read,  and  interpreted 
to  the  foreigners.  Then  a  turf  and  a  twig  were  delivered  to  him,  which  he  received 
with  a  hazel  wand.  Immediately  proclamation  was  made,  that  by  virtue  of  his  com 
mission  from  the  Queen  he  took  possession  for  the  Crown  of  England  of  the  harbor 
of  St.  John,  and  two  hundred  leagues  every  way  round  it. 

He  then  published  three  laws  for  the  government  of  the  territory.  By  the  first, 
public  worship  was  established  according  to  the  mode  of  the  Church  of  England. 
By  the  second,  the  attempting  of  anything  prejudicial  to  her  Majesty's  title  was 
declared  treason,  according  to  the  laws  of  England.  By  the  third,  the  uttering  of 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  55 

words  to  the  dishonor  of  her  Majesty  was  to  be  punished  with  the  loss  of  cars  and 
the  confiscation  of  property. 

The  proclamation  being  finished,  assent  and  obedience  were  signified  by  loud 
acclamations.  A  pillar  was  erected,  bearing  a  plate  of  lead,  on  which  the  Queen's 
arms  were  engraven  ;  and  several  of  the  merchants  took  grants  of  land,  in  fee  farm, 
on  which  they  might  cure  their  fish,  as  they  had  done  before. 

A  tax  of  provision,  by  her  Majesty's  authority,  was  levied  on  all  the  ships.  This 
tax  was  readily  paid ;  besides  which  the  Admiral  received  presents  of  wine,  fruit,  and 
other  refreshments,  chiefly  from  the  Portuguese. 

This  formal  possession,  taken  by  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  in  consequence  of  the 
discovery  by  the  Cabots,  is  the  foundation  of  the  right  and  title  of  the  Crown  of 
England  to  the  territory  of  Newfoundland  and  to  the  fishery  on  its  banks. 

As  far  as  the  time  would  permit,  a  survey  was  made  of  the  country ;  one  prin 
cipal  object  of  which  was  the  discovery  of  mines  and  minerals.  The  mineralogist 
was  a  Saxon,  who  is  characterized  as  "  honest  and  religious."  This  man  brought  to 
the  Admiral  first  a  specimen  of  iron,  then  a  kind  of  ore,  which,  on  the  peril  of  his 
life,  he  protested  to  be  silver.  The  Admiral  enjoined  secrecy,  and  sent  it  on  board, 
intending  to  have  it  assayed  when  they  should  get  to  sea. 

The  company  being  dispersed  abroad,  some  were  taken  sick  and  died ;  some  hid 
themselves  in  the  woods,  with  an  intention  to  go  home  by  the  first  opportunity ; 
and  others  cut  one  of  the  vessels  out  of  the  harbor  and  carried  her  off. 

On  the  2Oth  of  August  the  Admiral,  having  collected  as  many  of  his  men  as 
could  be  found,  and  ordered  one  of  his  vessels  to  stay  and  take  off  the  sick,  set  sail 
with  three  ships,  the  Deliglit,  the  Hind,  and  the  Squirrel.  He  coasted  along  the 
southern  part  of  the  island,  with  a  view  to  make  Cape  Breton  and  the  Isle  of  Sable ; 
on  which  last  he  had  heard  that  cattle  and  swine  had  been  landed  by  the  Portuguese 
thirty  years  before. 

Being  entangled  among  shoals  and  involved  in  fogs,  the  DeligJit  struck  on  a  sand 
bank  and  was  lost.  Fourteen  men  only  saved  themselves  in  a  boat.  The  loss  of 
the  Saxon  refiner  was  particularly  noted,  and  nothing  farther  was  heard  of  the  silver 
ore.  This  misfortune  determined  the  Admiral  to  return  to  England,  without 
attempting  to  make  any  farther  discoveries  or  to  take  possession  of  any  other  part 
of  America.  On  his  passage  he  met  with  bad  weather.  The  Squirrel  frigate,  in 
which  Sir  Humphrey  sailed,  was  overloaded  on  her  deck;  but  he  persisted  in  taking 
his  passage  in  her,  notwithstanding  the  remonstrances  of  his  friends  in  the  Hind, 
who  would  have  persuaded  him  to  sail  with  them.  From  the  circumstance  of  his 
returning  from  his  first  voyage  without  accomplishing  its  object  it  had  been  reported 
that  he  was  afraid  of  the  sea ;  had  he  yielded  to  the  solicitation  of  his  friends  the 
stigma  might  have  been  indelible. 

When  the  wind  abated,  and  the  vessels  were  near  enough,  the  Admiral  was  seen 
constantly  sitting  in  the  stern  with  a  book  in  his  hand.  On  the  gth  of  September  he 
was  seen  for  the  last  time,  and  was  heard  by  the  people  in  the  Hind  to  say,  "  We  are 
as  near  heaven  by  sea  as  by  land."  In  the  following  night  the  lights  of  his  ship  sud 
denly  disappeared.  The  people  in  the  other  vessel  kept  a  good  look-out  for  him 
during  the  remainder  of  the  voyage.  On  the  22d  of  September  they  arrived,  through 
much  tempest  and  peril,  at  Falmouth.  But  nothing  more  was  seen  or  heard  of  the 
Admiral. 


56  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

Whilst  his  zeal  for  the  interest  of  the  Crown,  and  the  settlements  of  its  American 
dominions,  has  been  largely  commended,  he  has  been  blamed  for  his  temerity  in 
lavishing  his  own  and  other  men's  fortunes  in  the  prosecution  of  his  designs.  This 
is  not  the  only  instance  of  a  waste  of  property  in  consequence  of  sanguine  expecta 
tions,  which,  though  ruinous  to  the  first  adventurers,  has  produced  solid  advantages 
to  their  successors. 

Dr.  Forster  has  a  remark  on  one  of  the  incidents  of  this  voyage  which  is  worthy 
of  repetition  and  remembrance.  "  It  is  very  clear  (says  he)  in  the  instance  of  the 
Portuguese  having  stocked  the  Isle  of  Sable  with  domestic  animals,  that  the  discov 
erers  of  the  New  World  were  men  of  humanity ;  desirous  of  providing  for  such  un 
fortunate  people  as  might  happen  to  be  cast  away  on  those  coasts.  The  false  policy 
of  modern  times  is  callous  and  tyrannical,  exporting  dogs  to  devour  them.  Are  these 
the  happy  consequences  of  the  so  much  boasted  enlightened  state  of  the  present  age 
and  refinement  of  manners,  peculiar  to  our  times?  Father  of  mercies,  when  will 
philanthropy  again  take  up  her  abode  in  the  breasts  of  men,  of  Christians,  and  the 
rulers  of  this  earth !  " 


WALTER  RALEIGH  AND  RICHARD  GREN- 

VILLE. 

WALTER  RALEIGH— RELATIVE  OF  GILBERT— OBTAINS  A  COMMISSION  FROM  QUEEN  ELIZABETH 
— HE  SAILS  FOR  AMERICA— THEIR  ARRIVAL— GRANGANIMEO,  THE  INDIAN  CHIEF— DESCRIP 
TION  OF  AN  INDIAN  VILLAGE — HOSPITALITY  AND  KTNDNESS  OF  THE  NATIVES — RETURN 
OF  RALEIGH  AND  HIS  PARTY  TO  ENGLAND  WITH  TWO  NATIVES — VIRGINIA,  SO  NAMED  BY 
ELIZABETH — ANOTHER  EXPEDITION  UNDER  THE  COMMAND  OF  SIR  RICHARD  GRENVILLE — 
THEIR  ARRIVAL  IN  AMERICA — RASHNESS  OF  GRENVILLE — HIS  RETURN — DEATH  OF  GRAN 
GANIMEO — WINGINA  DETERMINES  ON  A  REVENGE — HE  IS  ENSNARED  BY  THE  ENGLISH  AND 
KILLED — DEPARTURE  OF  THE  ENGLISH — ANOTHER  EXPEDITION — THEIR  ARRIVAL — A  DIS 
PUTE  IN  THE  COMPANY — GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA  RETURNS  TO  ENGLAND  TO  SOLICIT  SUP 
PLIES—HIS  ILL-SUCCESS—DISAPPOINTMENTS  AND  LOSSES  OF  RALEIGH — DEPARTURE  OF  THE 
GOVERNOR  FOR  VIRGINIA— HIS  ARRIVAL—FINDS  THE  COLONY  DESERTED  AND  IN  RUINS — 
HE  RETURNS  TO  ENGLAND — INTRODUCTION  OF  TOBACCO  IN  EUROPE— ANECDOTE  OF  SIR 
WALTER  RALEIGH. 

THE  distinguished  figure  which  the  life  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  makes  in  the  his 
tory  of  England  renders  unnecessary  any  other  account  of  him  here  than  what  re 
spects  his  adventures  in  America,  and  particularly  in  Virginia,  of  which  colony  he  is 
acknowledged  to  have  been  the  unfortunate  founder. 

He  was  half-brother,  by  the  mother's  side,  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  and  was  at 
the  expense  of  fitting  out  one  of  the  ships  of  his  squadron.  Notwithstanding  the 
unhappy  fate  of  his  brother,  he  persisted  in  his  design  of  making  a  settlement  in 
America.  Being  a  favorite  in  the  court  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  he  obtained  a  patent, 
bearing  date  the  25th  of  March,  1584,  for  the  discovering  and  planting  of  any  lands 
and  countries  which  were  not  possessed  by  any  Christian  prince  or  nation. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  57 

About  the  same  time  the  Queen  granted  him  another  patent  to  license  the  vend 
ing  of  wine  throughout  the  kingdom  ;  that  by  the  profits  thence  arising  he  might  be 
able  to  bear  the  expense  of  his  intended  plan  of  colonization.  Further  to  strengthen 
his  interest,  he  engaged  the  assistance  of  two  wealthy  kinsmen,  Sir  Richard  Grenville 
and  William  Sanderson.  They  provided  two  barks,  and  having  well  furnished  them 
with  men  and  provisions,  put  them  under  the  command  of  Philip  Amadas  and  Arthur 
Barlow,  who  sailed  from  the  west  of  England  April  27,  1584. 

They  took  the  usual  route  by  the  way  of  the  Canaries  and  the  West  Indies ;  the 
reason  of  which  is  thus  expressed  in  the  account  of  this  voyage  written  by  Barlow, 
"  Because  we  doubted  that  the  current  of  the  Bay  of  Mexico,  between  the  cape  of 
Florida  and  Havana,  had  been  of  greater  force  than  we  afterward  found  it  to  be." 

Taking  advantage  of  the  Gulf  Stream,  they  approached  the  coast  of  Florida  ;  and 
on  the  2d  of  July  came  into  shoal  waters;  where  the  odoriferous  smell  of  flowers  in 
dicated  the  land  to  be  near,  though  not  within  sight.  On  the  4th  they  saw  land, 
along  which  they  sailed  forty  leagues  before  they  found  an  entrance.  At  the  first 
opening  they  cast  anchor  (July  13),  and  having  devoutly  given  thanks  to  God  for 
their  safe  arrival  on  the  coast,  they  went  ashore  in  their  boats,  and  took  possession 
in  the  name  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

The  place  where  they  landed  was  a  sandy  island  called  Wococon,*  about  sixteen 
miles  in  length  and  six  in  breadth,  full  of  cedars,  pines,  cypress,  sassafras,  and  other 
trees ;  among  which  were  many  vines  loaded  with  grapes.  In  the  woods  they  found 
deer  and  hare,  and  in  the  waters  and  marshes  various  kinds  of  fowl ;  but  no  human 
creature  was  seen  till  the  third  day,  when  a  canoe,  with  three  men,  came  along  by  the 
shore.  One  of  them  landed,  and,  without  any  fear  or  precaution,  met  the  Europeans 
and  addressed  them  in  a  friendly  manner,  in  his  own  language.  They  carried  him  on 
board  one  of  their  vessels,  gave  him  a  shirt  and  some  other  trifles,  and  regaled  him 
with  meat  and  wine.  He  then  returned  to  his  canoe,  and  with  his  companions,  went 
a  fishing.  When  the  canoe  was  filled,  they  brought  the  fish  on  shore  and  divided 
them  into  two  heaps,  making  signs  that  each  of  the  vessels  should  take  one. 

The  next  day  several  canoes  came,  in  which  were  forty  or  fifty  people,  and  among 
them  was  Granganimeo,  brother  of  Wingina,  King  of  the  country,  who  was  confined 
at  home  by  the  wounds  which  he  had  received  in  battle  with  a  neighboring  Prince. 
The  manner  of  his  approach  was  fearless  and  respectful.  He  left  his  boats  at  a  dis 
tance,  and  came  along  the  shore,  accompanied  by  all  his  people,  till  he  was  abreast 
of  the  ships.  Then  advancing  with  four  men  only,  who  spread  a  mat  on  the  ground, 
he  sat  down  on  one  end,  and  the  four  men  on  the  other.  When  the  English  went  on 
shore,  armed,  he  beckoned  to  them  to  come  and  sit  by  him,  which  they  did,  and  he  made 


*  This  island  is  generally  supposed  to  be  one  of  those  which  lie  at  the  mouth  of  Albemarle  Sound, 
on  the  coast  of  North  Carolina.  Barlow,  in  his  letter  to  Sir  W.  Raleigh,  preserved  by  Hakluyt,  says,  that 
he,  with  seven  others,  went  in  about  "  twenty  miles  into  the  river  Occam,  and,  the  evening  following,  came 
to  an  island  called  Roanoke,  distant  from  the  harbor  by  which  he  entered,  seven  leagues  ;  at  the  north 
end  thereof  was  a  village."  Mr.  Stith,  who  wrote  the  history  of  Virginia,  and  who  acknowledges  that  he 
had  not  seen  this  letter  in  English,  but  in  a  Latin  translation,  supposes  that  the  island  Wococon  must  lie 
between  Cape  Hatteras  and  Cape  Fear,  and  that  the  distance  might  be  thirty  leagues.  But  it  appears  from 
Barlow's  letter  that  the  boat  went  in  one  day  and  came  in  the  evening  to  the  north  end  of  Roanoke  ;  the) 
distance  is  twice  mentioned,  once;  in  miles  and  once  in  leagues.  I  see  no  reason,  therefore,  to  admit 
Stith's  conjecture  in  opposition  to  Barlow.  Stith,  however,  appears  to  have  been  a  very  close  and  accurate 
inquirer,  as  far  as  his  materials  and  opportunity  permitted. 

8 


58  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

signs  of  joy  and  friendship,  striking  with  his  hand  on  his  head  and  breast,  and  then  OP 
theirs,  to  show  that  they  were  all  one.  None  of  his  people  spoke  a  word  ;  and  when 
the  English  offered  them  presents,  he  took  them  all  into  his  own  possession,  making 
signs  that  they  were  his  servants,  and  that  all  which  they  had  belonged  to  him. 

After  this  interview,  the  natives  came  in  great  numbers,  and  brought  skins,  coral, 
and  materials  for  dyes;  but  when  Granganimeo  was  present,  none  were  permitted  to 
trade  but  himself  and  those  who  had  a  piece  of  copper  on  their  heads.  Nothing 
pleased  him  so  much  as  a  tin  plate,  in  which  he  made  a  hole  and  hung  it  over  his 
breast,  as  a  piece  of  defensive  armor.  He  supplied  them  every  day  with  venison, 
fish,  and  fruits,  and  invited  them  to  visit  him  at  his  village,  on  the  north  end  of  an 
island  called  Roanoke. 

This  village  consisted  of  nine  houses,  built  of  cedar,  and  fortified  with  sharp  pali 
sades.  When  the  English  arrived  there  in  their  boat,  Granganimeo  was  absent,  but 
his  wife  entertained  them  with  the  kindest  hospitality,  washed  their  feet  and  their 
clothes,  ordered  their  boat  to  be  drawn  ashore  and  their  oars  to  be  secured,  and  then 
sated  them  with  venison,  fish,  fruits,  and  hominy.  Whilst  they  were  at  supper, 
some  of  her  men  came  in  from  hunting,  with  their  bows  and  arrows  in  their  hands; 
on  which  her  guests  began  to  mistrust  danger,  but  she  ordered  their  bows  to  be  taken 
from  them,  and  their  arrows  to  be  broken,  and  then  turned  them  out  at  the  gate. 
The  English,  however,  thought  it  most  prudent  to  pass  the  night  in  their  boat,  which 
they  launched,  and  laid  at  anchor.  At  this  she  much  grieved ;  but  finding  all  her 
solicitations  ineffectual,  she  ordered  the  victuals  in  the  pots  to  be  put  on  board,  with 
mats  to  cover  the  people  from  the  rain,  and  appointed  several  persons  of  both  sexes 
to  keep  guard  on  the  beach  during  the  whole  night.  Could  there  be  a  more  engag 
ing  specimen  of  generous  hospitality  ? 

These  people  were  characterized  as  "  gentle,  loving,  and  faithful ;  void  of  guile  and 
treachery;  living  after  the  manner  of  the  golden  age;  caring  only  to  feed  themselves 
with  such  food  as  the  soil  affordeth,  and  to  defend  themselves  from  the  cold,  in  their 
short  winter." 

No  farther  discovery  was  made  of  the  country  by  these  adventurers.  From  the 
natives  they  obtained  some  uncertain  account  of  its  geography,  and  of  a  ship  which 
had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast  between  twenty  and  thirty  years  before.  They  car 
ried  away  two  of  the  natives,  Wanchese  and  Manteo ;  and  arrived  in  the  west  of 
England  about  the  middle  of  September. 

The  account  of  this  discovery  was  so  welcome  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  that  she 
named  the  country  Virginia ;  either  in  memory  of  her  own  virginity,  or  because  it 
retained  its  virgin  purity,  and  the  people  their  primitive  simplicity. 

About  this  time  Raleigh  was  elected  knight  of  the  shire,  for  his  native  county  of 
Devon ;  and  in  the  Parliament  which  was  held  in  the  succeeding  winter,  he  caused  a 
bill  to  be  brought  into  the  House  of  Commons  to  confirm  his  patent  for  the  discov 
ery  of  foreign  countries.  After  much  debate,  the  bill  was  carried  through  both 
houses,  and  received  the .  royal  assent.  In  addition  to  which,  the  Queen  conferred 
on  him  the  order  of  knighthood. 

A  second  expedition  being  resolved  on,  Sir  Richard  Grenville  himself  took  the 
command,  and  with  seven  vessels,  large  and  small,  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  the  gth 
of  April,  1585.  They  went  in  the  usual  course,  by  the  Canaries  and  the  West  Indies 
where  they  took  two  Spanish  prizes  ;  and,  after  narrowly  escaping  shipwreck  on  Cape 
Fear,  arrived  at  Wococon  the  26th  of  June. 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  59 

The  natives  came,  as  before,  to  bid  them  welcome  and  to  trade  with  them. 
Manteo,  whom  they  had  brought  back,  proved  a  faithful  guide,  and  piloted  them 
about  from  place  to  place.  In  an  excursion  of  eight  days  with  their  boats,  they  vis 
ited  several  Indian  villages,  on  the  islands  and  on  the  main  adjoining  to  Albemarle 
Sound.  At  one  place,  called  Aquascogok,  an  Indian  stole  from  them  a  silver  cup. 
Inquiry  being  made,  the  offender  was  detected  and  promised  to  restore  it ;  but  the 
promise  being  not  speedily  performed,  a  hasty  and  severe  revenge  was  taken,  by  the 
orders  of  Grenville ;  the  town  was  burnt  and  the  corn  destroyed  in  the  fields  (July 
16),  whilst  the  affrighted  people  fled  to  the  woods  for  safety.  From  this  ill-judged 
act  of  violence,  may  be  dated  the  misfortunes  and  failure  of  this  colony. 

Leaving  one  hundred  and  eight  persons  to  attempt  a  settlement,  Grenville  pro 
ceeded  with  his  fleet  to  the  Island  of  Hatteras ;  where  he  received  a  visit  from 
Granganimeo,  and  then  sailed  for  England.  On  the  I3th  of  September  he  arrived 
at  Plymouth,  with  a  rich  Spanish  prize  which  he  had  taken  on  the  passage. 

Of  the  colony  left  in  Virginia,  Ralph  Lane  was  appointed  Governor.  He  was  a 
military  man,  of  considerable  reputation  in  the  service.  Philip  Amadas,  who  had 
commanded  in  the  first  voyage,  was  Admiral.  They  chose  the  Island  of  Roanoke, 
in  the  mouth  of  Albemarle  Sound,  as  the  place  of  their  residence ;  and  their  chief 
employment  was  to  explore  and  survey  the  country,  and  describe  the  persons  and 
manners  of  its  inhabitants.  For  these  purposes,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  had  sent  John 
White,  an  ingenious  painter;  and  Thomas  Heriot,  a  skillful  mathematician,  and  a 
man  of  curious  observation :  both  of  whom  performed  their  parts  with  fidelity  and 
success. 

The  farthest  discovery  which  they  made  to  the  southward  of  Roanoke  was  Secotan, 
an  Indian  town  between  the  rivers'  of  Pamptico  and  Neus,  distant  eighty  leagues. 
To  the  northward  they  went  about  forty  leagues,  to  a  nation  called  Chesepeags,  on  a 
small  river  now  called  Elisabeth,  which  falls  into  Chesepeag  Bay,  below  Norfolk.  To 
the  westward  they  went  up  Albemarle  Sound  and  Chowan  River,  about  forty  leagues, 
to  a  nation  called  Chowanogs;  whose  King,  Menatonona,  amused  them  with  a  story 
of  a  copper  mine  and  a  pearl  fishery;  in  search  of  which  they  spent  so  much  time 
and  so  exhausted  their  provisions,  that  they  were  glad  to  eat  their  dogs  before  they 
returned  to  Roanoke. 

During  this  excursion  their  friend  Granganimeo  died ;  and  his  brother  Wingina 
discovered  his  hostile  disposition  toward  the  colony.  The  return  of  Mr.  Lane  and 
his  party  from  their  excursion  gave  a  check  to  his  malice  for  a  while  ;  but  he  secretly 
laid  a  plot  for  their  destruction  ;  which,  being  betrayed  by  the  English,  they  seized 
all  the  boats  on  the  island.  This  brought  on  a  skirmish,  in  which  five  or  six  Indians 
were  killed,  and  the  rest  fled  to  the  woods.  After  much  jealousy  and  dissimulation 
on  both  sides,  Wingina  was  drawn  into  a  snare,  and  with  eight  of  his  men  fell  a 
sacrifice  to  the  resentment  of  the  English. 

In  a  few  days  after  Wingina's  death,  Sir  Francis  Drake,  who  had  been  cruising 
against  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies,  and  had  received  orders  from  the  Queen 
to  visit  this  colony,  arrived  with  his  fleet  on  the  coast ;  and  by  the  unanimous  desire 
of  the  people,  took  them  all  off  and  carried  them,  to  England,  where  they  arrived  in 
July,  1586. 

Within  a  fortnight  after  the  departure  of  this  unfortunate  colony  Sir  Richard 
Grenville  arrived  with  three  ships  for  their  relief.  Finding  their  habitation  aban- 


60  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

cloned,  and  being  unable  to  gain  any  intelligence  of  them,  he  landed  fifty  men  on 
the  Island  of  Roanoke,  plentifully  supplied  with  provisions  for  two  years,  and  then 
returned  to  England. 

The  next  year  (1587)  three  ships  were  sent,  under  the  command  of  John  White, 
who  was  appointed  governor  of  the  colony,  with  twelve  counselors.  To  them 
Raleigh  gave  a  charter  of  incorporation  for  the  city  of  Raleigh,  which  he  ordered 
them  to  build  on  the  river  Chesepeag,  the  northern  extent  of  the  discovery.  After 
narrowly  escaping  shipwreck  on  Cape  Fear  they  arrived  at  Hatteras,  on  the  22d  of 
July,  and  sent  a  party  to  Roanoke  to  look  for  the  second  colony  of  fifty  men.  They 
found  no  person  living,  and  the  bones  of  but  one  dead.  The  huts  were  standing,  but 
were  overgrown  with  bushes  and  weeds.  In  conversing  with  some  of  the  natives  they 
were  informed  that  the  colony  had  been  destroyed  by  Wingina's  people,  in  revenge 
of  his  death. 

Mr.  White  endeavored  to  renew  a  friendly  intercourse  with  those  natives,  but 
their  jealousy  rendered  them  implacable.  He  therefore  went  across  the  water  to  the 
main  with  a  party  of  twenty-five  men,  and  came  suddenly  on  a  company  of  friendly 
Indians,  who  were  seated  round  a  fire,  one  of  whom  they  killed  before  they  discovered 
their  mistake. 

Two  remarkable  events  are  mentioned  as  happening  at  this  time ;  one  was  the 
baptism  of  Manteo,  the  faithful  Indian  guide ;  the  other  was  the  birth  of  a  female 
child,  daughter  of  Ananias  Dare,  one  of  the  council,  which,  being  the  first  child  born 
in  the  colony,  was  named  Virginia. 

By  this  time  (August  21)  the  ships  had  unloaded  their  stores  and  were  preparing 
to  return  to  England.  It  was  evident  that  a  further  supply  was  necessary,  and  that 
some  person  must  go  home  to  solicit  it.  A  dispute  arose  in  the  council  on  this 
point,  and  after  much  altercation  it  was  determined  that  the  Governor  was  the  most 
proper  person  to  be  sent  on  this  errand.  The  whole  colony  joined  in  requesting  him 
to  proceed,  promising  to  take  care  of  his  interest  in  his  absence.  With  much  reluc 
tance  he  consented,  on  their  subscribing  a  testimonial  of  his  unwillingness  to  quit 
the  plantation.  He  accordingly  sailed  on  the  27th  of  August,  and  arrived  in  England 
the  following  November.  The  nation  was  in  a  state  of  alarm  and  apprehension  on 
account  of  the  war  with  Spain  and  of  the  invincible  armada,  which  had  threatened  it 
with  an  invasion.  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  was  one  of  the  Queen's  Council  of  War,  as 
were  also  Sir  Richard  Grenville  and  Mr.  Lane.  Their  time  was  wholly  taken  up 
with  public  consultations,  and  Governor  White  was  obliged  to  wait  till  the  plan  of 
operations  against  the  enemy  could  be  adjusted  and  carried  into  execution. 

The  next  spring  Raleigh  and  Grenville,  who  had  the  command  of  the  militia  in 
Cornwall,  and  were  training  them  for  the  defense  of  the  kingdom,  being  strongly 
solicited  by  White,  provided  two  small  barks,  which  sailed  from  Biddeford  on  the 
22d  of  April,  1588.  These  vessels  had  commissions  as  ships  of  war,  and,  being  more 
intent  on  gain  for  themselves  than  relief  to  the  colony,  went  in  chase  of  prizes,  and 
were  both  driven  back  by  ships  of  superior  force,  to  the  great  mortification  of  their 
patron  and  the  ruin  of  his  colony. 

These  disappointments  were  a  source  of  vexation  to  Raleigh.  He  had  expended 
forty  thousand  pounds  of  his  own  and  other  men's  money  in  pursuit  of  his  favorite 
object,  and  his  gains  were  yet  to  come.  He  therefore  made  an  assignmen!  of  his 
patent  (March  7,  1589)  to  Thomas  Smith  and  other  merchants  and  adventurers, 


BIOGRAPHIES   OK   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  61 

among  whom  was  Governor  White,  with  a  donation  of  one  hundred  pounds  for  the 
propagation  of  the  Christian  religion  in  Virginia.  Being  thus  disengaged  from  the 
business  of  colonization,  he  had  full  scope  for  his  martial  genius  in  the  war  with  Spain. 

His  assignees  were  not  so  zealous  in  the  prosecution  of  their  business.  It  was  not 
till  the  spring  of  1590  that  Governor  White  could  return  to  his  colony.  Then,  with 
three  ships,  he  sailed  from  Plymouth,  and  passing  through  the  West  Indies  in  quest  of 
Spanish  prizes,  he  arrived  at  Hatteras  on  the  I5th  of  August.  From  this  place  they 
observed  a  smoke  arising  on  the  Island  of  Roanoke,  which  gave  them  some  hope  that 
the  colony  was  there  subsisting;  on  their  coming  to  the  place,  they  found  old  trees 
and  grass  burning,  but  no  human  being.  On  a  post  of  one  of  the  houses  they  saw 
the  word  Croatan,  which  gave  them  some  hope  that  at  the  island  of  that  name  they 
should  find  their  friends.  They  sailed  for  that  island,  which  lay  southward  of  Hat 
teras  ;  but  a  violent  storm  arising,  in  which  they  lost  their  anchors,  they  were  obliged 
to  quit  the  inhospitable  coast  and  return  home ;  nor  was  anything  afterward  heard 
of  the  unfortunate  colony. 

The  next  year  (1591)  Sir  Richard  Grenville  was  mortally  wounded  in  an  engage 
ment  with  a  Spanish  fleet,  and  died  on  board  the  Admiral's  ship,  where  he  was 
a  prisoner. 

Raleigh,  though  disengaged  from  the  business  of  colonizing  Virginia,  sent  five 
times  at  his  own  expense  to  seek  for  and  relieve  his  friends ;  but  the  persons  whom 
he  employed,  having  more  profitable  business  in  the  West  Indies,  either  went  not  to 
the  place,  or  were  forced  from  it  by  stress  of  weather,  it  being  a  tempestuous  region, 
and  without  any  safe  harbor.  The  last  attempt  v/hich  he  made  was  in  1602,  the  year 
before  his  imprisonment,  an  event  which  gratified  the  malice  of  his  enemies,  and  pre 
pared  the  way  for  his  death,  which  was  much  less  ignominious  to  him  than  to  his  sover 
eign,  King  James  I.,  the  British  Solomon,  successor  to  Elizabeth,  the  British  Deborah. 

This  unfortunate  attempt  to  settle  a  colony  in  Virginia  was  productive  of  one 
thing  which  will  always  render  it  memorable,  the  introduction  of  tobacco  in  England. 
Cartier,  in  his  visit  to  Canada,  fifty  years  before,  had  observed  that  the  natives  used 
this  weed  fumigation,  but  it  was  an  object  of  disgust  to  Frenchmen.  Ralph  Lane,  at 
his  return  in  1586,  brought  it  first  into  Europe;  and  Raleigh,  who  was  a  man  of 
gayety  and  fashion,  not  only  learned  the  use  of  it  himself,  but  introduced  it  into  the 
polite  circles,  and  even  the  Queen  herself  gave  encouragement  to  it.  Some  humorous 
stories  respecting  it  are  still  remembered.  Raleigh  laid  a  wager  with  the  Queen 
that  he  would  determine  exactly  the  weight  of  smoke  which  issued  from  his  pipe. 
This  he  did  by  first  weighing  the  tobacco  and  then  the  ashes.  When  the  Queen  paid 
the  wager,  she  pleasantly  observed,  that  many  laborers  had  turned  their  gold  into 
smoke,  but  that  he  was  the  first  who  had  converted  smoke  into  gold. 

It  is  also  related  that  a  servant  of  Sir  Walter,  bringing  a  tankard  of  ale  into  his 
study  as  he  was  smoking  his  pipe  and  reading,  was  so  much  alarmed  at  the  appear 
ance  of  smoke  issuing  out  of  his  mouth,  that  he  threw  the  ale  into  his  face,  and  ran 
down  to  alarm  the  family,  crying  out  that  his  master  was  on  fire. 

King  James  had  so  refined  a  taste,  that  he  not  only  held  this  Indian  weed  in  great 
abhorrence  himself,  but  endeavored,  by  proclamations  and  otherwise,  to  prevent  the 
use  of  it  among  his  subjects.  But  all  his  zeal  and  authority  could  not  suppress  it. 
Since  his  time  it  has  become  an  important  article  of  commerce,  by  which  individuals 
in  Europe  and  America,  as  well  as  colonies  and  nations,  have  risen  to  great  opulence. 


62  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 


JOHN    DE    FUC  A. 

JOHN   DE   FUCA— A  NATIVE  OF  GREECE— AN   ACCOUNT   OF   HIS   ADVENTURES  AND  DISCOVERIES 
GIVEN   BY  HIMSELF— LOCKE  ENDEAVORS  TO  PROCURE  DE  FUCA  A  COMMISSION— REMARKS. 

WHEN  the  existence  of  a  western  continent  was  known  to  the  maritime  nations 
of  Europe,  one  great  object  of  their  inquiry  was,  to  find,  through  some  openings 
which  appeared  in  it,  a  passage  to  India  and  China.  For  this  purpose  several  ex 
pensive  and  unsuccessful  voyages  were  made ;  and  every  hint  which  could  throw  any 
light  on  the  subject  was  eagerly  sought  and  attended  to  by  those  who  considered  its 
importance. 

John  de  Fuca  was  a  Greek,  born  in  the  island  of  Cephalonia,  in  the  Adriatic  Gulf. 
He  had  been  employed  in  the  service  of  Spain,  in  the  West  Indies,  as  a  mariner  and 
pilot,  above  forty  years.  Having  lost  his  fortune,  amounting  (as  he  said)  to  sixty 
thousand  ducats,  when  the  Acapulco  ship  was  taken  by  Captain  Cavendish,  an 
Englishman,  and  being  disappointed  of  the  recompense  which  he  had  expected  from 
the  Court  of  Spain,  he  returned  in  disgust  to  his  native  country,  by  the  way  of  Italy, 
that  he  might  spend  the  evening  of  his  life  in  peace  and  poverty,  among  his  friends. 

At  Florence  he  met  with  John  Douglas,  an  Englishman,  and  went  with  him  to 
Venice.  There  Douglas  introduced  him  to  Michael  Lock,  who  had  been  Consul  of 
the  Turkey  Company  at  Aleppo,  and  was  then  occasionally  resident  in  Venice. 
(A.D.  1596). 

In  conversation  with  Mr.  Lock,  De  Fuca  gave  him  the  following  account  of  his 
adventures : 

"  That  he  had  been  sent  by  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  as  pilot  of  three  small  vessels, 
to  discover  the  Straits  of  Anian,  on  the  western  coast  of  America ;  through  which  it 
was  conjectured  that  a  passage  might  be  found  into  some  of  the  deep  bays  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  continent.  This  voyage  was  frustrated  by  the  misconduct  of  the 
commander  and  the  mutiny  of  the  seamen. 

"  In  1592  the  Viceroy  sent  him  again,  with  the  command  of  a  caravel  and  a  pin 
nace,  on  the  same  enterprise.  Between  the  latitudes  of  47°  and  48°  N.  he  discovered 
an  inlet,  into  which  he  entered  and  sailed  more  than  twenty  days.  At  the  entrance 
was  a  great  headland,  with  an  exceeding  high  pinnacle,  or  spired  rock,  like  a  pillar. 
Within  the  strait  the  land  stretched  north-west  and  north-east,  and  also  east  and 
south-east.  It  was  much  wider  within  than  at  the  entrance,  and  contained  many 
islands.  The  inhabitants  were  clad  in  the  skins  of  beasts.  The  land  appeared  to 
be  fertile,  like  that  of  New  Spain,  and  was  rich  in  gold  and  silver. 

"  Supposing  that  he  had  accomplished  the  intention  of  the  voyage  and  penetrated 
into  the  North  Sea,  but  not  being  strong  enough  to  resist  the  force  of  the  numerous 
savages  who  appeared  on  the  shores,  he  returned  to  Acapu«co  before  the  expiration 
of  the  year." 

Such  was  the  account  given  by  De  Fuca ;  and  Mr.  Lock  was  so  impressed  with 
the  sincerity  of  the  relation  and  the  advantages  which  his  countrymen  might  derive 
from  a  knowledge  of  this  strait,  that  he  earnestly  urged  him  to  enter  into  the  service 
of  Queen  Elizabeth  and  perfect  the  discovery.  He  succeeded  so  far  as  to  obtain  a 
promise  from  the  Greek,  though  sixty  years  old,  that  if  the  Queen  would  furnish  him 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  f>3 

with  one  ship  of  forty  tons  and  a  pinnace,  he  would  undertake  the  voyage.  He  was 
the  more  easily  persuaded  to  do  this  by  a  hope  that  the  Queen  would  make  him  some 
recompense  for  the  loss  of  his  fortune  by  Captain  Cavendish. 

Mr.  Lock  wrote  to  the'  Lord  Treasurer  Cecil,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  and  Mr.  Hak- 
luyt,  requesting  that  they  \\'ould  forward  the  scheme,  and  that  one  hundred  pounds 
might  be  advanced  to  bring  De  Fuca  to  England.  The  scheme  was  approved,  but 
the  money  was  not  advanced.  Lock  was  so  much  engaged  in  it  that  he  would  have 
sent  him  to  England  at  his  own  expense,  but  he  was  then  endeavoring  to  recover  at 
law  his  demands  from  the  Turkey  Company,  and  could  not  disburse  the  money. 
The  pilot,  therefore,  returned  to  Cephalonia ;  and  Lock  kept  up  a  correspondence 
with  him  till  1602,  when  he  heard  of  his  death. 

Though  this  account,  preserved  by  Purchas,  bears  sufficient  marks  of  authenticity, 
yet  it  has  been  rejected  as  fabulous  for  nearly  two  centuries,  and  is  treated  so  even 
by  the  very  candid  Dr.  Forster.  Late  voyages,  however,  have  established  the  exist 
ence  of  the  strait;  and  De  Fuca  is  no  longer  to  be  considered  as  an  impostor,  though 
the  gold  and  silver  in  his  account  were  but  conjectural. 

The  strait  which  now  bears  his  name  is  formed  by  land,  which  is  supposed  to  be 
the  Continent  of  America  on  one  side,  and  by  a  very  extensive  cluster  of  islands  on 
the  other.  Its  southern  entrance  lies  in  lat.  48°  20'  N.,  long.  124°  W.  from  Greenwich, 
and  is  about  seven  leagues  wide.  On  the  larboard  side,  which  is  composed  of  islands, 
the  land  is  very  mountainous,  rising  abruptly  in  high  and  sharp  peaks.  On  the  star 
board  side  is  a  point  of  land  terminating  in  a  remarkably  tall  rock,  called  the  Pillar. 
Within  the  entrance  the  passage  grows  wider,  extending  to  the  south-west,  north, 
and  north-west,  and  is  full  of  islands.  On  the  east  and  north-east,  at  a  great  distance, 
are  seen  the  tops  of  mountains,  supposed  to  be  on  the  continent ;  but  the  ships 
trading  for  furs  have  not  penetrated  far  to  the  eastward,  the  sea  otters  being  their 
principal  object,  and  the  land  furs  of  small  consideration.  For  this  reason  the 
eastern  boundary  of  the  inland  sea  is  not  yet  fully  explored.  The  strait  turns  to  the 
north  and  north-west,  encompassing  a  large  cluster  of  islands,  among  which  is  situate 
Nootka  Sound,  and  comes  into  the  Pacific  Ocean  again  in  latitude  51°  15',  long.  128° 
40'.  This  extremity  of  the  strait  is  called  its  northern  entrance,  and  is  wider  than 
the  southern. 

Another  strait  has  been  lately  seen  which  is  supposed  to  be  that  of  De  Fontc,  a 
Spanish  Admiral,  discovered  in  1640;  the  existence  of  which  has  also  been  treated 
as  fabulous.  The  cluster  of  islands  called  by  the  British  seamen  Queen  Charlotte's, 
and  by  the  Americans,  Washington's  Islands,  are  in  the  very  spot  where  De  Fonte 
placed  the  Archipelago  of  St.  Lazarus.  The  entrance  of  this  strait  has  been  visited 
by  the  fur  ships.  It  lies  in  lat.  54°  35'  and  long.  131°  W. 

These  recent  and  well-established  facts  may  induce  us  to  treat  the  relations  of 
foreign  voyages  with  decent  respect.  The  circumnavigation  of  Africa  by  the  ancient 
Phenicians  was  for  several  ages  deemed  fabulous  by  the  learned  Greeks  and  Romans. 
But  its  credibility  was  fully  established  by  the  Portuguese  discoveries  in  the  fifteenth 
century.  In  like  manner  the  discoveries  of  DC  Fuca  and  De  Fonte,  which  have  long 
been  stigmatized  by  geographers  as  pretended,  and  marked  in  their  maps  as  imaginary, 
are  now  known  to  have  been  founded  in  truth,  though  from  the  imperfection  of 
instruments  or  the  inaccuracy  of  historians,  the  degrees  and  minutes  of  latitude  and 
longitude  were  not  precisely  marked,  and  though  some  circumstances  in  their  ac- 


64  THE    AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

counts  are  but  conjectural.  Farther  discoveries  may  throw  new  light  on  the  subject, 
and  though,  perhaps,  a  north-west  passage  by  sea  from  the  Atlantic  into  the  Pacific 
may  not  exist ;  yet  bays,  rivers,  and  lakes  are  so  frequent  in  those  northern  regions 
of  our  continent,  that  an  inland  navigation  may  be  practicable. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  company  of  English  merchants  who  enjoy  an 
exclusive  trade  to  Hudson's  Bay  have,  from  interested  motives,  concealed  their 
knowledge  of  its  western  extremities.  Whether  there  be  any  just  foundation  for 
this  censure,  I  do  not  pretend  to  determine ;  but  a  survey  is  now  said  to  be  making, 
from  which  it  is  hoped,  that  this  long-contested  question  of  a  north-west  passage 
will  receive  a  full  solution. 


BARTHOLOMEW    GOSNOLD. 

BARTHOLOMEW  GOSNOLD  —  HIS  VOYAGE  TO  AMERICA  —  HIS  ARRIVAL  IN  VIRGINIA  —  DESCRIP 
TION  OF  THE  SEA-COAST  —  VISIT  OF  THE  INDIANS  —  ABANDONMENT  OF  THE  COLONY  BY 
THE  ENGLIS 

THE  unfortunate  issue  of  Raleigh's  attempt  to  make  a  settlement  in  America, 
together  with  the  war  with  Spain,  which  continued  for  several  years,  gave  a  check 
to  the  spirit  of  colonizing.  In  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  it  was 
revived  by  BARTHOLOMEW  GOSNOLD,  an  intrepid  mariner  in  the  west  of  England. 
At  whose  expense  he  undertook  his  voyage  to  the  northern  part  of  Virginia  does 
not  appear;  but  on  the  26th  of  March,  1602,  he  sailed  from  Falmouth  in  Cornwall, 
in  a  small  bark  with  thirty-two  men.  Instead  of  going  by  the  way  of  the  Canaries 
and  the  West  Indies,  he  kept  as  far  north  as  the  winds  would  permit,  and  was  the 
first  Englishman  who  came  in  a  direct  course  to  this  part  of  America. 

On  the  1 4th  of  May  they  made  the  land,  and  met  with  a  shallop  of  European 
fabric,  in  which  were  eight  savages,  one  of  whom  was  dressed  in  European  clothes, 
from  which  they  concluded  that  some  unfortunate  fisherman  of  Biscay  or  Brittany 
had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast. 

The  next  day  they  had  again  sight  of  land,  which  appeared  like  an  island,  by 
reason  of  a  large  sound  which  lay  between  it  and  the  main.  This  sound  they  called 
Shole  Hope.  Near  this  cape  they  took  a  great  number  of  cod,  from  which  circum 
stance  they  named  the  land  Cape  Cod.  It  is  described  as  a  low  sandy  shore,  in  lat 
itude  42°.  The  captain  went  on  shore  and  found  the  sand  very  deep.  A  young 
Indian,  with  plates  of  copper  hanging  to  his  ears,  and  a  bow  and  arrows  in  his  hand, 
came  to  him,  and  in  a  friendly  manner  offered  his  service. 

On  the  l6th  they  coasted  the  land  southerly,  and  at  the  end  of  twelve  leagues 
discovered  a  point  with  breakers  at  a  distance ;  and,  in  attempting  to  double  it,  came 
suddenly  into  shoal  water.  To  this  point  of  land  they  gave  the  name  of  Point  Care. 
It  is  now  called  Sandy  Point,  and  forms  the  south-eastern  extremity  of  the  county 
of  Barnstable  in  Massachusetts. 

Finding  themselves  surrounded  by  shoals  and  breakers,  they  lay  at  anchor  till 
they  had  examined  the  coast  and  soundings  in  their  boat ;  during  which  time  some 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  rt5 

of  the  natives  made  them  a  visit.  One  of  them  had  a  plate  of  copper  over  his 
breast  a  foot  in  length  and  half  a  foot  in  breadth ;  the  others  had  pendants  of  the 
same  metal  at  their  ears ;  they  all  had  pipes  of  tobacco,  of  which  they  were  very 
fond. 

In  surveying  the  coast  they  discovered  breakers  lying  off  a  point  of  land,  which 
they  denominated  Gilbert's  Point.  It  is  now  called  Point  Gammon,  and  forms  the 
eastern  side  of  the  harbor  of  Hyennes. 

On  the  i gth  they  passed  the  breach  of  Gilbert's  Point  in  four  and  five  fathoms 
of  water,  and  anchored  a  league  or  more  to  the  westward  of  it.  Several  hummocks 
and  hills  appeared, which  at  first  were  taken  to  be  islands;  these  were  the  high  lands 
of  Barnstable  and  Yarmouth. 

To  the  westward  of  Gilbert's  Point  appeared  an  opening,  which  Gosnold  imag 
ined  to  have  a  communication  with  the  supposed  sound  which  he  had  seen  westward 
of  Cape  Cod ;  he  therefore  gave  it  the  same  name,  Shole  Hope ;  but,  finding  the 
water  to  be  no  more  than  three  fathoms  deep  at  the  distance  of  a  league,  he 
did  not  attempt  to  enter  it.  From  this  opening  the  land  tended  to  the  south-west ; 
and,  in  coasting  it,  they  came  to  an  island,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Martha 's 
Vineyard.  This  island  is  described  as  "  distant  eight  leagues  from  Shole  Hope,  five 
miles  in  circuit,  and  uninhabited  ;  full  of  wood,  vines,  and  berries.  Here  they  saw 
deer  and  took  abundance  of  cod." 

From  their  station  off  this  island,  where  they  rode  in  eight  fathoms,  they  sailed 
on  the  24th,  and  doubled  the  cape  of  another  island  next  to  it,  which  they  called 
Dover  Cliff.  This  course  brought  them  into  a  sound,  where  they  anchored  for  the 
night,  and  the  next  morning  sent  their  boat  to  examine  another  cape  which  lay  be 
tween  them  and  the  main,  from  which  projected  a  ledge  of  rocks  a  mile  into  the  sea, 
but  all  above  water  and  not  dangerous.  Having  passed  round  them,  they  came  to 
anchor  again  in  one  of  the  finest  sounds  they  had  ever  seen,  and  to  which  they  gave 
the  name  of  Gosnold's  Hope.  On  the  northern  side  of  it  was  the  main,  and  on  the 
southern,  parallel  to  it  at  the  distance  of  four  leagues,  was  a  large  island,  which  they 
called  Elizabeth  in  honor  of  their  Queen.  On  this  island  they  determined  to  take 
up  their  abode,  and  pitched  upon  a  small  woody  islet  in  the  middle  of  a  fresh  pond 
as  a  safe  place  to  build  their  fort.  A  little  to  the  northward  of  this  large  island  lay 
a  small  one,  half  a  mile  in  compass  and  full  of  cedars.  This  they  called  Hill's  Hap. 
On  the  opposite  shore  appeared  another  similar  elevation,  to  which  they  gave  the 
name  of  Hap's  Hill. 

By  this  description  of  the  coast,  it  is  evident  that  the  sound  into  which  Gosnold 
entered  was  Buzzard's  Bay.  The  island  which  he  called  Martha's  Vineyard  was  not 
that  which  now  goes  by  that  name,  but  a  small  island ;  the  easternmost  of  those 
which  arc  known  by  the  name  of  Elizabeth's  Islands.  It  is  called  by  the  Indians, 
Nenimissctt.  Its  present  circumference  is  about  four  miles,  but  it  has  doubtless  been 
diminished  since  Gosnold's  time  by  the  force  of  the  tides,  which  set  into  and  out  of 
the  bay  with  great  rapidity.  Its  natural  productions  and  pleasant  situation  answer 
well  to  his  description,  and  deer  are  frequently  seen  and  hunted  upon  it,  but  none 
were  ever  known  to  have  been  on  the  great  island  now  called  Martha's  Vineyard, 
which  is  above  twenty  miles  in  length  and  was  always  full  of  inhabitants.  For  what 
reason  and  at  what  time  the  name  was  transferred  from  the  one  to  the  other  I  have 
not  yet  learned. 

9 


fi6  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

The  cliff  named  Dover  is  supposed  to  be  the  eastern  head  of  a  small  island,  which 
was  called  by  the  natives  Onky  Tonky,  and  is  now  corrupted  into  Uncle  Timmy. 
The  rocky  ledge  is  called  Rattlesnake  Neck.  Hill's  Hap  consists  now  of  two  very 
small  islands  called  VViekpeckets.  There  is  every  appearance  that  these  were  for 
merly  united,  and  there  are  now  a  few  cedars  on  them.  Hap's  Hill,  on  the  opposite 
part  of  the  main,  is  a  small  elevated  island  of  an  oval  form  near  the  mouth  of  a 
river  which  passes  through  the  towns  of  Wareham  and  Rochester.  It  is  a  conspicu 
ous  object  to  navigators. 

The  island  on  which  Gosnold  and  his  company  took  up  their  abode,  is  now  called 
by  its  Indian  name,  Naushaun,  and  is  the  property  of  the  Honorable  James  Bowdoin, 
of  Boston,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  these  remarks  on  Gosnold's  journal,  which  is 
extant  at  large  in  Purchas'  collections. 

Near  the  south-west  end  of  Naushaun  is  a  large  fresh  pond,  such  an  one  as  answers 
Gosnold's  description,  excepting  that  there  is  no  islet  in  the  middle  of  it.  The  shore 
is  sandy ;  but  what  revolution  may  have  taken  place  within  the  space  of  almost  two 
centuries  past  we  can  not  say. 

Whilst  some  of  Gosnold's  men  labored  in  building  a  fort  and  storehouse  on  the 
small  island  in  the  pond,  and  a  flat-boat  to  go  to  it,  he  crossed  the  bay  in  his  vessel 
and  discovered  the  mouths  of  two  rivers;  one  was  that  near  which  lay  Hap's  Hill, 
and  the  other,  that  on  the  shore  of  which  the  town  of  New  Bedford  is  now  built. 

After  five  days'  absence,  Gosnold  returned  to  the  island  and  was  received  by  his 
people  with  great  ceremony  on  account  of  an  Indian  chief  and  fifty  of  his  men  who 
were  there  on  a  visit.  To  this  chief  they  presented  a  straw  hat  and  two  knives;  the 
hat  he  little  regarded,  but  the  knives  were  highly  valued.  They  feasted  these  sav 
ages  with  fish  and  mustard,  and  diverted  themselves  with  the  effect  of  the  mustard 
on  their  noses.  One  of  them  stole  a  target,  but  it  was  restored.  They  did  not  ap 
pear  to  be  inhabitants,  but  occasional  visitants  at  the  island  for  the  sake  of  gathering 
shell-fish.  Four  of  them  remained  after  the  others  were  gone,  and  helped  the  En 
glish  to  dig  the  roots  of  sassafras,  with  which,  as  well  as  the  furs  which  they  bought 
of  the  Indians,  the  vessel  was  loaded. 

After  spending  three  weeks  in  preparing  a  storehouse,  when  they  came  to  divide 
their  provision  there  was  not  enough  to  victual  the  ship  and  to  subsist  the  planters 
till  the  ship's  return.  Some  jealousy  also  arose  about  the  intentions  of  those  who 
were  going  back;  and  after  five  days'  consultation  they  determined  to  give  up  their 
design  of  planting  and  return  to  England.  On  the  i8th  of  June  they  sailed  out  of 
the  bay  through  the  same  passage  by  which  they  had  entered  it ;  and  on  the  236  of 
July  they  arrived  at  Exmouth,  in  the  west  of  England. 

Gosnold's  intention  was  to  have  remained  with  a  part  of  his  men,  and  to  have 
sent  Gilbert,  the  second  in  command,  to  England  for  farther  supplies;  but  half  of  so 
small  a  company  would  not  have  been  a  sufficient  number  to  resist  the  savages  had 
they  been  disposed  to  attack  them. 

After  his  return  to  England  he  was  indefatigable  in  his  endeavors  to  forward. the 
settling  of  a  colony  in  America,  and  was  one  of  those  who  embarked  in  the  next  ex 
pedition  to  Virginia,  where  he  had  the  rank  of  a  counsellor,  and  where  he  died  in  the 
year  1607. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  C7 


JOHN   SMITH. 

JOHN  SMITH — HIS  TRAVELS*  AND  ADVENTURES  ON  THE  CONTINENT — HE  JOINS  THE  AUSTRIAN 
ARMY — HIS  ENCOUNTER  WITH  THE  TURKS — SMITH  IS  MADE  PRISONER — HE  IS  SOLD  AS  A 
SLAVE — HIS  ESCAPE  AND  RETURN  TO  ENGLAND— HE  MEETS  GOSNOLD — THEY  SAIL  TO  VIR 
GINIA — DIFFICULTIES  IN  THE  COMPANY — SMITH  IS  TAKEN  PRISONER  BY  THE  INDIANS- 
HE  IS  CONDEMNED  TO  DEATH — HE  IS  SAVED  BY  POCAHONTAS,  DAUGHTER  OF  THE  INDIAN 
CHIEF — HIS  RELEASE— -HIS  DISCOVERIES— SMITH  IS  MADE  PRESIDENT  OF  VIRGINIA — HIS 
FAME  AMONG  THE  INDIANS — HIS  SINGULAR  DISCIPLINE— HIS  RETURN  TO  ENGLAND — HIS 
VOYAGE  TO  NORTH  VIRGINIA — HIS  WRITINGS — HIS  DEATH. 

THOUGH  the  early  part  of  the  life  of  this  extraordinary  man  was  spent  in  foreign 
travels  and  adventures  which  have  no  reference  to  America,  yet  the  incidents  of  that 
period  so  strongly -mark  his  character,  and  give  such  a  tincture  to  his  subsequent 
actions,  and  are  withal  so  singular  in  themselves,  that  no  reader  (it  is  presumed)  will 
censure  the  introduction  of  them  here  as  impertinent. 

He  was  born  at  Willoughby,  in  Lincolnshire,  in  the  year  1579.*  From  the  first 
dawn  of  reason  he  discovered  a  roving  and  romantic  genius,  and  delighted  in  extrav 
agant  and  daring  actions  among  his  school-fellows.  When  about  thirteen  years  of 
age  he  sold  his  books  and  satchel  and  his  puerile  trinkets  to  raise  money,  with  a  view 
to  convey  himself  privately  to  sea ;  but  the  death  of  his  father  put  a  stop  for  the 
present  to  this  attempt,  and  threw  him  into  the  hands  of  guardians  who  endeavored 
to  check  the  ardor  of  his  genius  by  confining  him  to  a  compting  house.  Being  put 
apprentice  to  a  merchant  at  Lynn,  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  he  at  first  conceived  hopes 
that  his  master  would  send  him  to  sea  in  his  service,  but  this  hope  failing,  he  quitted 
his  master,  and  with  only  ten  shillings  in  his  pocket  entered  into  the  train  of  a  young 
nobleman  who  was  traveling  to  France.  At  Orleans  he  was  discharged  from  his 
attendance  on  Lord  Bertie,  and  had  money  given  him  to  return  to  England.  With 
this  money  he  visited  Paris,  and  proceeded  to  the  Low  Countries,  where  he  enlisted 
as  a  soldier,  and  learned  the  rudiments  of  war,  a  science  peculiarly  agreeable  to  his 
ardent  and  active  genius.  Meeting  with  a  Scots  gentleman  abroad,  he  was  persuaded 
to  pass  into  Scotland,  with  the  promise  of  being  strongly  recommended  to  King 
James;  but,  being  baffled  in  this  expectation,  he  returned  to  his  native  town,  and, 
finding  no  company  there  which  suited  his  taste,  he  built  a  booth  in  a  wood,  and  betook 
himself  to  the  study  of  military  history  and  tactics,  diverting  himself  at  intervals 
with  his  horse  and  lance;  in  which  exercise  he  at  length  found  a  companion,  an 
Italian  gentleman,  rider  to  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  who  drew  him  from  his  sylvan  retire 
ment  to  Tattersal. 


*  This  is  determined  by  an  inscription  annexed  to  his  portrait  on  his  map  of  New  England — "y£tat  37. 
Anno  1616." 

This  portrait  represents  him  clad  in  armor,  and  under  it  are  these  verses  ; 

"  Such  are  the  lines  that  show  thy  face  ;  but  those 

That  show  thy  grace  and  glory  brighter  bee  ; 
Thy  faire  discoveries  and  fowle  overthrowes 

Of  salvages  much  civilized  by  thee, 
Best  show  thy  spirit,  and  to  it  glory  win 

So  thou  art  brasse  without,  but  golde  within." 


68  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

Having  recovered  a  part  of  the  estate  which  his  father  had  left  him,  he  put  him 
self  into  a  better  condition  than  before,  and  set  off  again  on  his  travels,  in  the  winter 
of  the  year  1596,  being  then  only  seventeen  years  of  age.  His  first  stage  was  Flan 
ders,  where,  meeting  with  a  Frenchman  who  pretended  to  be  heir  to  a  noble  family, 
he,  with  his  three  attendants,  prevailed  upon  Smith  to  go  with  them  to  France.  In 
a  dark  night  they  arrived  at  St.  Valery  in  Picardy,  and,  by  the  connivance  of  the 
ship-master,  the  Frenchmen  were  carried  ashore  with  the  trunks  of  our  young  trav 
eler,  whilst  he  was  left  on  board  till  the  return  of  the  boat.  In  the  meantime  they 
had  conveyed  the  baggage  out  of  his  reach,  and  were  not  to  be  found.  A  sailor  on 
board,  who  knew  the  villains,  generously  undertook  to  conduct  him  to  Mortaine,  where 
they  lived,  and  supplied  his  wants  till  their  arrival  at  the  place.  Here  he  found  their 
friends,  from  whom  he  could  gain  no  recompense;  but  the  report  of  his  sufferings 
induced  several  persons  of  distinction  to  invite  him  to  their  houses. 

Eager  to  pursue  his  travels,  and  not  caring  to  receive  favors  which  he  was  unable 
to  requite,  he  left  his  new  friends,  and  went  from  port  to  port  in  search  of  a  ship  of 
war.  In  one  of  these  rambles,  near  Dinan,  it  was  his  chance  to  meet  one  of  the  vil 
lains  who  had  robbed  him.  Without  speaking  a  word,  they  both  drew  ;  and  Smith 
having  wounded  and  disarmed  his  antagonist,  obliged  him  to  confess  his  guilt  before 
a  number  of  persons  who  had  assembled  on  the  occasion. 

Satisfied  with  his  victory,  he  retired  to  the  seat  of  an  acquaintance,  the  Earl  of 
Ployer,  who  had  been  brought  up  in  England,  and  having  received  supplies  from 
him,  he  traveled  along  the  French  coast  to  Bayonne,  and  from  thence  crossed  over 
to  Marseilles,  visiting  and  observing  everything  in  his  way  which  had  any  reference 
to  naval  or  military  achitecture. 

At  Marseilles  he  embarked  for  Italy,  in  company  with  a  rabble  of  pilgrims.  The 
ship  was  forced  by  a  tempest  into  the  harbor  of  Toulon,  and  afterward  was  obliged 
by  a  contrary  wind  to  anchor  under  the  little  island  of  St.  Mary,  off  Nice,  in  Savoy. 
The  bigotry  of  the  pilgrims  made  them  ascribe  their  ill-fortune  to  the  presence  of  a 
heretic  on  board.  They  devoutly  cursed  Smith  and  his  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  in  a  fit 
of  pious  rage,  threw  him  into  the  sea.  He  swam  to  the  island,  and  the  next  day  was 
taken  on  board  a  ship  of  St.  Malo,  which  had  also  put  in  there  for  shelter.  The 
master  of  the  ship,  who  was  well  known  to  his  noble  friend,  the  Earl  of  Ployer,  enter 
tained  him  kindly,  and  carried  him  to  Alexandria  in  Egypt ;  from  thence  he  coasted 
the  Levant ;  and  on  his  return  had  the  high  satisfaction  of  a  naval  engagement  with 
a  Venetian  ship,  which  they  took  and  rifled  of  her  rich  cargo.  Smith  was  set  on 
shore  at  Antibes,  with  a  box  of  a  thousand  chequins  (about  two  thousand  dollars), 
by  the  help  of  which  he  made  the  tour  of  Italy,  crossed  the  Adriatic,  and  traveled  into 
Stiria,  to  the  seat  of  Ferdinand,  Archduke  of  Austria.  Here  he  met  with  an  English 
and  an  Irish  Jesuit,  who  introduced  him  to  Lord  Eberspaught,  Baron  Kizel,  and  other 
officers  of  distinction,  and  here  he  found  full  scope  for  his  genius,  for  the  Emperor 
being  then  at  war  with  the  Turks,  he  entered  into  his  army  as  a  volunteer. 

He  had  communicated  to  Eberspaught  a  method  of  conversing  at  a  distance  by 
signals  made  with  torches,  which  being  alternately  shown  and  hidden  a  certain  num 
ber  of  times,  designated  every  letter  of  the  alphabet.  He  had  soon  an  opportunity 
of  making  the  experiment.  Eberspaught  being  besieged  by  the  Turks  in  the  strong 
town  of  Olimpach,  was  cut  off  from  all  intelligence  and  hope  of  succor  from  his 
friends.  Smith  proposed  his  method  of  communication  to  Baron  Kizel,  wh'o  ap- 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE   EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  69 

proved  it,  and  allowed  him  to  put  it  in  practice.  He  was  conveyed  by  a  guard  to  a 
hill  within  view  of  the  town,  and  sufficiently  remote  from  the  Turkish  camp.  At  the 
display  of  the  signal,  Eberspaught  knew  and  answered  it,  and  Smith  conveyed 
to  him  this  intelligence,  "Thursday  night  I  will  charge  on  the  East;  at  the  alarm 
sally  thou."  The  answer  was,  "  I  will."  Just  before  the  attack,  by  Smith's  advice, 
a  great  number  of  false  fires  were  made  on  another  quarter,  which  divided  the 
attention  of  the  enemy  and  gave  advantage  to  the  assailants ;  who,  being 
assisted  by  a  sally  from  the  town,  killed  many  of  the  Turks,  drove  others  into  the 
river,  and  threw  succors  into  the  place,  which  obliged  the  enemy  the  next  day  to 
raise  the  siege.  This  well-conducted  exploit  produced  to  our  young  adventurer  the 
command  of  a  company,  consisting  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  horsemen  in  the  regi 
ment  of  Count  Meldrick,  a  nobleman  of  Transylvania. 

The  regiment  in  which  he  served  being  engaged  in  several  hazardous  enterprises, 
Smith  was  foremost  in  all  dangers  and  distinguished  himself  both  by  his  ingenuity 
and  by  his  valor;  and  when  Meldrick  left  the  Imperial  army,  and  passed  into  the 
service  of  his  native  prince,  Smith  followed  him. 

At  the  siege  of  Regal,  the  Ottomans  derided  the  slow  approaches  of  the  Tran- 
sylvanian  army,  and  sent  a  challenge,  purporting  that  the  Lord  Turbisha,  to  divert 
the  ladies,  would  fight  any  single  captain  of  the  Christian  troops.  The  honor  of 
accepting  this  challenge  being  determined  by  lot,  fell  on  Captain  Smith  ;  who,  meet 
ing  his  antagonist  on  horseback,  within  view  of  the  ladies  on  the  battlements,  at  the 
sound  of  music  began  the  encounter,  and  in  a  short  time  killed  him,  and  bore  away 
his  head  in  triumph  to  his  General,  the  Lord  Moyzes. 

The  death  of  the  chief  so  irritated  his  friend  Grualgo,  that  he  sent  a  particular 
challenge  to  the  conqueror,  who,  meeting  him  with  the  same  ceremonies,  after  a 
smart  combat,  took  off  his  head  also.  Smith  then  in  his  turn  sent  a  message  into 
the  town,  informing  the  ladies,  that  if  they  wished  for  more  diversion,  they  should 
be  welcome  to  his  head,  in  case  their  third  champion  could  take  it.  This  challenge 
was  accepted  by  Bonamolgro,  who  unhorsed  Smith  and  was  near  gaining  the  victory. 
But  remounting  in  a  critical  moment,  he  gave  the  Turk  a  stroke  with  his  faulchion 
which  brought  him  to  the  ground,  and  his  head  was  added  to  the  number.  For  these 
singular  exploits  he  was  honored  with  a  military  procession,  consisting  of  six  thou 
sand  men,  three  led  horses,  and  the  Turks'  heads  on  the  points  of  three  lances. 
With  this  ceremony  Smith  was  conducted  to  the  pavilion  of  his  General,  who,  after 
embracing  him,  presented  him  with  a  horse  richly  furnished,  a  scimetar  and  belt 
worth  three  hundred  ducats,  and  a  commission  to  be  Major  in  his  regiment.  The 
prince  of  Transylvania,  after  the  capture  of  the  place,  made  him  a  present  of  his 
picture  set  in  gold,  and  a  pension  of  three  hundred  ducats  per  annum,  and  moreover 
granted  him  a  coat  of  arms  bearing  three  Turks'  heads  in  a  shield.  The  patent  was 
admitted  and  recorded  in  the  College  of  Heralds  in  England,  by  Sir  Henry  Segar, 
garter  king-at-arms.  Smith  was  always  proud  of  this  distinguishing  honor,  and  these 
arms  are  accordingly  blazoned  in  the  frontispiece  to  his  history,  with  this  motto, 
"  Vincere  est  vivere."  After  this,  the  Transylvanian  army  was  defeated  by  a  body 
of  Turks  and  Tartars  near  Rotenton,  and  many  brave  men  were  slain,  among  whom 
were  nine  English  and  Scotch  officers,  who,  after  the  fashion  of  that  day,  had  entered 
into  this  service  from  a  religious  zeal  to  drive  the  Turks  out  of  Christendom.  Smith 
was  wounded  in  this  battle  and  lay  among  the  dead.  His  habit  discovered  him  to 


70  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

the  victors  as  a  person  of  consequence ;  they  used  him  well  till  his  wounds  were 
healed,  and  then  sold  him  to  the  Basha  Bogal,  who  sent  him  as  a  present  to  his 
mistress,  Tragabigzanda,  at  Constantinople,  accompanied  with  a  message,  as  full  of 
vanity  as  void  of  truth,  that  he  had  conquered  in  battle  a  Bohemian  nobleman,  and 
presented  him  to  her  as  a  slave. 

The  present  proved  more  acceptable  to  the  lady  than  her  lord  intended.  She 
could  speak  Italian  ;  and  Smith,  in  that  language,  not  only  informed  her  of  his 
country  and  quality,  but  conversed  with  her  in  so  pleasant  a  manner  as  to  gain  her 
affections.  The  connection  proved  so  tender,  that  to  secure  him  for  herself  and  to 
prevent  his  being  ill-used  or  sold  again,  she  sent  him  to  her  brother,  the  Basha  of 
Nalbraitz,  in  the  country  of  the  Cambrian  Tartars,  on  the  borders  of  the  Sea  of 
Asoph.  Her  pretense  was  that  he  should  there  learn  the  manners  and  language,  as 
well  as  the  religion  of  the  Tartars.  By  the  terms  in  which  she  wrote  to  her  brother 
he  suspected  her  design,  and  resolved  to  disappoint  her.  Within  an  hour  after 
Smith's  arrival  he  was  stripped  ;  his  head  and  beard  were  shaven  ;  an  iron  collar  was 
put  about  his  neck;  he  was  clothed  with  a  coat  of  hair-cloth,  and  driven  to  labor 
among  other  Christian  slaves.  He  had  now  no  hope  of  redemption  but  from  the 
love  of  his  mistress,  who  was  at  a  great  distance,  and  not  likely  to  be  informed  of  his 
misfortune;  the  hopeless  condition  of  his  fellow-slaves  could  not  alleviate  his 
despondency. 

In  the  depth  of  his  distress  an  opportunity  presented  for  an  escape,  which,  to  a 
person  of  a  less  courageous  and  adventurous  spirit,  w&uld  have  proved  an  aggravation 
of  misery.  He  was  employed  in  threshing  at  a  grange,  in  a  large  field  about  a  league 
from  the  house  of  his  tyrant,  who  in  his  daily  visits  treated  him  with  abusive  lan 
guage,  accompanied  with  blows  and  kicks.  This  was  more  than  Smith  could  bear; 
wherefore,  watching  an  opportunity  when  no  other  person  was  present,  he  leveled  a 
stroke  at  him  with  his  threshing  instrument,  which  dispatched  him.  Then,  hiding 
his  body  in  the  straw  and  shutting  the  doors,  he  filled  a  bag  with  grain,  mounted 
the  Basha's  horse,  and,  betaking  himself  to  the  desert,  wandered  for  two  or  three 
days,  ignorant  of  the  way,  and  so  fortunate  as  not  to  meet  with  a  single  person  who 
might  give  information  of  his  flight.  At  length  he  came  to  a  post  erected  in  a  cross 
road,  by  the  marks  on  which  he  found  his  way  to  Muscovy,  and  in  sixteen  days 
arrived  at  Exapolis,  on  the  River  Don,  where  was  a  Russian  garrison,  the  commander 
of  which,  understanding  he  was  a  Christian,  received  him  courteously,  took  off  his 
iron  collar,  and  gave  him  letters  to  the  other  governors  in  that  region.  Thus  he 
traveled  through  part  of  Russia  and  Poland,  till  he  got  back  to  his  friends  in  Tran 
sylvania ;  receiving  presents  in  his  way  from  many  persons  of  distinction,  among 
whom  he  particularly  mentions  a  charitable  lady,  Calmata,  being  always  proud  of  his 
connection  with  that  sex,  and  fond  of  acknowledging  their  favors.  At  Leipsic  he  met 
with  his  colonel,  Count  Meldrick,  and  Sigismund,  Prince  of  Transylvania,  who  gave 
him  1,500  ducats,  to  repair  his  losses.  With  this  money  he  was  enabled  to  travel 
through  Germany,  France,  and  Spain,  and,  having  visited  the  kingdoms  of  Morocco, 
he  returned  by  sea  to  England  ;  having  in  his  passage  enjoyed  the  pleasure  of  another 
naval  eng"gement.  At  his  arrival  in  his  native  country  he  had  a  thousand  ducats  in 
his  purse,  which,  with  the  interest  he  had  remaining  in  England,  he  devoted  to  seek 
adventures  and  make  discoveries  in  NORTH  AMERICA. 

Bartholomew  Gosnold,  having  conceived  a  favorable  idea  of  America,  had  made 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  71 

it  his  business  on  his  return  to  England  to  solicit  assistance  in  prosecuting  discov 
eries.  Meeting  with  Captain  Smith,  he  readily  entered  into  his  views,  the  employ 
ment  being  exactly  suited  to  his  enterprising  genius.  Having  engaged  Edward 
Maria  Wingfield,  a  merchant;  Robert  Hunt,  a  clergyman  ;  and  several  others,  they 
prevailed  upon  a  number  of  noblemen,  gentlemen,  and  merchants,  to  solicit  a  patent 
from  the  Crown,  by  which  the  adventurers  to  Virginia  became  subject  to  legal  direc 
tion,  and  had  the  support  and  encouragement  of  a  wealthy  and  respectable  corpora 
tion  ;  which  was  usually  styled  the  South  Virginia  Company,  or  the  London  Company, 
in  distinction  from  the  Plymouth  Company,  who  superintended  the  affairs  of  North 
Virginia.  The  date  of  their  patent  was  April  10,  1606,  and  on  the  igth  of  the  following 
December,  three  ships,  one  of  one  hundred  tons,  another  of  forty,  and  one  of  twenty, 
fell  down  the  River  Thames  for  Virginia.  The  commander  was  Christopher  New 
port,  an  experienced  mariner.  They  had  on  board  the  necessary  persons  and  pro 
visions  for  a  colony;  and  their  orders  for  government  were  sealed  in  a  box,  which  was 
not  to  be  opened  till  they  should  arrive  in  Virginia. 

The  ships  were  kept  in  the  Downs  by  bad  weather  six  weeks,  and  afterward  had 
a  tempestuous  voyage.  They  took  the  old  route  by  the  Canary  and  Caribbee  Islands, 
and  did  not  make  the  entrance  of  Chesapeake  Bay  till  the  26th  of  April,  1607. 
From  the  beginning  of  their  embarkation  there  was  a  jealousy  and  dissension  among 
the  company.  Smith  and  Hunt  were  friends,  and  both  were  envied  and  suspected 
by  the  others.  Hunt  was  judicious  and  patient ;  his  office  secured  him  from  insult. 
Smith  was  ardent  and  industrious,  courteous  in  his  deportment,  but  liberal  in  his 
language.  On  some  suggestions  that  he  intended  to  usurp  the  government,  and  that 
his  confederates  were  dispersed  among  the  companies  of  each  ship,  he  was  made  a 
prisoner  from  the  time  of  their  leaving  the  Canaries,  and  was  under  confinement 
when  they  arrived  in  the  Chesapeake.  When  the  box  was  opened  it  was  found  that 
Bartholomew  Gosnold,  John  Smith,  Edward  M.  Wingfield,  Christopher  Newport, 
John  Ratcliffe,  John  Martin,  and  George  Kendal  were  named  to  be  of  the  council ; 
who  were  to  choose  a  president  from  among  themselves  for  one  year,  and  the  gov 
ernment  was  vested  in  them.  Matters  of  moment  were  to  be  "examined  by  a  jury, 
but  determined  by  the  major  part  of  the  council,  in  which  the  president  had  two 
voices."  When  the  council  was  sworn,  Wingfield  was  chosen  president,  and  a  decla 
ration  was  made  of  the  reasons  for  which  Smith  was  not  admitted  and  sworn  among 
the  others. 

Seventeen  days  from  their  arrival  were  spent  in  seeking  a  proper  place  for  their 
first  plantation.  The  southern  point  of  the  bay  was  named  Cape  Henry,  and  the 
northern  Cape  Charles,  in  honor  of  the  two  sons  of  King  James.  To  the  first  great 
river  which  they  discovered  they  gave  the  name  of  their  sovereign  ;  and  the  northern 
point  of  its  entrance  was  called  Point  Comfort,  on  account  of  the  good  channel  and 
anchorage  which  they  found  there.  On  the  flats  they  took  plenty  of  oysters,  an 
some  of  which  were  pearls ;  and  on  the  plain  they  found  large  and  ripe  strawberries, 
which  afforded  them  a  delicious  repast. 

Having  met  with  five  of  the  natives,  they  invited  them  to  their  town,  Kecoughtan, 
where  Hampton  is  now  built.  Here  they  were  feasted  with  cakes  made  of  Indian 
corn,  and  regaled  with  tobacco  and  a  dance.  In  return,  they  presented  the  natives 
beads  and  other  triivkets.  Proceeding  up  the  river,  another  company  of  Indians 
appeared  in  arms.  Their  chief,  Apamatica,  holding  in  one  hand  his  bow  and  arrow, 


72  THE    AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

nnd  in  the  other  a  pipe  of  tobacco,  demanded  the  cause  of  their  coming ;  they  made 
signs  of  peace,  and  were  hospitably  received.  On  the  I3th  of  May  they  pitched 
upon  a  peninsula,  where  the  ships  could  lie  in  six-fathom  water,  moored  to  the  trees,  as 
the  place  of  their  intended  settlement.  Here  they  were  visited  by  Paspiha,  another 
Indian  chief,  who,  being  made  acquainted  with  their  design,  offered  them  as  much 
land  as  they  wanted,  and  afterward  sent  them  a  deer  for  their  entertainment.  On 
this  spot  they  pitched  their  tents,  and  gave  it  the  name  of  Jamestown. 

Every  man  was  now  employed  either  in  digging  and  planting  gardens,  or  making 
nets,  or  in  cutting  and  riving  timber  to  reload  the  ships.  The  president  at  first  would 
admit  of  no  martial  exercise,  nor  allow  any  fortifications  to  be  made,  excepting  the 
boughs  of  trees  thrown  together  in  the  form  of  a  half-moon.  Captain  Newport  took 
Smith  and  twenty  more  with  him  to  discover  the  head  of  James  River.  In  six  days 
they  arrived  at  the  falls,  and,  erecting  a  cross,  as  they  had  at  Cape  Henry,  took  pos 
session  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  King  James.  In  this  route  they  visited  Pow- 
HATAN,  the  principal  Indian  chief,  or  emperor.  His  town  consisted  of  twelve  houses, 
pleasantly  situated  on  a  hill,  before  which  were  three  islands,  a  little  below  the  spot 
where  Richmond  is  now  built.  Captain  Newport  presented  a  hatchet  to  this  prince, 
which  he  gratefully  received ;  and  when  some  of  his  Indians  murmured  at  the  coming 
of  the  English  among  them,  he  silenced  them  by  saying,  "  Why  should  we  be 
offended  ?  they  hurt  us  not,  nor  take  anything  by  force ;  they  want  only  a  little 
ground,  which  we  can  easily  spare."  This  appearance  of  friendship  was  not  much 
relied  on,  when,  at  their  return  to  Jamestown,  they  found  that  the  company  had 
been  surprised  at  their  work  by  a  party  of  Indians,  who  had  killed  one  and  wounded 
seventeen  others.  A  double-headed  shot  from  one  of  the  ships  had  cut  off  a  bough 
of  a  tree,  which,  falling  among  the  Indians,  terrified  and  dispersed  them.  This  inci 
dent  obliged  the  president  to  alter  the  plan  of  the  fort,  which  was  now  a  triangular 
palisade,  with  a  lunette  at  each  angle,  and  five  pieces  of  artillery  were  mounted  on 
the  works,  which  were  completed  by  the  1 5th  of  June.  It  was  also  found  necessary  to 
exercise  the  men  at  arms,  to  mount  guard,  and  be  vigilant ;  for  the  Indians  would 
surprise  and  molest  stragglers,  whilst  by  their  superior  agility  they  would  escape 
unhurt. 

The  ships  being  almost  ready  to  return,  it  was  thought  proper  that  some  decision 
should  be  had  respecting  the  allegations  against  Smith.  His  accusers  affected  com 
miseration,  and  pretended  to  refer  him  to  the  censure  of  the  company  in  England, 
rather  than  to  expose  him  to  legal  prosecution  which  might  injure  his  reputation  or 
touch  his  life.  Smith,  who  knew  both  their  malice  and  their  impotence,  openly 
scorned  their  pretended  pity  and  defied  their  resentment.  He  had  conducted  him 
self  so  uncxceptionably  in  every  employment  which  had  been  allotted  to  him,  that 
he  had  rendered  himself  very  popular;  and  his  accusers  had  by  a  different  conduct 
lost  the  affections  and  confidence  of  the  people.  Those  who  had  been  suborned  to 
accuse  him  acknowledged  their  fault,  and  discovered  the  secret  arts  which  had  been 
practiced  against  him.  He  demanded  a  trial,  and  the  issue  was,  that  the  president 
w;:s  adjudged  to  pay  him  two  hundred  pounds ;  but  when  his  property  was  seized 
in  part  of  this  satisfaction,  Smith  generously  turned  it  into  the  common  store  for  the 
benefit  of  the  colony.  Such  an  action  could  not  but  increase  his  popularity.  Many 
other  difficulties  had  arisen  among  them,  which,  by  the  influence  of  Smith  and  the 
exhortation  of  Hunt,  their  chaplain,  were  brought  to  a  seemingly  amicable  conclu- 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EAKLv    DISCOVERERS.  Y3 

sion.  Smith  was  admitted  to  his  scat  in  the  council,  and  on  the  next  Sunday  they 
celebrated  the  communion.  At  the  same  time  the  Indians  came  in,  and  voluntarily 
desired  peace.  With  the  good  report  of  these  transactions  Newport  sailed  for  En 
gland  on  the  23d  of  June,  promising  to  return  in  twenty  weeks  with  fresh  supplies. 

The  colony  thus  left  in  Virginia  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  four  persons,  in 
very  miserable  circumstances,  especially  on  account  of  provisions,  to  which  calamity 
their  long  voyage  did  not  a  little  contribute,  both  as  it  consumed  their  stock,  and 
deprived  them  of  the  opportunity  of  sowing  seasonably  in  the  spring.  Whilst  the 
ships  remained,  they  could  barter  with  the  sailors  for  bread  ;  but  after  their  depart 
ure,  each  man's  allowance  was  half  a  pint  of  damaged  wheat  and  as  much  barley  per 
day.  The  river,  which  at  the  flood  was  salt,  and  at  the  ebb  was  muddy,  afforded 
them  their  only  drink ;  it  also  supplied  them  with  sturgeon  and  shell-fish.  This  kind 
of  food,  with  their  continual  labor  in  the  heat  of  summer,  and  their  frequent  watch- 
ings  by  night  in  all  weathers,  having  only  the  bare  ground  to  lie  on,  with  but  slight 
covering,  produced  diseases  among  them,  which,  by  the  month  of  September,  carried 
off  fifty  persons,  among  whom  was  Captain  Gosnold.  Those  who  remained  were 
divided  into  three  watches,  of  whom  not  more  than  five  in  each  were  capable  of 
duty  at  once.  All  this  time  the  president,  Wingfield,  who  had  the  key  of  the  stores, 
monopolized  the  few  refreshments  which  remained,  and  was  meditating  to  desert  the 
plantation  privately  in  the  pinnace,  and  remove  to  the  West  Indies.  These  things 
rendered  him  so  hateful  to  the  rest,  that  they  deposed  him,  and  elected  Ratcliffe  in 
his  room  ;  they  also  removed  'Kendal  from  his  place  in  the  council ;  so  that  by  the 
middle  of  September,  three  members  only  were  left. 

Ratcliffe,  being  a  man  of  no  resolution  nor  activity,  committed  the  management 
of  affairs  abroad  to  Smith,  in  v/hom  his  confidence  was  not  misplaced.  At  the  same 
time  the  Indians  in  their  neighborhood  brought  in  a  plentiful  supply  of  such  provis 
ions  as  they  had,  which  revived  their  drooping  spirits ;  and  Smith  seeing  the  neces 
sity  of  exertion  to  secure  themselves  and  provide  for  the  approaching  winter,  partly 
by  his  animating  speeches,  but  more  by  his  example,  set  them  to  work  in  mowing 
and  binding  thatch,  and  in  building  and  covering  houses.  In  these  exercises  he  bore 
a  large  share,  and  in  a  short  time  got  a  sufficiency  of  houses  to  make  comfortable 
lodgings  for  all  the  people  excepting  himself.  This  being  done,  and  the  provisions 
which  the  natives  had  brought  in  being  expended,  he  picked  a  number  of  the  best 
hands  and  embarked  in  a  shallop  which  they  had  brought  from  England,  to  search 
the  country  for  another  supply. 

The  party  which  accompanied  Smith  in  this  excursion  consisted  of  six  men,  well 
armed,  but  ill  provided  with  clothing  and  other  necessaries.  What  was  wanting  in 
equipment  was  to  be  supplied  by  resolution  and  address;  and  Smith's  genius  was 
equal  to  the  attempt.  They  proceeded  down  the  river  to  Kecoughtan  [Hampton], 
where  the  natives,  knowing  the  needy  state  of  the  colony,  treated  them  with  contempt, 
offering  an  ear  of  corn  in  exchange  for  a  musket  or  a  sword,  and  in  like  proportion 
for  their  scant  and  tattered  garments.  Finding  that  courtesy  and  gentle  treatment 
would  not  prevail,  and  that  nothing  was  to  be  expected  in  the  way  of  barter,  and, 
moreover,  provoked  by  their  contempt,  Smith  ordered  his  boat  to  be  drawn  on  shore 
and  his  men  to  fire  at  them.  The  affrighted  natives  fled  to  the  woods,  whilst  the 
party  searched  their  houses,  in  which  they  found  plenty  of  corn ;  but  Smith  did  not 
permit  his  men  to  touch  it,  expecting  that  the  Indians  would  return  and  attack  them. 
10 


74  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

They  soon  appeared,  to  the  number  of  sixty  or  seventy,  formed  into  a  square,  carry 
ing  their  idol  OKEE,  composed  of  skins,  stuffed  with  moss,  and  adorned  with  chains 
of  copper.  They  were  armed  with  clubs  and  targets,  bows  and  arrows,  and  advanced 
singing  to  the  charge.  The  party  received  them  with  a  volley  of  shot,  which  brought 
several  of  them  to  the  ground,  and  their  idol  among  them ;  the  rest  fled  again  to  the 
woods,  from  whence  they  sent  a  deputation  to  offer  peace  and  redeem  their  god. 
Smith,  having  in  his  hands  so  valuable 'a  pledge,  was  able  to  bring  them  to  his  own 
terms;  he  stipulated  that  six  of  them  should  come  unarmed,  and  load  his  boat  with 
corn,  and  on  this  condition  he  would  be  their  friend  and  give  them  hatchets,  beads, 
and  copper.  These  stipulations  were  faithfully  performed  on  both  sides;  and  the 
Indians,  in  addition,  presented  them  with  venison,  turkies,  and  other  birds,  and  con 
tinued  singing  and  dancing  till  their  departure. 

The  success  of  this  attempt  encouraged  him  to  repeat  his  excursions  by  land  and 
water,  in  the  course  of  which  he  discovered  several  branches  of  James  River,  and 
particularly  the  Chickahominy,  from  whose  fertile  banks  he  hoped  to  supply  the  col 
ony  with  provisions.  But  industry  abroad  will  not  make  a  flourishing  plantation 
without  economy  at  home.  What  he  had  taken  pains  and  risked  his  life  to  provide 
was  carelessly  and  wantonly  expended ;  the  traffic  with  the  natives  being  under 
no  regulation,  each  person  made  his  own  bargain,  and,  by  outbidding  each  other, 
they  taught  the  Indians  to  set  a  higher  value  on  their  commodities,  and  to  think 
themselves  cheated  when  they  did  not  all  get  the  same  prices.  This  bred  a  jealousy 
and  sowed  the  seeds  of  a  quarrel  with  them,  which  the  colony  were  in  a  poor  condi 
tion  to  maintain,  being  at  variance  among  themselves. 

The  shallop  being  again  fitted  for  a  trading  voyage  whilst  Smith  was  abroad  on 
one  of  his  usual  rambles,  and  the  people  being  discontented  with  the  indolence  of 
Ratcliffe  (their  president),  and  the  long  sickness  of  Martin,  Wingfield  and  Kendal, 
who  had  been  displaced,  took  advantage  of  Smith's  absence,  and  conspired  with 
some  malcontents  to  run  away  with  the  vessel  and  go  to  England.  Smith  returned 
unexpectedly  and  the  plot  was  discovered.  To  prevent  its  execution,  recourse  was 
had  to  arms  and  Kendal  was  killed.  Another  attempt  of  the  same  kind  was  made 
by  Ratcliffe  himself,  assisted  by  Archer  ;  but  Smith  found  means  to  defeat  this  also. 
He  determined  to  keep  possession  of  the  country — the  value  of  which  was  daily  ris 
ing  in  his  estimation,  not  only  as  a  source  of  wealth  to  individuals,  but  as  a  grand 
national  object — and  he  knew  that  great  undertakings  could  not  be  accomplished 
without  labor  and  perseverance. 

As  the  autumn  advanced  the  waters  were  covered  with  numerous  wild  fowl, 
which,  with  the  addition  of  corn,  beans,  and  pumpkins,  procured  from  the  Indians, 
changed  hunger  into  luxury,  and  abated  the  rage  for  abandoning  the  country. 
Smith  had  been  once  up  the  river  Chickahominy,  but  because  he  had  not  penetrated 
to  its  source,  exceptions  were  taken  to  his  conduct  as  too  dilatory.  This  imputation 
he  determined  to  remove.  In  his  next  voyage  he  went  so  high  that  he  was  obliged 
to  cut  the  trees  which  had  fallen  into  the  river,  to  make  his  way  through  as  far  as  his 
boat  could  swim.  He  then  left  her  in  a  safe  place,  ordering  his  men  not  to  quit  her 
until  his  return;  then,  taking  two  of  them  and  two  Indians  for  guides,  he  proceeded 
in  one  of  their  canoes  to  the  meadows  at  the  river's  head,  and,  leaving  his  two  men 
with  the  canoe,  he  went  with  his  Indian  guides  across  the  meadows.  A  party  of  300 
Indians  below  had  watched  the  motions  of  the  boat.  They  first  surprised  the  strag- 


((UNIVERSITY 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS. 

gling  crew  and  made  one  of  them  prisoner,  from  whom  they  learned  that  Smith 
was  above.  They  next  found  the  two  men  whom  he  had  left  with  the  canoe  asleep 
by  a  fire  and  killed  them;  then,  having  discovered  Smith,  they  wounded  him  in  the 
thigh  with  an  arrow.  Finding  himself  thus  assaulted  and  wounded,  he  bound  one 
of  his  Indian  guides  with  his  garters  to  his  left  arm  and  made  use  of  him  as  a  shield, 
whilst  he  dispatched  three  of  his  enemies  and  wounded  some  others.  He  was  re 
treating  to  his  canoe,  when,  regarding  his  enemies  more  than  his  footsteps,  he  sud 
denly  plunged  with  his  guide  into  an  oozy  creek  and  stuck  fast  in  the  mud.  The 
Indians,  astonished  at  his  bravery,  did  not  approach  him  till,  almost  dead  with  cold, 
he  threw  away  his  arms  and  begged  them  to  draw  him  out,  which  they  did,  and  led 
him  to  the  fire,  where  his  slain  companions  were  lying.  This  sight  admonished  him 
what  he  was  to  expect.  Being  revived  by  their  chafing  his  benumbed  limbs,  he 
called  for  the  chief  (Opecankanough,  King  of  Pamaunkee),  to  whom  he  presented 
his  ivory  compass  and  dial.  The  vibrations  of  the  needle  and  the  fly  under  the 
glass,  which  they  could  see,  but  not  touch,  afforded  them  much  amusement;  and 
Smith,  having  learned  some  of  their  language,  partly  by  means  of  that  and  partly 
by  signs,  entertained  them  with  a  description  of  the  nature  and  uses  of  the  instru 
ment,  and  gave  them  such  a  lecture  on  the  motions  of  the  heavens  and  earth  as 
amazed  them  and  suspended  for  a  time  the  execution  of  their  purpose.  Atilength, 
curiosity  being  satiated,  they  fastened  him  to  a  tree  and  prepared  to  'dispatch  him 
with  their  arrows.  At  this  instant,  the  chief,  holding  up  the  compass  which  he 
esteemed  as  a  divinity,  they  laid  aside  their  arms,  and,  forming  a  military  procession, 
led  him  in  triumph  to  their  village,  Orapaxe.  The  order  of  their  march  was  thus  : 
they  ranged  themselves  in  a  single  file,  the  King  in  the  midst  ;  before  him  were 
borne  the  arms  taken  from  Smith  and  his  companions  ;  next  after  the  King  came 
the  prisoner,  held  by  three  stout  savages,  and  on  each  side  a  file  of  six.  When  they 
arrived  at  the  village,  the  old  men,  women,  and  children  came  out  to  receive  them. 
After  some  maneuvers,  which  had  the  appearance  of  regularity,  they  formed  them 
selves  round  the  King  and  his  prisoner  into  a  circle,  dancing  and  singing,  adorned 
with  paint,  furs,  and  feathers,  brandishing  their  rattles,  which  were  made  of  the  tails 
of  rattlesnakes.  After  three  dances  they  dispersed,  and  Smith  was  conducted  to  a 
long  hut  guarded  by  forty  men.  There  he  was  so  plentifully  feasted  with  bread  and 
venison,  that  he  suspected  their  intention  was  to  fatten  and  eat  him.  One  of  the 
Indians,  to  whom  Smith  had  formerly  given  beads,  brought  him  a  garment  of  furs 
to  defend  him  from  the  cold.  Another,  whose  son  was  then  sick  and  dying, 
attempted  to  kill  him,  but  was  prevented  by  the  guard.  Smith,  being  conducted  to 
the  dying  youth,  told  them  that  he  had  a  medicine  at  Jamestown  which  would  cure 
him  if  they  would  let  him  fetch  it,  but  they  had  another  design,  which  was  to  sur 
prise  the  place  and  to  make  use  of  him  as  a  guide.  To  induce  him  to  perform  this 
service  they  promised  him  his  liberty,  with  as  much  land  and  as  many  women  as 
would  content  him.  Smith  magnified  the  difficulty  and  danger  of  their  attempt, 
from  the  ordnance,  mines,  and  other  defenses  of  the  place,  which  exceedingly  terri 
fied  them  ;  and,  to  convince  them  of  the  truth  of  what  he  told  them,  he  wrote  on  a 
leaf  of  his  pocket-trook  an  inventory  of  what  he  wanted,  with  some  directions  to  the 
people  at  the  fort  how  to  affright  the  messengers  who  went  to  deliver  the  letter. 
They  returned  in  three  days,  reporting  the  terror  into  which  they  had  been  thrown  : 
and,  when  they  produced  the  things  for  which  he  had  written,  the  whole  company 
were  astonished  at  the  power  of  his  divination  by  the  speaking  leaf. 


70  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

Aft.er  this  they  carried  him  through  several  nations,  inhabiting  the  banks  of  the 
Potowmack  and  Rappahannock,  and  at  length  brought  him  to  Pamaunkee,  where  they 
performed  a  strange  ceremony,  by  which  they  intended  to  divine  whether  his  inten 
tions  toward  them  were  friendly  or  hostile.  The  manner  of  it  was  this  :  Early  in  the 
morning  a  great  fire  was  made  in  a  long  house,  and  a  mat  spread  on  each  side,  on 
one  of  which  he  was  placed,  and  the  guard  retired.  Presently  an  Indian  priest, 
hideously  painted,  and  dressed  in  furs  and  snake-skins,  came  skipping  in,  and  after  a 
variety  of  uncouth  noises  and  gestures,  drew  a  circle  with  meal  round  the  fire ;  then 
came  in  three  more  in  the  same  frightful  dress,  and,  after  they  had  performed  their 
dance,  three  others.  They  all  sat  opposite  to  him  in  a  line,  the  chief-priest  in  the 
midst.  After  singing  a  song,  accompanied  with  the  music  of  their  rattles,  the  chief- 
priest  laid  down  five  grains  of  corn,  and,  after  a  short  speech,  three  more ;  this  was 
repeated  till  the  fire  was  encircled.  Then,  continuing  the  incantation,  he  laid  sticks 
between  the  divisions  of  the  corn.  The  whole  day  was  spent  in  these  ceremonies, 
with  fasting,  and  at  night  a  feast  was  prepared  of  the  beast  meats  which  they  had. 
The  same  tricks  were  repeated  the  two  following  days.  They  told  him  that  the 
circle  of  meal  represented  their  country,  the  circle  of  corn  the  sea-shore,  and  the 
sticks  his  country;  they  did  not  acquaint  him,  or  he  has  not  acquainted  us,  with  the 
result  of  the  operation,  but  he  observed  that  the  gunpowder  which  they  had  taken 
from  him  v/as  laid  up  among  their  corn,  to  be  planted  the  next  spring. 

After  these  ceremonies  they  brought  him  to  the  Emperor  Powhatan,  who  received 
him  in  royal  state,  clothed  in  a  robe  of  raccoon-skins,  seated  on  a  kind  of  throne 
elevated  above  the  floor  of  a  large  hut,  in  the  midst  of  which  was  a  fire;  at  each 
hand  of  the  prince  sat  two  beautiful  girls,  his  daughters,  and  along  each  side  of  the  house 
a  row  of  his  counselors,  painted  and  adorned  with  feathers  and  shells.  At  Smith's 
entrance  a  great  shout  was  made.  The  Queen  of  Apamatox  brought  him  water  to 
wash  his  hands,  and  another  served  him  with  a  bunch  of  feathers  instead  of  a  towel. 
Having  feasted  him  after  their  manner,  a  long  consultation  was  held,  which  being 
ended,  two  large  stones  were  brought  in,  on  one  of  which  his  head  was  laid,  and  clubs 
were  lifted  up  to  beat  out  his  brains.  At  this  critical  moment  Pocahontas,  the 
king's  favorite  daughter,  flew  to  him,  took  his  head  in  her  arms,  and  laid  her  own 
upon  it.  Her  tender  entreaties  prevailed.  The  king  consented  that  Smith  should 
live,  to  make  hatchets  for  him  and  ornaments  for  her. 

Two  days  after,  Powhatan  caused  him  to  be  brought  to  a  distant  house ;  where, 
after  another  threatening,  he  confirmed  his  promise,  and  told  him  he  should  return 
to  the  fort,  and  send  him  two  pieces  of  cannon  and  a  grindstone ;  for  which  he  would 
give  him  the  country  of  Capahousick,  and  forever  esteem  him  as  his  son.  Twelve 
guides  accompanied  him,  and  he  arrived  at  Jamestown  the  next  day.  According  to 
the  stipulation,  two  guns  and  a  large  grindstone  were  offered  them  ;  but,  having 
in  vain  tried  to  lift  them,  they  were  content  to  let  them  remain  in  their  place. 
Smith,  however,  had  the  guns  loaded,  and  discharged  a  volley  of  stones  at  a  tree 
covered  with  icicles.  The  report  and  effect  confounded  them  ;  but,  being  pacified 
with  a  few  toys,  they  returned,  carrying  presents  to  Powhatan  and  his  daughter  of 
such  things  as  gave  them  entire  satisfaction.  After  this  adventure  the  young  princess, 
Pocahontas,  frequently  visited  the  plantation  with  her  attendants ;  and  the  refresh 
ments  which  she  brought  from  time  to  time  proved  the  means  of  saving  many  lives 
which  otherwise  would  have  been  lost.. 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  7T 

Smith's  return  happened  at  another  critical  juncture.  The  colony  was  divided 
into  parties,  and  the  malcontents  were  again  preparing  to  quit  the  country.  His 
presence  a  third  time  defeated  the  project ;  in  revenge  for  which  they  meditated  to 
put  him  to  death,  under  pretense  that  he  had  been  the  means  of  murdering  the  two 
men  who  went  with  him  in  the  canoe  ;  but  by  a  proper  application  of  valor  and 
strength  he  put  his  accusers  under  confinement,  till  an  opportunity  presented  for 
sending  them  as  prisoners  to  England. 

The  misfortunes  and  mismanagements  of  this  Virginian  colony  during  the  period 
here  related  seem  to  have  originated  partly  in  the  tempers  and  qualifications  of  the 
men  who  were  appointed  to  command,  and  partly  in  the  nature  and  circumstances 
of  the  adventure.  There  could  be  no  choice  of  men  for  the  service  but  among  those 
who  offered  themselves  ;  and  these  were  previously  strangers  to  each  other,  as  well  as 
different  in  their  education,  qualities,  and  habits.  Some  of  them  had  been  used  to 
the  command  of  ships,  and  partook  of  the  roughness  of  the  element  on  which  they 
were  bred.  It  is,  perhaps,  no  great  compliment  to  Smith  to  say  that  he  was  the  best 
qualified  of  tliem  for  command  ;  since  the  event  proved  that  none  of  them  who 
survived  the  first  sickness  had  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  any  degree.  It  is 
certain  that  his  resolution  prevented  the  abandonment  of  the  place  the  first  year ; 
his  enterprising  spirit  led  to  an  exploration  of  the  country,  and  acquainted  them 
with  its  many  advantages ;  his  captivity  produced  an  intercourse  with  the  savages ; 
and  the  supplies  gained  from  them,  chiefly  by  means  of  his  address,  kept  the  people 
alive  till  the  second  arrival  of  the  ships  from  England.  The  Virginians,  therefore, 
justly  regard  him,  if  not  as  the  father,  yet  as  the  savior,  of  that  infant  plantation. 

In  the  winter  of  1607  Captain  Newport  arrived  from  England  in  Virginia.  The 
other  ship,  commanded  by  Captain  Nelson,  which  sailed  at  the  same  time,  was  dis 
masted  on  the  American  coast,  and  blown  off  to  the  West  Indies.  The  supplies  sent 
by  the  company  were  received  in  Virginia  with  the  most  cordial  avidity ;  but  the 
general  license  given  to  the  sailors  to  trade  with  the  savages  proved  detrimental  to 
the  planters,  as  it  raised  the  prices  of  their  commodities  so  high  that  a  pound  of 
copper  would  not  purchase  what  before  could  be  bought  for  an  ounce.  New 
port  himself  was  not  free  from  this  spirit  of  profusion,  so  common  to  seafaring  men, 
which  he  manifested  by  sending  presents  of  various  kinds  to  Powhatan,  intending 
thereby  to  give  him  an  idea  of  the  grandeur  of  the  English  nation.  In  a  visit  which 
he  made  to  this  prince,  under  the  conduct  of  Smith,  he  was  received  and  entertained 
with  an  equal  show  of  magnificence ;  but  in  trading  with  the  savage  chief  he  found 
himself  outwitted.  Powhatan,  in  a  lofty  strain,  spoke  to  him  thus  :  "  It  is  not  agree 
able  to  the  greatness  of  such  men  as  we  are  to  trade  like  common  people  for  trifles ; 
lay  down,  therefore,  at  once,  all  your  goods,  and  I  will  give  you  the  full  value  for 
them."  Smith  perceived  the  snare,  and  warned  Newport  of  it ;  but  he,  thinking  to 
outbrave  the  savage  prince,  displayed  the  whole  of  his  store.  Powhatan  then  set 
such  a  price  on  his  corn,  that  not  more  than  four  bushels  could  be  procured  ;  and 
the  necessary  supplies  could  not  have  been  had  if  Smith's  genius,  ever  ready  at 
invention,  had  not  hit  upon  an  artifice  which  proved  successful.  He  had  secreted 
some  trifles,  and  among  them  a  parcel  of  blue  beads,  which,  seemingly  in  a  careless 
way,  he  glanced  in  the  eyes  of  Powhatan.  The  bait  caught  him  ;  and  he  earnestly 
desired  to  purchase  them.  Smith,  in  his  turn,  raised  the  value  of  them,  extolling 
them  as  the  most  precious  jewels,  resembling  the  color  of  the  sky,  and  proper 


T8  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

only  for  the  noblest  sovereigns  in  the  universe.  Powhatan's  imagination  was  all  on 
fire ;  he  made  large  offers.  Smith  insisted  on  more,  and  at  length  suffered  himself 
to  be  persuaded  to  take  between  two  and  three  hundred  bushels  of  corn  for  about 
two  pounds  of  blue  beads,  and  they  parted  in  very  good  humor,  each  one  being  very 
much  pleased  with  his  bargain.  In  a  subsequent  visit  to  Opecankanough,  King  of 
Pamaunkee,  the  company  were  entertained  with  the  same  kind  of  splendor,  and  a 
similar  bargain  closed  the  festivity ;  by  which  means  the  blue  beads  grew  into  such 
estimation  that  none  but  the  princes  and  their  families  were  able  to  wear  them. 

Loaded  with  this  acquisition,  they  returned  to  Jamestown,  where  an  unhappy 
fire  had  consumed  several  of  their  houses,  with  much  of  their  provisions  and  furni 
ture.  Mr.  Hunt,  the  chaplain,  lost  his  apparel  and  library  in  this  conflagration,  and 
escaped  from  it  with  only  the  clothes  on  his  back.  This  misfortune  was  severely 
felt ;  the  ship  staying  in  port  fourteen  weeks,  and  reserving  enough  for  the  voyage 
home,  so  contracted  their  stock  of  provisions,  that  before  the  winter  was  gone,  they 
were  reduced  to  great  extremity,  and  many  of  them  died.  The  cause  of  the  ship's 
detention  for  so  long  a  time  was  this:  In  searching  for  fresh  water  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Jamestown,  they  had  discovered  in  a  rivulet  some  particles  of  a  yellowish 
isinglass,  which  their  sanguine  imaginations  had  refined  into  gold  dust.  The  zeal 
for  this  precious  matter  was  so  strong,  that  in  digging,  washing,  and  packing  it  to 
complete  the  lading  of  the  ship,  all  other  cares  were  absorbed.  This  was  a  tedious 
interval  to  Captain  Smith;  his  judgment  condemned  their  folly ;  his  patience  was 
exhausted  and  his  passion  irritated,  and  the  only  recompense  which  he  had  for  this 
long  vexation,  was  the  pleasure  of  sending  home  Wingfield  and  Archer,  when  the 
ship  departed. 

The  other  ship  arrived  in  the  spring,  and  notwithstanding  a  long  and  unavoidable 
detention  in  the  West  Indies,  brought  them  a  comfortable  supply  of  provisions. 
They  took  advantage  of  the  opening  season,  to  rebuild  their  houses  and  chapel, 
repair  the  palisades,  and  plant  corn  for  the  ensuing  summer,  in  all  which  works  the 
example  and  authority  of  Smith  were  of  eminent  service.  Every  man  of  activity 
was  fond  of  him,  and  those  of  a  contrary  disposition  were  afraid  of  him.  It  was  pro 
posed  that  he  should  go  into  the  country  of  the  Monacans,  beyond  the  falls  of  James 
River,  that  they  might  have  some  news  of  the  interior  parts  to  send  home  to  the 
company ;  but  a  fray  with  the  Indians  detained  him  at  Jamestown,  till  the  ship  sailed 
for  England,  laden  chiefly  with  cedar,  but  not  without  another  specimen  of  the  yel 
low  dust — of  which  Martin  was  so  fond,  that  he  took  charge  of  the  packages  himself 
and  returned  to  England.  An  accession  of  above  one  hundred  men,  among  whom 
were  several  goldsmiths  and  refiners,  had  been  made  to  the  colony  by  the  last  two 
ships,  and  a  new  member,  Matthew  Scrivener,  was  added  to  the  council. 

Having  finished  the  necessary  business  of  the  season,  and  dispatched  the  ship, 
another  voyage  of  discovery  was  undertaken  by  Captain  Smith  and  fourteen  others. 
They  went  down  the  river  in  an  open  barge,  June  to,  1608,  in  company  with  the 
ship,  and  having  parted  with  her  at  Cape  Henry,  they  crossed  the  mouth  of  the  bay, 
and  fell  in  with  a  cluster  of  islands  without  Cape  Charles,  to  which  they  gave  the 
name  of  Smith's  Isles,  which  they  still  bear.  Then  re-entering  the  bay  they  landed 
on  the  eastern  neck,  and  were  kindly  received  by  Acomack,  the  prince  of  that  pe 
ninsula,  a  part  of  which  still  bears  his  name.  From  thence  they  coasted  the  eastern 
Uiore  of  the  bay,  and  landed  sometimes  on  the  main,  and  at  other  times  on  the  low 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  79 

islands,  of  which  they  found  many,  but  none  fit  for  habitation.  They  proceeded  up 
the  bay  to  the  northward  and  crossed  over  to  the  western  shore,  down  which  they 
coasted  to  the  southward,  and  in  this  route  discovered  the  mouths  of  the  great  rivers 
which  fall  into  the  bay  on  that  side.  One  in  particular  attracted  much  of  their  atten 
tion,  because  of  a  reddish  earth  which  they  found  there,  and  from  its  resemblance  to 
bole-ammoniac,  they  gave  it  the  name  of  Bolus  River,  and  it  is  so  named  in  all  the 
early  maps  of  the  country ;  but  in  the  latter,  it  bears  the  Indian  name  Patapsco ;  on 
the  north  side  of  which  is  now  the  flourishing  town  of  Baltimore.  They  sailed  thirty 
miles  up  the  Potovvmack,  without  seeing  any  inhabitants;  but  on  entering  a  creek, 
found  themselves  surrounded  by  Indians,  who  threatened  them.  Smith  prepared 
for  an  encounter ;  but  on  firing  a  few  guns,  the  Indians,  terrified  at  the  noise,  made 
signs  of  peace,  and  exchanged  hostages.  One  of  the  company  was  by  this  means 
carried  to  the  habitation  of  their  prince,  and  the  whole  were  kindly  used.  They 
learned  that  it  was  by  direction  of  Powhatan  that  the  Indians  were  in  arms,  and  had 
attempted  to  surprise  them ;  from  this  circumstance  they  were  led  to  suspect  that 
Powhatan  had  been  informed  of  this  expedition,  by  the  discontented  part  of  the 
colony  whom  Smith  had  obliged  to  stay  in  the  country  when  they  would  have 
deserted  it. 

It  was  Smith's  invariable  custom,  when  he  met  with  the  Indians,  to  put  on  a  bold 
face,  as  if  they  appeared  desirous  of  peace  to  demand  their  arms,  and  some  of  their 
children  as  pledges  of  their  sincerity  ;  if  they  complied,  he  considered  them  as  friends  ; 
if  not,  as  enemies.  In  the  course  of  this  voyage  he  collected  some  furs,  and  discov 
ered  some  colored  earths,  which  the  savages  used  as  paints,  but  found  nothing  of  the 
mineral  kind.  At  the  mouth  of  the  Rappahannock  the  boat  grounded,  and  whilst 
they  were  waiting  for  the  tide,  they  employed  themselves  in  sticking  with  their 
swords  the  fishes  which  were  left  on  the  flats.  Smith  having  struck  his  sword  into  a 
stingray,  the  fish  raised  its  tail,  and  with  its  sharp  indented  thorn,  wounded  him  in 
the  arm.  This  wound  was  extremely  painful,  and  he  presently  swelled  to  that  de 
gree,  that  they  expected  him  to  die,  and  he  himself  gave  them  orders  to  bury  him  on 
a  neighboring  island.  But  the  surgeon,  Dr.  Russel,  having  probed  the  wound,  by 
the  help  of  a  certain  oil  so  allayed  the  anguish  and  swelling,  that  Smith  was  able  to 
eat  part  of  the  fish  for  his  supper.  From  this  occurrence,  the  place  was  distinguished 
by  the  name  of  Stingray  Point,  which  it  still  bears. 

On  the  2 ist  of  July  they  returned  to  Jamestown.  Having,  with  the  colored 
earths  which  they  had  found,  disguised  their  boat  and  streamers,  their  old  compan 
ions  were  alarmed  at  their  approach,  with  the  apprehension  of  an  attack  from  the 
Spaniards ;  this  was  a  trick  of  Smith's  to  frighten  the  old  president,  who  had  rioted 
on  the  public  stores,  and  was  building  a  house  in  the  woods,  that  he  might  seclude 
himself  from  the  sickly,  discontented,  quarrelsome  company.  On  Smith's  arrival, 
they  signified  their  desire  of  investing  him  with  the  government.  Ratcliffe  being 
deposed,  it  fell  to  him  of  course ;  and  having  recommended  Scrivener  to  preside  in 
his  absence,  he  entered  on  another  voyage  of  discovery,  being  determined  to  spare 
no  pains  for  a  full  exploration  of  the  country. 

From  the  24th  of  July  to  the  /th  of  September,  with  twelve  men  in  an  open 
barge,  he  ranged  the  bay  of  Chesapeake  as  far  northward  as  the  falls  of  Sus- 
quehannah,  entering  all  the  rivers  that  flow  into  the  bay,  and  examining  their 
shores.  In  some  places  the  natives  were  friendly,  and  in  others  jealous.  Their  idea 


80  THE    AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

of  the  strange  visitors  \vas,  that  they  had  come  "  from  under  the  world  to  take  their 
world  from  them."  Smith's  constant  endeavor  was  to  preserve  peace  with  them  ; 
but  when  he  could  not  obtain  corn  in  the  way  of  traffic,  he  never  scrupled  to  use 
threats,  and  in  some  cases  violence,  and  by  one  or  the  other  method  he  prevailed  so 
as  to  bring  home  a  load  of  provisions  for  his  discontented  companions,  who,  without 
his  efforts,  would  not  have  been  able  to  live.  Sickness  and  death  were  very  frequent, 
and  the  latest  comers  were  most  affected  by  the  disorders  of  the  climate. 

Smith  was  now  established  in  the  presidency  by  the  election  of  the  council  and 
the  request  of  the  company;  but  the  commission  gave  to  a  majority  of  the  council 
the  whole  power.  Newport,  at  his  third  arrival,  brought  over  two  new  members,  and 
Ratcliffe  having  still  a  seat,  though  deposed  from  the  presidency,  Smith  was  obliged  in 
some  cases  to  comply  with  their  opinions,  contrary  to  his  own  judgment,  an  instance 
of  which  will  now  be  exhibited. 

The  Virginia  Company  in  London,  deceived  by  false  reports,  and  misled  by  their 
own  sanguine  imaginations,  had  conceived  an  expectation  not  only  of  finding  precious 
metals  in  the  country,  but  of  discovering  the  South  Sea,  from  the  mountains  at  the 
head  of  James  River,  and  it  was  thought  that  the  journey  thither  might  be  per 
formed  in  eight  or  ten  days.  For  the  purpose  of  making  this  capital  discovery,  they 
put  on  board  Newport's  ship,  a  barge  capable  of  being  taken  to  pieces  and  put  to 
gether  again  at  pleasure.  This  barge  was  to  make  a  voyage  to  the  head  of  the  river, 
then  to  be  carried  in  pieces  across  the  mountains,  and  to  descend  the  rivers  which 
were  supposed  to  run  westward  to  the  South  Sea.  To  facilitate  this  plan  it  was 
necessary  to  gain  the  favor  of  Powhatan,  through  whose  country  the  passage  must  be 
made,  and  as  a  means  of  winning  him,  a  royal  present  was  brought  over,  consisting 
of  a  basin  and  ewer,  a  bed  and  furniture,  a  chair  of  state,  a  suit  of  scarlet  clothes, 
with  a  cloak  and  a  crown,  all  of  which  were  to  be  presented  to  him  in  due  form,  and 
the  crown  placed  on  his  head  with  as  much  solemnity  as  possible.  To  a  person  who 
knew  the  country  and  its  inhabitants  so  well  as  Smith,  this  project  appeared  chimer 
ical,  and  the  means  whereby  it  was  to  be  carried  on  dangerous.  With  a  small  quan 
tity  of  copper  and  a  few  beads,  he  could  have  kept  Powhatan  in  good  humor,  and 
made  an  advantage  of  it  for  the  colony,  whereas  a  profusion  of  presents  he  knew 
would  but  increase  his  pride  and  insolence.  The  project  of  traveling  over  unknown 
mountains  with  men  already  weakened  by  sickness,  and  worn  out  with  fatigue,  in  a 
hot  climate,  and  in  the  midst  of  enemies,  who  might  easily  cut  off  their  retreat,  was 
too  romantic  even  for  his  sanguine  and  adventurous  spirit.  His  opinion  upon  the 
matter  can  not  be  expressed  in  more  pointed  language  than  he  used  in  a  letter  to  the 
company :  "  If  the  quartered  boat  was  burned  to  ashes,  one  might  carry  her  in  a  bag ; 
but  as  she  is,  five  hundred  can  not,  to  a  navigable  place  above  the  falls."  His  dissent, 
however,  was  ineffectual,  and  when  he  found  that  the  voice  of  the  council  was  for  ex 
ecuting  it,  he  lent  his  assistance  to  effect  as  much  of  it  as  was  practicable. 

Previously  to  their  setting  out,  he  undertook,  with  four  men  only,  to  carry  notice 
to  Powhatan  of  the  intended  present,  and  invite  him  to  come  to  Jamestown,  that  he 
might  receive  it  there.  Having  traveled  by  land  twelve  miles  to  VVerocomoco,  on 
Pamunky  (York)  River,  where  he  expected  to  meet  Powhatan,  and  not  finding  him 
there,  whilst  a  messenger  was  dispatched  thirty  miles  for  him  ;  his  daughter,  Poca- 
hontas,  entertained  Smith  and  his  company  with  a  dance,  which  for  its  singularity, 
merits  a  particular  description. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  Rl 

In  an  open  plain,  a  fire  being  made,  the  gentlemen  were  seated  by  it.  Suddenly 
a  noise  was  heard  in  the  adjacent  wood,  which  made  them  fly  to  their  arms,  and  seize 
on  two  or  three  old  men,  as  hostages  for  their  own  security,  imagining  that  they  were 
betrayed.  Upon  this  the  young  princess  came  running  to  Smith,  and  passionately 
embracing  him,  offered  herself  to  be  killed  if  any  harm  should  happen  to  him  or  his 
company.  Her  assurances,  seconded  by  all  the  Indians  present,  removed  their  fears. 
The  noise  which  had  alarmed  them  was  made  by  thirty  girls,  who  were  preparing  for 
the  intended  ceremony.  Immediately  they  made  their  appearance,  with  no  other 
covering  than  a  girdle  of  green  leaves  and  their  skins  painted,  each  one  of  a  different 
color.  Their  leader  had  a  pair  of  buck's  horns  on  her  head,  an  otter's  skin  as  her 
girdle,  and  another  on  one  arm  ;  a  bow  and  arrow  in  the  other  hand,  and  a  quiver  at 
her  back.  The  rest  of  them  had  horns  on  their  heads,  and  a  wooden  sword  or  staff 
in  their  hands.  With  shouting  and  singing  they  formed  a  ring  round  the  fire,  and 
performed  a  circular  dance  for  about  an  hour,  after  which  they  retired  in  the  same 
order  as  they  had  advanced.  The  dance  was  followed  by  a  feast,  at  which  the  sav 
age  nymphs  were  as  eager  with  their  caresses  as  with  their  attendance ;  and  this  be 
ing  ended,  they  conducted  the  gentlemen  to  their  lodging  by  the  light  of  fire-brands. 

The  next  day  Powhatan  arrived,  and  Smith  delivered  the  message  from  his 
father,  Newport  (as  he  always  called  him),  to  this  effect :  "  That  he  had  brought  him 
from  the  King  of  England,  a  royal  present,  and  wished  to  see  him  at  Jamestown,  that 
he  might  deliver  it  to  him,  promising  to  assist  him  in  prosecuting  his  revenge  against 
the  Monacans,  whose  country  they  would  penetrate  even  to  the  sea  beyond  the 
mountains."  To  which  the  savage  Prince  with  equal  subtility  and  haughtiness,  an 
swered  :  "  If  your  King  has  sent  me  a  present,  I  also  am  a  King,  and  am  on  my  own 
land.  I  will  stay  here  eight  days.  Your  father  must  come  to  me  ;  I  will  not  go  to 
him  nor  to  your  fort.  As  for  the  Monacans,  I  am  able  to  revenge  myself.  If  you 
have  heard  of  salt  water  beyond  the  mountains,  from  any  of  my  people,  they  have 
deceived  you."  Then  with  a  stick  he  drew  a  plan  of  that  region  on  the  ground, 
and  after  many  compliments  the  conference  ended. 

The  present  being  put  0:1  board  the  boats,  was  carried  down  James  River  and  up 
the  Pamaunkec,  whilst  Newport,  with  fifty  men,  went  across  by  land  and  met  the 
boats,  in  which  he  passed  the  river,  and  held  the  proposed  interview.  All  things 
being  prepared  for  the  ceremony  of  coronation,  the  present  was  brought  from  the 
boats ;  the  basin  and  ewer  were  deposited,  the  bed  and  chair  were  set  up,  the  scarlet 
suit  and  cloak  were  put  on,  though  not  till  Namontac  (an  Indian  youth  whom  New 
port  had  carried  to  England  and  brought  back  again)  had  assured  him  that  these 
habiliments  would  do  him  no  harm  ;  but  they  had  great  difficulty  in  persuading  him 
to  receive  the  crown,  nor  would  he  bend  his  knee,  or  incline  his  head  in  the  least 
degree.  After  many  attempts,  and  with  actual  pressing  on  his  shoulders,  they  at 
last  made  him  stoop  a  little  and  put  it  on.  Instantly,  a  signal  being  given,  the  men 
in  the  boats  fired  a  volley,  at  which  the  monarch  started  with  horror,  imagining  that 
a  design  was  forming  to  destroy  him  in  the  summit  of  his  glory;  but  being  assured 
that  it  was  meant  as  a  compliment,  his  fears  subsided,  and  in  return  for  the  baubles 
of  royalty  received  from  King  James,  he  desired  Newport  to  present  him  his  old 
fur  mantle  and  deer-skin  shoes,  which,  in  his  estimation,  were  doubtless  a  full  equiv 
alent  ;  since  all  this  finery  could  not  prevail  on  the  wary  chief  to  allow  them  guides 
for  the  discovery  of  the  inland  country,  or  to  approve  their  design  of  visiting  it. 
11 


R2  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

Thus  disappointed,  they  returned  to  Jamestown,  determined  to  proceed  without  his 
assistance. 

Smith,  who  had  no  mind  to  go  on  such  a  fruitless  errand,  tarried  at  the  fort  with 
eighty  invalids  to  reload  the  ship,  whilst  Newport  with  all  the  council,  and  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty  of  the  healthiest  men,  began  their  transmontane  tour  of  discovery. 
They  proceeded  in  their  boats  to  the  falls  at  the  head  of  the  river ;  from  thence  they 
traveled  up  the  country  two  days  and  a  half,  and  discovered  two  towns  of  the  Mon- 
acans,  the  inhabitants  of  which  seemed  very  indifferent  toward  them,  and  used 
them  neither  well  nor  ill.  They  took  one  of  their  petty  princes  and  led  him,  bound, 
to  guide  them.  Having  performed  this  march,  they  grew  wearied  and  returned, 
taking  with  them  in  their  way  back  certain  portions  of  earth,  in  which  their  refiner 
pretended  that  he  had  seen  signs  of  silver.  This  was  all  the  success  of  their  expe 
dition;  for  the  savages  had  concealed  their  corn,  and  they  could  neither  persuade 
them  to  sell  it,  nor  find  it  to  take  it  by  force.  Thus  they  returned  to  Jamestown, 
tired,  disappointed,  hungry,  and  sick,  and  had  the  additional  mortification  of  being 
laughed  at  by  Smith  for  their  vain  attempt. 

The  Virginia  Company  had  not  only  a  view  to  the  discovery  of  the  South  Sea, 
but  also  to  establish  manufactures  in  their  colony;  and  for  this  purpose  had  sent 
over  a  number  of  workmen  from  Poland  and  Germany,  who  were  skilled  in  the  mak 
ing  of  pot-ashes  and  glass,  as  well  as  pitch  and  tar.  Had  the  country  been  full  of  people, 
well  cultivated  and  provided  with  all  the  necessaries  for  carrying  on  these  works, 
there  might  have  been  some  prospect  of  advantage ;  but  in  a  new  region,  the  prin 
cipal  objects  are  subsistence  and  defense ;  these  will  necessarily  occupy  the  first 
adventurers  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others.  However,  Smith  was  of  so  generous  a 
disposition,  and  so  indefatigable  in  doing  what  he  apprehended  to  be  his  duty,  and 
in  gratifying  his  employers,  that  as  soon  as  Newport  returned  from  his  fruitless 
attempt  to  find  the  South  Sea,  he  set  all  who  were  able  to  work,  that  he  might,  if 
possible,  answer  the  expectation  of  the  company.  Those  who  were  skilled  in  the 
manufactures,  he  left  under  the  care  of  the  council,  to  carry  on  their  works ;  whilst 
he  took  thirty  of  the  most  active  with  him,  about  five  miles  down  the  river,  to  cut 
timber,  and  make  clapboards :  this  being,  as  he  well  knew,  an  employment  the  most 
certain  of  success.  Among  these  were  several  young  gentlemen,  who-^e  hands,  not 
having  been  used  to  labor,  were  blistered  by  the  axes,  and  this  occasioned  frequent 
expressions  of  impatience  and  profaneness.  To  punish  them,  Smith  caused  the  num 
ber  of  every  man's  oaths  to  be  taken  down  daily,  and  at  night,  as  many  cans  of 
water  to  be  poured  inside  his  sleeve.  This  discipline  was  no  less  singular  than  effect 
ual  ;  it  so  lessened  the  number  of  oaths,  that  scarcely  one  was  heard  in  a  week,  and 
withal  it  made  them  perfectly  good-humored,  and  reconciled  them  to  their  labor. 
At  his  return  to  the  fort,  he  found,  not  only  that  business  had  been  neglected,  but 
much  provision  consumed,  and  that  it  was  necessaay  for  him  to  undertake  another 
expedition  for  corn.  He  therefore  went  up  the  Chickahominy  with  two  boats  and 
eighteen  men,  and  finding  the  Indians  not  in  a  humor  for  trading,  but  rather  scornful 
and  insolent,  he  told  them  that  he  had  come  not  so  much  for  corn,  as  to  revenge  his 
imprisonment,  and  the  murder  of  his  two  men,  some  time  before.  Putting  his  crew 
in  a  posture  of  attack,  the  Indians  fled,  and  presently  sent  messengers  to  treat  of 
peace;  for  the  obtaining  which,  he  made  them  give  him  an  hundred  bushels  of  corn, 
ivith  a  quantity  of  fish  and  fowls ;  and  with  this  supply  he  kept  the  colony  from 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  83 

starving,  and  preserved  the  ship's  provisions  for  her  voyage  to  England.  At  her 
departure,  she  carried  such  specimens  as  could  be  had  of  tar,  pitch,  turpentine,  soap- 
ashes,  clapboards,  and  wainscot ;  and  at  Point  Comfort  met  with  Scrivener,  who  had 
been  up  the  Pamaunkee  for  corn,  and  had  got  a  quantity  of poconcs,  a  red  root,  used 
in  dyeing ;  these  being  taken  on  board,  Captain  Newport  returned  to  England  the 
third  time,  leaving  about  two  hundred  persons  in  Virginia. 

The  harvest  of  1608  had  fallen  short,  both  among  the  new  planters  and  the  na 
tives,  and  the  colony  was  indebted  to  the  inventive  genius  and  indefatigable  perse 
verance  of  Smith  for  their  subsistence  during  the  succeeding  winter.  As  long  as  the 
rivers  were  open,  he  kept  the  boats  continually  going  among  the  natives  for  such 
supplies  as  could  be  obtained ;  and  he  never  would  return  empty  if  anything  were 
to  be  had  by  any  means  in  his  power.  Whilst  abroad  in  these  excursions,  he  and 
his  men  were  obliged  frequently  to  lodge  in  the  woods,  when  the  ground  was  hard 
frozen  and  covered  with  snow;  and  their  mode  of  accommodating  themselves  was, 
first,  to  dig  away  the  snow  and  make  a  fire ;  when  the  ground  was  dried  and 
warmed,  they  removed  the  fire  to  one  side  and  spread  their  mats  over  the  warm  spot 
for  their  bed,  using  another  mat  as  a  screen  from  the  wind  ;  when  the  ground  cooled 
they  shifted  the  fire  again  ;  by  thus  continually  changing  their  position  they  kept 
themselves  tolerably  warm  through  many  cold  nights ;  and  it  was  observed  that 
those  who  went  on  this  service  and  submitted  to  these  hardships  were  robust  and 
healthy,  whilst  those  who  stayed  at  home  were  always  weak  and  sickly. 

The  supplies  procured  by  trading  being  insufficient,  and  hunger  very  pressing, 
Smith  ventured  on  the  dangerous  project  of  surprising  Powhatan  and  carrying  off 
his  whole  stock  of  provisions.  This  Indian  prince  had  formed  a  similar  design  re 
specting  Smith  ;  and,  for  the  purpose  of  betraying  him,  had  invited  him  to  his  seat ; 
promising,  that  if  he  would  send  men  to  build  him  a  house  after  the  English  mode, 
and  give  him  some  guns  and  swords,  copper  and  beads,  he  would  load  his  boat  with 
corn.  Smith  sent  him  three  Dutch  carpenters,  who  treacherously  revealed  to  him 
the  design  which  Smith  had  formed.  On  his  arrival  with  forty-six  men,  he  found  the 
prince  so  much  on  his  guard,  that  it  was  impossible  to  execute  his  design.  Having 
spent  the  day  in  conversation  (in  the  course  of  which  Powhatan  had  in  vain  endeav 
ored  to  persuade  Smith  to  lay  aside  his  arms  as  being  there  in  perfect  security),  he 
retired  in  the  evening  and  formed  a  design  to  surprise  Smith  and  his  people  at  their 
supper ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  affectionate  friendship  of  Pocahontas,  it  would 
probably  have  been  effected.  This  amiable  girl,  at  the  risk  of  her  life,  stole  from  the 
side  of  her  father,  and,  passing  in  the  dark  through  the  woods,  told  Smith,  with  tears 
in  her  eyes,  of  the  plot,  and  then  as  privately  returned.  When  the  Indians  brought 
in  the  supper  Smith  obliged  them  to  taste  of  every  dish ;  his  arms  were  in  readiness 
and  his  men  vigilant ;  and  though  there  came  divers  sets  of  messengers  one  after 
another  during  the  night  under  pretense  of  friendly  inquiries,  they  found  them  so 
well  prepared  that  nothing  was  attempted,  and  the  party  returned  in  safety. 

In  a  subsequent  visit  to  Opecankanough,  by  whom  he  formerly  was  taken  pris 
oner,  this  prince  put  on  the  semblance  of  friendship,  whilst  his  men  lay  in  ambush 
with  bows  and  arrows.  The  trick  being  discovered  by  one  of  Smith's  party  and 
communicated  to  him,  he  resolutely  seized  the  King  by  his  hair,  and,  holding  a  pis 
tol  to  his  breast,  led  him  trembling  to  the  ambush,  and  there,  with  a  torrent  of  re 
proachful  and  menacing  words,  obliged  him  to  order  those  very  people  not  only  to 


81  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

lay  down  their  arms,  but  to  load  him  with  provisions.  After  this  they  made  an 
attempt  to  murder  him  in  his  sleep  and  to  poison  him,  but  both  failed  of  success. 
The  chief  of  I'aspiha  meeting  him  alone  in  the  woods  armed  only  with  a  sword, 
attempted  to  shoot  him,  but  he  closed  with  the  savage,  and,  in  the  struggle,  both 
fell  into  the  river;  where,  after  having  narrowly  escaped  drowning,  Smith  at  last 
prevailed  to  gripe  him  by  the  throat,  and  would  have  cut  off  his  head,  but  the  en 
treaties  of  the  poor  victim  prevailed  on  his  humanity,  and  he  led  him  prisoner  to 
Jamestown. 

This  intrepid  behavior  struck  a  dread  into  the  savages,  and  they  began  to  believe 
what  he  had  often  told  them,  that  "  his  God  would  protect  him  against  all  their 
power,  whilst  he  kept  his  promise ;  which  was,  to  preserve  peace  with  them  as  long 
as  they  should  refrain  from  hostilities,  and  continue  to  supply  him  with  corn."  An 
incident  which  occurred  about  the  same  time  confirmed  their  veneration  for  him. 
An  Indian  having  stolen  a  pistol  from  Jamestown,  two  brothers,  who  were  known  to 
be  his  companions,  were  seized,  and  one  was  held  as  hostage  for  the  other,  who  was 
to  return  in  twelve  hours  with  the  pistol,  or  the  prisoner  was  to  be  hanged.  The 
weather  being  cold,  a  charcoal  fire  was  kindled  in  the  dungeon,  which  was  very  close, 
and  the  vapor  had  so  suffocated  the  prisoner,  that  on  the  return  of  his  brother  at  the 
appointed  time,  with  the  pistol,  he  was  taken  out  as  dead.  The  faithful  savage 
lamented  his  fate  in  the  most  distressing  agony.  Smith,  to  console  him,  promised, 
if  they  would  steal  no  more,  that  he  should  be  recovered.  On  the  application  of 
spirits  and  vinegar  he  showed  signs  of  life,  but  appeared  delirious;  this  grieved  the 
brother  as  much  as  his  death.  Smith  undertook  to  cure  him  of  this  also,  on  the 
repetition  of  the  promise  to  steal  no  more.  The  delirium  being  only  the  effect  of 
the  spirits  which  he  had  swallowed,  was  remedied  by  a  few  hours'  sleep ;  and,  being 
dismissed,  with  a  present  of  copper,  they  went  away,  believing  and  reporting  that 
Smith  was  able  to  bring  the  dead  to  life.  The  effect  was,  that  not  only  many  stolen 
things  were  recovered,  and  the  thieves  punished,  but  that  peace  and  friendly  inter 
course  were  preserved,  and  corn  brought  in  as  long  as  they  had  any  whilst  Smith 
remained  in  Virginia. 

He  was  equally  severe  and  resolute  with  his  own  men,  and  finding  many  of  them 
inclined  to  be  idle,  and  this  idleness  in  a  great  measure  the  cause  of  their  frequent 
sickness  and  death,  he  made  an  order,  "  that  he  who  would  not  work  should  not  cat, 
unless  he  were  disabled  by  sickness ;  and  that  every  one  who  did  not  gather  as  much 
food  in  a  day  as  he  did  himself  should  be  banished."  A  recent  attempt  having  been 
made  to  run  away  with  the  boats,  he  ordered  that  the  next  person  who  should 
repeat  this  offense  should  be  hanged.  By  firmness  in  the  execution  of  these  laws, 
and  by  the  concurrent  force  of  his  own  example,  in  laboring  continually,  and  dis 
tributing  his  whole  share  of  European  provisions  and  refreshments  to  the  sick,  he 
kept  the  colony  in  such  order,  that,  though  many  of  them  murmured  at  his  severity, 
they  all  became  very  industrious,  and,  withal,  so  healthy,  that  of  two  hundred  per 
sons,  there  died  that  winter  and  the  next  spring  no  more  than  seven.  In  the  space 
of  three  months  they  had  made  a  quantity  of  tar,  pitch,  and  pot-ashes  ;  had  produced 
a  sample  of  glass  ;  dug  a  well  in  the  fort ;  built  twenty  new  houses  ;  provided  nets  and 
wiers  for  fishing;  erected  a  block-house  on  the  isthmus  of  Jamestown  ;  another  on 
Hog  Island  ;  and  had  begun  a  fortress  on  a  commanding  eminence.  As  the  spring 
:ame  on,  they  paid  such  attention  to  husbandry  as  to  have  thirty  or  forty  acres 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  85 

cleared  and  fit  for  planting;   and  a  detachment  had  been  sent  to  the  southward,  to 
look  for  the  long-lost  colony  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  but  without  success. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  Virginia  colony  when  Captain  Samuel  Argal  arrived  on 
a  trading  voyage,  and  brought  letters  from  the  company  in  England,  complaining 
of  their  disappointment,  and  blaming  Smith  as  the  cause  of  it.  They  had  conceived 
an  ill  opinion  of  him  from  the  persons  whom  he  had  sent  home,  who  represented  him 
as  arbitrary  and  violent  toward  the  colonists,  cruel  to  the  savages,  and  disposed  to 
traverse  the  views  of  the  adventurers,  who  expected  to  grow  rich  very  suddenly. 

There  was  this  disadvantage  attending  the  business  of  colonization  in  North 
America  at  that  day,  that  the  only  precedents  which  could  be  had  were  those  of  the 
Spaniards,  who  had  treated  the  natives  with  extreme  cruelty,  and  amassed  vast  sums 
of  gold  and  silver.  Whilst  the  English  adventurers  detested  the  means  by  which 
the  Spaniards  had  acquired  their  riches,  they  still  expected  that  the  same  kind  of 
riches  might  be  acquired  by  other  means ;  it  was,  therefore,  thought  politic  to  be 
gentle  in  demeanor  and  lavish  of  presents  toward  the  natives,  as  an  inducement  to 
them  to  discover  the  riches  of  their  country.  On  these  principles  the  orders  of  the 
Virginia  Company  to  their  servants  were  framed.  But  experience  had  taught  Smith, 
the  most  discerning  and  faithful  of  all  whom  they  had  employed,  that  the  country 
of  Virginia  would  not  enrich  the  adventurers  in  the  time  and  manner  which  they 
expected  ;  yet  he  was  far  from  abandoning  it  as  worthless  ;  his  aim  was  thoroughly 
to  explore  it ;  and  by  exploring  he  had  discovered  what  advantages  might  be  derived 
from  it ;  to  produce  which,  time,  patience,  expense,  and  labor  were  absolutely 
necessary.  He  had  fairly  represented  these  ideas  to  his  employers ;  he  had  spent 
three  years  in  their  service,  and  from  his  own  observations  had  drawn  and  sent  them  a 
map  of  the  country  ;  and  he  had  conducted  their  affairs  as  well  as  the  nature  of  circum 
stances  would  permit.  He  had  had  a  disorderly,  factious,  discontented,  disappointed 
set  of  men  to  control,  by  the  help  of  a  few  adherents;  in  the  face  of  the  native  lords 
of  the  soil,  formidable  in  their  numbers  and  knowledge  of  the  country,  versed  in 
stratagem,  tenacious  of  resentment,  and  jealous  of  strangers.  To  court  them  by 
presents  was  to  acknowledge  their  superiority,  and  inflate  their  pride  and  insolence. 
Though  savages,  they  were  men  and  not  children.  Though  destitute  of  science,  they 
were  possessed  of  reason,  and  a  sufficient  degree  of  art.  To  know  how  to  manage 
them,  it  was  necessary  to  be  personally  acquainted  with  them;  and  it  must  be 
obvious  that  a  person  who  had  resided  several  years  among  them,  and  had  been  a 
prisoner  with  them,  was  a  much  better  judge  of  the  proper  methods  of  treating 
them,  than  a  company  of  gentlemen  at  several  thousand  miles  distance,  and  who 
could  know  them  only  by  report.  Smith  had  certainly  the  interest  of  the  plantation 
at  heart,  and,  by  toilsome  experience,  had  just  learned  to  conduct  it,  when  he  found 
himself  so  obnoxious  to  his  employers,  that  a  plan  was  concerted  to  supersede  him,  and 
reinstate,  with  a  share  of  authority,  those  whom  he  had  dismissed  from  the  service. 

The  Virginia  Company  had  applied  to  the  King  to  recall  their  patent  and 
grant  another ;  in  virtue  of  which  they  appointed  Thomas  Lord  de  la  Warre, 
General ;  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Lietitcnant-Gencral ;  Sir  George  Somers,  Admiral ;  Sir 
Thomas  Dale,  Marshal ;  Sir  Ferdinando  Waiman,  General  of  Horse  ;  and  Captain  New- 
oort  (the  only  one  of  them  who  had  seen  the  country),  Vice-Admiral.  The  advent 
urers  having,  by  the  alteration  of  their  patent,  acquired  a  reinforcement  both  of  dig 
nity  and  property,  equipped  nine  ships,  in  which  were  embarked  five  hundred  per- 


86  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

sons,  men,  women,  and  children.  Gates,  Somers,  and  Newport  had  each  a  commission, 
investing  either  of  them  who  might  first  arrive,  with  power  to  call  in  the  old  and  set 
up  the  new  commission.  The  fleet  sailed  from  England  in  May,  1609,  and  by  some 
strange  policy  the  three  commanders  were  embarked  in  one  ship.  This  ship  being 
separated  from  the  others  in  a  storm,  was  wrecked  on  the  Island  of  Bermuda ;  an 
other  foundered  at  sea ;  and  when  the  remaining  seven  arrived  in  Virginia,  two  of 
which  were  commanded  by  Ratcliffe  and  Archer,  they  found  themselves  destitute  of 
authority ;  though  some  of  them  were  full  enough  of  prejudice  against  Smith,  who 
was  then  in  command.  The  ships  had  been  greatly  shattered  in  their  passage,  much 
of  their  provision  was  spoiled,  many  of  their  people  were  sick,  and  the  season  in 
which  they  arrived  was  not  the  most  favorable  to  their  recovery.  A  mutinous  spirit 
soon  broke  out,  and  a  scene  of  confusion  ensued ;  the  new-comers  would  not  obey 
Smith,  because  they  supposed  his  commission  to  be  superseded  ;  the  new  commission 
was  not  arrived,  and  it  was  uncertain  whether  the  ship  which  carried  it  would  ever 
be  seen  or  heard  of.  Smith  would  gladly  have  withdrawn  and  gone  back  to  En 
gland,  but  his  honor  was  concerned  in  maintaining  his  authority  till  he  should  bz 
regularly  superseded,  and  his  spirit  would  not  suffer  him  to  be  trampled  on  by  those 
whom  he  despised.  Upon  due  consideration,  he  determined  to  maintain  his  authority 
as  far  as  he  was  able ;  waiting  some  proper  opportunity  to  retire,  some  of  the  most 
insolent  of  the  new-comers  "he "laid  by  the  heels."  With  the  more  moderate  he 
consulted  what  was  best  to  be  done;  and,  as  a  separation  seemed  to  be  the  best 
remedy,  and  it  had  been  in  contemplation  to  extend  the  settlements,  some  were  in 
duced  to  go  up  to  the  Falls,  others  to  Nansemond,  and  others  to  Point  Comfort. 
Smith's  year  being  almost  expired,  he  offered  to  resign  to  Martin,  who  had  been  one 
of  the  old  council,  but  Martin  would  not  accept  the  command  ;  he,  therefore,  kept  up 
'.he  form,  and  as  much  as  he  could  of  the  power  of  government,  till  an  accident, 
which  had  nearly  proved  fatal  to  his  life,  obliged  him  to  return  to  England. 

On  his  return  from  the  new  plantation  at  the  Falls,  sleeping  by  night  in  his  boat, 
a  bag  of  gunpowder  took  fire,  and  burnt  him  in  a  most  terrible  manner.  Awaking 
in  surprise,  and  finding  himself  wrapped  in  flames,  he  leaped  into  the  water,  and  was 
almost  drowned,  before  his  companions  could  recover  him.  At  his  return  to  James-' 
town,  in  this  distressed  condition,  Ratcliffe  and  Archer  conspired  to  murder  him  in 
his  bed ;  but  the  assassin  whom  they  employed  had  not  courage  to  fire  a  pistol. 
Smith's  old  soldiers  would  have  taken  off  their  heads,  but  he  thought  it  prudent  to 
pass  by  the  offense,  and  take  this  opportunity,  as  there  was  no  surgeon  in  the  coun 
try,  of  returning  to  England.  As  soon  as  his  intention  was  known,  the  council  ap 
pointed  Mr.  Percie  to  preside  in  his  room,  and  detained  the  ship  three  weeks,  till  they 
could  write  letters,  and  frame  complaints  against  him.  He  at  length  sailed  for  En 
gland,  about  the  latter  end  of  September,  1600 ;  much  regretted  by  his  few  friends,  one 
of  whom  has  left  this  character  of  him  :  "  In  all  his  proceedings  he  made  justice  his 
first  guide,  and  experience  his  second  ;  hating  baseness,  sloth,  pride,  and  indignity 
more  than  any  dangers.  He  never  would  allow  more  for  himself  than  for  his  soldiers  ; 
and  upon  no  danger  would  send  them  where  he  would  not  liad  them  himself.  He 
would  never  see  us  want  what  he  had,  or  could  by  any  means  get  for  us.  He  would 
rather  want  than  borrow,  or  starve  than  not  pay.  He  loved  action  more  than  words, 
and  hated  covetousness  and  falsehood  worse  than  death.  His  adventures  were  our 
lives,  and  his  loss  our  deaths." 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  87 

There  needs  no  better  testimony  to  the  truth  of  this  character  than  what  is  re 
lated  of  the  miserable  colony  after  he  had  quitted  it.  Without  government,  without 
prudence,  careless,  indolent,  and  factious,  they  became  a  prey  to  the  insolence  of  the 
natives,  to  the  diseases  of  the  climate,  and  to  famine.  Within  six  months  their 
number  was  reduced  from  five  hundred  to  sixty;  and  when  the  three  commanders, 
who  had  been  wrecked  on  Bermuda,  arrived  (1610)  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men 
in  two  small  vessels,  which  they  had  built  out  of  the  ruins  of  their  ship  and  the 
cedars  which  grew  on  the  island,  they  found. the  remnant  of  the  colony  in  such  a 
forlorn  condition,  that,  without  hesitation,  they  determined  to  abandon  the  country, 
and  were  sailing  down  the  river  when  they  met  a  boat  from  the  Lord  de  la  Warre, 
who  had  come  with  a  fleet  to  their  relief.  By  his  persuasion  they  resumed  the 
plantation,  and  to  this  fortunate  incident  may  be  ascribed  the  full  establishment  of 
the  colony  of  Virginia. 

'Such  a  genius  as  Smith's  could  not  remain  idle.  He  was  well  known  in  England, 
and  the  report  of  his  valor  and  his  spirit  of  adventure  pointed  him  out  to  a  number 
of  merchants,  who  were  engaged  in  the  American  fishery,  as  a  proper  person  to  make 
discoveries  on  the  coast  of  North  Virginia.  In  April,  1614,  he  sailed  from  London 
with  two  ships  and  arrived  at  the  island  of  Monahigon  in  latitude  43^°,  as  it  was 
then  computed,  where  he  built  seven  boats.  The  design  of  the  voyage  was  to  take 
whales,  to  examine  a  mine  of  gold  and  another  of  copper  which  were  said  to  be  there, 
and,  if  either  or  both  of  these  should  fail,  to  make  up  the  cargo  with  fish  and  furs. 
The  mines  proved  a  fiction,  and,  by  long  chasing  the  whales  to  no  purpose,  they  lost 
the  best  season  for  fishing ;  but  whilst  the  seamen  were  engaged  in  these  services, 
Smith,  in  one  of  his  boats  with  eight  men,  ranged  the  coast  cast  and  west,  from  Pe- 
nobscot  to  Cape  Cod,  bartering  with  the  natives  for  beaver  and  other  furs,  and  mak 
ing  observations  on  the  shores,  islands,  harbors,  and  head-lands — which,  at  his  return 
to  England,  he  wrought  into  a  map,  and,  presenting  it  to  Prince  Charles,  afterward 
the  royal  martyr,  with  a  request  that  he  would  give  the  country  a  name,  it  was  for 
the  first  time  called  New  England.  The  Prince  also  made  several  alterations  in  the 
names  which  Smith  had  given  to  particular  places.  For  instance,  he  had  called  the 
name  of  that  promontory  which  forms  the  eastern  entrance  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
Tragabigzanda,  after  the  name  of  the  Turkish  lady  to  whom  he  had  been  formerly 
a  slave  at  Constantinople ;  and  the  three  islands  which  lie  off  the  cape,  the  Turk's 
Head,  in  memory  of  his  victory  over  the  three  Turkish  champion  in  his  Transyl- 
vanian  adventures.  The  former,  Charles — in  filial  respect  to  his  mother,  he  called  Cape 
Anne,  which  name  it  has  ever  since  retained.  The  name  of  the  islands  has  long 
since  been  lost,  and  another  cluster,  to  which  he  gave  his  own  name,  Smith's  Isles, 
and  which  name  the  Prince  did  not  alter,  are  now,  and  have  for  more  than  a  century 
been  called  the  Isle  of  Shoals ;  so  that  the  most  pointed  marks  of  his  discoveries  on 
the  coast  of  New  England,  have,  either  by  his  own  complaisance  to  the  son  of  his 
sovereign,  or  by  force  of  time  and  accidents,  become  obsolete.  When  he  sailed  for 
England  in  one  of  the  ships,  he  left  the  other  behind  to  complete  her  lading,  with 
orders  to  sell  the  fish  in  Spain.  The  master,  Thomas  Hunt,  decoyed  twenty-four 
of  the  natives  on  board  and  sold  them  in  Spain  for  slaves.  The  memory  of  this 
base  transaction  was  long  preserved  among  the  Americans,  and  succeeding  advent 
urers  suffered  on  account  of  it. 

At  Smith's  return  to  England  he  put  in  at  Plymouth,  where,  relating  his  advent- 


88  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

ures,  and  communicating  his  sentiments  to  Sir  Fcrdinando  Gorges,  he  was  introduced 
to  the  Plymouth  Company  of  adventurers  to  North  Virginia,  and  engaged  in  their 
service.  At  London  he  was  invited  by  the  South  Virginia  Company  to  return  to 
their  service  ;  but  made  use  of  his  engagement  with  the  Plymouth  adventurers  as  an 
excuse  for  declining  their  invitation.  From  this  circumstance  it  seems  that  they 
had  been  convinced  of  his  former  fidelity,  notwithstanding  the  letters  and  reports 
which  they  had  formerly  received  to  his  disadvantage. 

During  his  stay  in  London,  he  had  the  very  singular  pleasure  of  seeing  his  friend 
Pocahontas,  the  daughter  of  Powhatan.  Having  been  made  a  prisoner  in  Virginia, 
she  \vas  there  married  to  Mr.  John  Rolfe,  and  by  him  was  brought  to  England.  She 
was  then  about  twenty-two  years  of  age  ;  her  person  was  graceful  and  her  deport 
ment  gentle  and  pleasing.  She  had  been  taught  the  English  language  and  the 
Christian  religion,  and  baptized  by  the  name  of  Rebecca.  She  had  heard  that  Smith 
was  dead,  and  knew  nothing  to  the  contrary  till  she  arrived  in  England. 

The  fame  of  an  Indian  princess  excited  great  curiosity  in  London  ;  and  Smith 
had  the  address  to  write  a  handsome  letter  to  the  Queen,  setting  forth  the  merits  of 
his  friend,  and  the  eminent  services  she  had  done  to  him  and  the  colony  of  Virginia. 
She  was  introduced  by  the  Lady  de  la  Warre ;  the  Qaecn  and  royal  family  received 
her  with  much  complacency,  and  she  proved  herself  worthy  of  their  notice  and 
respect.  At  her  first  interview  with  Smith  she  called  him  father;  and  because  he 
did  not  immediately  return  the  salutation  and  call  her  child,  she  was  so  overcome 
with  grief,  that  she  hid  her  face  and  would  not  speak  for  some  time.  She  was  igno 
rant  of  the  ridiculous  affectation  which  reigned  in  the  court  of  James;  which  forbade 
Smith  assuming  the  title  of  father  to  the  daughter  of  a  King;  and  when  informed 
of  it,  she  despised  it ;  passionately  declaring,  that  she  loved  him  as  a  father,  and  had 
treated  him  as  such  in  her  own  country,  and  would  be  his  child  wherever  she  went. 
The  same  pedantic  affection  caused  her  husband  to  be  looked  upon  as  an  offender, 
for  having,  though  a  subject,  invaded  the  mysterious  rights  of  royalty  in  marrying 
above  his  rank.  This  marriage,  however,  proved  beneficial  to  the  colony,  as  her 
father  had  thereby  become  a  friend  to  them,  and  when  she  came  to  England,  he  sent 
with  her  Uttamaccomac,  one  of  his  trusty  counselors,  whom  he  enjoined  to  inquire 
for  Smith,  and  tell  him  whether  he  was  alive.  Another  order  which  he  gave  him 
was,  to  bring  him  the  number  of  people  in  England  ;  accordingly,  on  his  landing  at 
Plymouth,  the  obedient  savage  began  his  account  by  cutting  a  notch  on  a  long  stick 
for  every  person  whom  he  saw ;  but  soon  grew  tired  of  his  employment,  and  at  his 
return  told  Powhatan  that  they  exceeded  the  number  of  leaves  on  the  trees.  A 
third  command  from  his  prince  was,  to  see  the  God  of  England,  and  the  King, 
Queen,  and  princes,  of  whom  Smith  had  told  him  so  much ;  and  when  he  met  with 
Smith,  he  desired  to  be  introduced  to  those  personages.  He  had  before  this  seen 
the  King,  but  would  not  believe  it ;  because  the  person  whom  they  pointed  out  to 
him  had  not  given  him  anything.  "You  gave  Powhatan,"  said  he  to  Smith,  "a 
white  dog,  but  your  King  has  given  me  nothing."  Mr.  Rolfe  was  preparing  to  return 
with  his  wife  to  Virginia,  when  she  was  taken  ill  and  died  at  Gravesend  ;  leaving  an 
infant  son,  Thomas  Rolfe,  from  whom  are  descended  several  families  of  note  in  Vir 
ginia,  who  hold  their  lands  by  inheritance  from  her. 

Smith  had  conceived  such  an  idea  of  the  value  and  importance  of  the  American 
continent,  that  he  was  fully  bent  on  the  business  of  plantation,  rather  than  fishing 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  SO 

and  trading  for  furs.  In  this  he  agreed  with  his  friend,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  and 
the  few  other  active  members  of  the  council  of  Plymouth,  but  it  had  become  an 
unpopular  theme.  One  colony  had  been  driven  home  from  Sagadahock  by  the 
severity  of  the  season  and  the  deaths  of  their  leaders.  Men  who  were  fit  for  the 
business  were  not  easily  to  be  obtained,  those  who  had  formerly  been  engaged  were 
discouraged,  and  it  required  great  strength  of  mind  as  well  as  liberality  of  purse  to 
set  on  foot  another  experiment.  After  much  trouble  in  endeavoring  to  unite  per 
sons  of  opposite  interests,  and  stimulate  those  who  had  sustained  former  losses  to 
new  attempts,  he  obtained  one  ship  of  two  hundred  tons,  and  another  of  fifty,  with 
which  he  sailed  in  1615.  Having  proceeded  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues, 
they  were  separated  in  a  storm ;  the  smaller  one,  commanded  by  Captain  Thomas 
Dermer,  pursued  her  voyage ;  but  Smith  having  lost  his  masts  was  obliged  to  put 
back  under  a  jurymast  to  Plymouth.  There  he  put  his  stores  on  board  a  small  bark 
of  sixty  tons,  and  thirty  men,  of  whom  sixteen  were  to  assist  him  in  beginning  a 
new  colony. 

Meeting  with  an  English  pirate,  his  men  would  have  had  him  surrender  ;  but  though 
he  had  only  four  guns,  and  the  pirate  thirty-six,  he  disdained  to  yield.  On  speaking 
with  her,  he  found  the  commander  and  some  of  the  crew  to  be  his  old  shipmates,  who 
had  run  away  with  the  ship  from  Tunis,  and  were  in  distress  for  provisions ;  they 
offered  to  put  themselves  under  his  command,  but  he  rejected  the  proposal  and  went 
on  his  voyage.  Near  the  Western  Islands  he  fell  in  with  two  French  pirates  ;  his  men 
were  again  thrown  into  a  panic,  and  would  have  struck,  but  he  threatened  to  blow 
up  the  ship  if  they  would  not  fight,  and  by  firing  a  few  running  shot,  he  escaped 
them  also.  After  this  he  was  met  by  four  French  men-of-war,  who  had  orders  from 
their  sovereign  to  seize  pirates.  He  showed  them  his  commission  under  the  great 
seal ;  but  they  perfidiously  detained  him,  whilst  they  suffered  his  ship  to  escape  in 
the  night  and  return  to  Plymouth.  They  knew  his  enterprising  spirit,  and  were 
afraid  of  his  making  a  settlement  in  New  England,  so  near  to  their  colony  of  Acadia  ; 
and  they  suspected,  or  at  least  pretended  to  suspect,  that  he  was  the  person  who  had 
broken  up  their  fishery  at  Port  Royal  (which  was  really  done  by  Captain  Argal)  the 
year  before. 

When  their  cruise  was  finished,  they  carried  him  to  Rochelle,  and  notwithstand 
ing  their  promises  to  allow  him  a  share  of  the  prizes  which  they  had  taken  whilst  he 
was  with  them,  they  kept  him  as  a  prisoner  on  board  a  ship  at  anchor.  But  a  storm 
arising,  which  drove  all  the  people  below,  he  took  the  boat,  with  an  half  pike  for  an 
oar,  thinking  to  make  his  escape  in  the  night.  The  current  was  so  strong  that  he 
drifted  to  sea,  and  was  near  perishing.  By  the  turn  of  the  tide  he  got  ashore  on  a 
marshy  island,  where  some  fowlers  found  him  in  the  morning  almost  dead  with  cold 
and  hunger.  He  gave  them  his  boat  to  carry  him  to  Rochelle,  where  he  learned  that 
the  ship  which  had  taken  him,  with  one  of  her  prizes,  which  was  very  rich,  had  been 
driven  on  shore  in  that  storm,  and  lost,  with  her  captain  and  one-half  of  the  men. 

Here  he  made  his  complaint  to  the  Judge  of  the  Admiralty,  and  produced  such 
evidence  in  support  of  his  allegations,  that  he  was  treated  with  fair  words;  but  it 
docs  not  appear  that  he  got  any  recompense.  He  met  here  and  at  Bordeaux  with 
many  friends,  both  French  and  English,  and  at  his  return. to  England,  published  in  a 
small  quarto  an  account  of  his  last  two  voyages,  with  the  depositions  of  the  men 
who  were  in  the  ship  when  he  was  taken  by  the  French.  To  this  book  he  prefixed 
12 


90  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

his  map  of  New  England,  and  in  it  gave  a  description  of  the  country,  with  its  many 
advantages,  and  the  proper  methods  of  rendering  it  a  valuable  acquisition  to  the  En 
glish  dominions.  When  it  was  printed,  he  went  all  over  the  west  of  England,  giving 
copies  of  it  to  all  persons  of  note,  and  endeavoring  to  excite  the  nobility,  gentry,  and 
merchants  to  engage  with  earnestness  in  the  business  of  colonizing  America.  He 
obtained  from  many  of  them  fair  promises,  and  was  complimented  by  the  Plymouth 
Company  with  the  title  of  Admiral  of  New  England.  But  the  former  ill  success  of 
some  too  sanguine  adventurers  had  made  a  deep  impression,  and  a  variety  of  cross 
incidents  baffled  all  his  attempts. 

However,  his  experience  and  advice  were  of  eminent  service  to  others.  The 
open  frankness  and  generosity  of  his  mind  led  him  to  give  all  the  encouragement 
which  he  could  to  the  business  of  fishing  and  planting  in  New  England,  for  which 
purpose,  in  1622,  he  published  a  book  entitled  "  New  England's  Tryals,"  some  ex 
tracts  from  which  are  preserved  by  Purchas.  No  man  rejoiced  more  than  myself  in 
the  establishment  of  the  colonies  of  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts. 

When  the  news  of  the  massacre  of  the  Virginian  planters  by  the  Indians,  1622,  ar 
rived  in  England,  Smith  was  all  on  fire  to  go  over  to  revenge  the  insult.  He  made 
an  offer  to  the  company  that  if  they  would  allow  him  one  hundred  soldiers  and  thirty 
sailors,  with  the  necessary  provisions  and  equipments,  he  would  range  the  country, 
keep  the  natives  in  awe,  protect  the  planters,  and  make  discoveries  of  the  hitherto 
unknown  parts  of  America ;  and  for  his  own  risk  and  pains  would  desire  nothing  but 
what  he  would  "  produce  from  the  proper  labor  of  the  savages."  On  this  proposal 
the  company  was  divided,  but  the  pusillanimous  and  avaricious  party  prevailed,  and 
gave  him  this  answer,  "  that  the  charges  would  be  too  great ;  that  their  stock  was 
reduced ;  that  the  planters  ought  to  defend  themselves ;  but,  that  if  he  would  go  at 
his  own  expense,  they  would  give  him  leave,  provided  he  would  give  them  one-half 
of  t\\e  pillage."  Such  an  answer  could  be  received  only  with  contempt. 

When  the  King,  in  1624,  instituted  a  commission  for  the  reformation  of  Virginia, 
Smith,  by  desire  of  the  commissioners,  gave  in  a  relation  of  his  former  proceedings 
in  the  colony,  and  his  opinion  and  advice  respecting  the  proper  methods  of  remedy 
ing  the  defects  in  government,  and  carrying  on  the  plantation  with  a  prospect  of 
success.  These,  with  many  other  papers,  he  collected  and  published  in  1627,  in  a 
thin  folio,  under  the  title  of  "  The  General  History  of  Virginia,  New  England,  and 
the  Somer  Isles."  The  narrative  part  is  made  up  of  journals  and  letters  of  those 
who  were  concerned  with  him  in  the  plantation,  intermixed  with  his  own  observa 
tions.  His  intimate  friend,  Mr.  Purchas,  had  published  most  of  them  two  years 
before  in  his  "  Pilgrims." 

In  1629,  at  the  request  of  Sir  Robert  Cotton,  he  published  a  history  of  the  early 
part  of  his  life,  entitled  "  The  True  Travels,  Adventures,  and  Observations  of  Captain 
John  Smith."  This  work  is  preserved  entire  in  the  second  volume  of  Churchill's 
Collections,  and  from  it  the  former  part  of  this  account  is  compiled.  In  the  conclu 
sion  he  made  some  addition  to  the  history  of  Virginia,  Bermuda,  New  England,  and 
the  West  Indies,  respecting  things  which  had  come  to  his  knowledge  after  the  pub 
lication  of  his  general  history.  He  stated  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia  in  1628  at  five 
thousand,  and  their  cattle  about  the  same  number.  Their  produce  was  chiefly 
tobacco ;  but  those  few  who  attended  to  their  gardens  had  all  sorts  of  fruit  and 
vegetables  in  great  abundance  and  perfection.  From  New  England  they  received 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  91 

salted  fish  ;  but  of  fresh  fish  their  own  rivers  produced  enough,  besides  an  infinite 
quantity  of  fowl ;  as  their  woods  did  of  deer  and  other  game.  They  had  two  brew- 
houses;  but  they  cultivated  the  Indian  corn  in  preference  to  the  European  grain. 
Their  plantations  were  scattered ;  some  of  their  houses  were  palisaded  ;  but  they 
had  no  fortifications  nor  ordnance  mounted. 

His  account  of  New  England  is,  that  the  country  had  been  represented  by  advent 
urers  from  the  west  of  England  as  rocky,  barren,  and  desolate ;  but  that  since  his 
account  of  it  had  been  published,  the  credit  of  it  was  so  raised,  that  forty  or  fifty 
sail  went  thither  annually  on  fishing  and  trading  voyages.  That  nothing  had  been 
done  to  any  purpose  in  establishing  a  plantation  till  "  about  an  hundred  Brownists 
went  to  New  Plymouth;  whose  humorous  ignorance  caused  them  to  endure  a 
wonderful  deal  of  misery  with  infinite  patience." 

He  then  recapitulates  the  history  of  his  American  adventures  in  the  following 
terms :  "  Now  to  conclude  the  travels  and  adventures  of  Captain  Smith :  how  first 
he  planted  Virginia,  and  was  set  ashore  with  a  hundred  men  in  the  wild  woods; 
how  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  savages,  and  by  the  King  of  Pamaunky  tied  to  a 
tree  to  be  shot  to  death;  led  up  and  down  the  country  to  be  shown  for  a  wonder; 
fatted,  as  he  thought,  for  a  sacrifice  to  their  idol,  before  whom  they  conjured  three 
days,  with  strange  dances  and  invocations ;  then  brought  before  their  Emperor  Pow- 
hatan,  who  commanded  him  to  be  slain  ;  how  his  daughter  Pocahontas  saved  his  life, 
returned  him  to  Jamestown,  relieved  him  and  his  famished  company,  which  was  but 
eight  and  thirty,  to  possess  those  large  dominions ;  how  he  discovered  all  the  several 
nations  on  the  rivers  falling  into  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake;  how  he  was  stung  almost 
to  death  by  the  poisonous  tale  of  a  fish  called  a  stingray ;  how  he  was  blown  up  with 
gunpowder,  and  returned  to  England  to  be  cured. 

1  "  Also,  how  he  brought  New  England  to  the  subjection  of  the  kingdom  of  Great 
Britain  ;  his  fights  with  the  pirates,  left  alone  among  French  men-of-war,  and  his  ship 
ran  from  him  ;  his  sea-fights  for  the  French  against  the  Spaniards ;  their  bad  usage 
of  him ;  how  in  France,  in  a  little  boat,  he  escaped  them  ;  was  adrift  all  such  a  stormy 
night  at  sea  by  himself,  when  thirteen  French  ships  were  split  or  driven  on  shore  by 
the  isle  Rhee,  the  General  and  most  of  his  men  drowned  ;  when  God,  to  whom  be  all 
honor  and  praise,  brought  him  safe  on  shore,  to  the  admiration  of  all  who  escaped ; 
you  may  read  at  large  in  his  general  history  of  Virginia,  the  Somer  Islands,  and 
New  England." 

This  was  probably  his  last  publication,  for  he  lived  but  two  years  after.  By  a 
note  in  Josselyn's  voyage,  il  appears  that  he  died  in  1631  at  London  in  the  fifty- 
second  year  of  his  age. 

It  would  have  given  singular  pleasure  to  the  compiler  of  these  memoirs  if  he 
could  have  learned  from  any  credible  testimony  that  Smith  ever  received  any  recom 
pense  for  his  numerous  services  and  sufferings.  The  sense  which  he  had  of  this 
matter  in  1627  shall  be  given  in  his  own  words :  "  I  have  spent  five  years  and  more 
than  five  hundred  pounds  in  the  service  of  Virginia  and  New  England,  and  in  nei 
ther  of  them  have  I  one  foot  of  land,  nor  the  very  house  I  built,  nor  the  ground  I 
digged  with  my  own  hands ;  but  I  see  those  countries  shared  before  me  by  those 
who  know  them  only  by  my  descriptions." 


02  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 


DE  MONTS,  POUTRINCOURT,  AND  CHAM- 
PLAIN. 

DE  MONTS — HIS  PATENT  FOR  ACADIA — HIS  FORT  AT  ST.  CROIX — HE  QUITS  ACADIA — POUTRIN 
COURT — SAMUEL  CHAMPLAIN — HE  SAILS  UP  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  — BUILDS  A  FORT  AT  QUE 
BEC—DISCOVERS  THE  LAKE — SURRENDERS  QUEBEC  TO  THE  ENGLISH — HIS  DEATH  AND 
CHARACTER. 

AFTER  the  discovery  of  Canada  by  Cartier,  the  French  continued  trading  to  that 
country  for  furs,  and  fishing  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  Cape  Breton,  and  Aca- 
dia,  where  they  found  many  excellent  and  convenient  harbors,  among  which  Can- 
seau  was  early  distinguished  as  a  place  extremely  suitable  for  the  fishery.  One  Sav- 
alet,  an  old  mariner,  who  frequented  that  port,  had  before  1609  made  no  less  than 
forty-two  voyages  to  those  parts. 

Henry  IV.,  King  of  France,  perceived  the  advantages  which  might  arise  to  his 
kingdom  from  a  farther  exploration  of  the  northern  parts  of  America,  and  there 
fore  gave  encouragement  to  those  who  were  desirous  of  making  adventures.  In 
1598,  the  Marquis  de  la  Roche  obtained  a  commission  of  Lord-Lieutenant,  and  un 
dertook  a  voyage  with  a  view  to  establish  a  colony  consisting  of  convicts  taken  out 
of  the  prisons.  Happening  in  the  course  of  his  voyage  to  fall  in  with  the  Isle  of 
Sable — a  low,  sandy  island  lying  about  twenty-five  leagues  southward  of  Canseau — 
he  there  landed  forty  of  his  miserable  crew,  to  subsist  on  the  cattle  and  swine  with 
which  the  place  had  been  stocked  by  the  Portuguese  for  the  relief  of  shipwrecked 
seamen.  The  reason  given  for  choosing  this  forlorn  place  for  the  disembarkation  of 
his  colony  was  that  they  would  be  out  of  all  danger  from  the  savages  till  he  should 
find  a  better  situation  for  them  on  the  continent,  when  he  promised  to  return  and 
take  them  off.  Whether  he  ever  reached  the  continent  is  uncertain,  but  he  never 
again  saw  the  Isle  of  Sable.  Returning  to  France  he  engaged  in  the  wars,  was 
made  a  prisoner  by  the  Duke  of  Merceur,  and  soon  after  died.  The  wretched  exiles 
subsisted  on  such  things  as  the  place  afforded,  and  clothed  themselves  with  the  skins 
of  seals.  At  the  end  of  seven  years,  King  Henry,  in  compassion,  sent  a  fisherman 
to  bring  them  home.  Twelve  only  were  then  alive.  The  fisherman,  concealing  from 
them  the  generous  intention  of  their  sovereign,  took  all  the  skins  which  they  had 
collected  as  a  recompense  for  his  services — some  of  which,  being  black  foxes,  were 
of  great  value.  The  King  had  them  brought  before  him  in  thejr  seal-skin  habits  and 
long  beards.  He  pardoned  their  former  crimes,  and  made  each  of  them  a  present 
of  fifty  crowns.  When  they  discovered  the  fraud  of  the  fisherman,  they  instituted 
a  process  against  him  at  law,  and  recovered  large  damages,  by  means  of  which  they 
acquired  so  much  property  as  to  enter  into  the  same  kind  of  traffic. 

The  King  also  granted  to  Pontgrave  de  Chauvin  an  exclusive  privilege  of  trading 
at  Tadousac,  the  mouth  of  the  river  Saguenay ;  to  which  place  he  made  two  voyages, 
and  was  preparing  for  a  third  when  he  was  prevented  by  death. 

The  next  voyager  of  any  note  was  SAMUEL  CHAMPLAIN,  of  Brouage,  a  man  of 
a  noble  family,  who,  in  1603,  sailed  up  the  river  of  Canad;.  as  far  as  Cartier  had  gone 
in  1535.  He  made  many  inquiries  of  the  natives  concerning  their  country,  its  river.-,, 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  9H 

falls,  lakes,  mountains,  and  mines.  The  result  of  his  inquiry  was,  that  a  communica 
tion  was  formed  by  means  of  two  lakes,  with  the  country  of  the  Iroquois  toward 
the  south  :  that,  toward  the  west,  there  were  more  and  greater  lakes  of  fresh  water, 
to  one  of  which  they  knew  no  limits;  and  that,  to  the  northward,  there  was  an  in 
land  sea  of  salt  water.  In  the  course  of  this  voyage,  Champlain  anchored  at  a  place 
called  Quebec,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  country,  signified  a  strait ;  and  this  was 
thought  to  be  a  proper  situation  for  a  fort  and  settlement.  He  heard  of  no  mines 
but  one  of  copper,  far  to  the  northward.  With  this  information  he  returned  to 
France  in  the  month  of  September. 

On  the  8th  of  November,  in  the  same  year,  King  Henry  granted  to  the  Sieur  De 
Monts,  a  gentleman  of  his  bed-chamber,  a  patent,  constituting  him  lieutenant-general 
of  all  the  territory  of  L'Acadia,  from  the  fortieth  to  the  forty-sixth  degree  of  north 
latitude,  with  power  to  subdue  the  inhabitants  and  convert  them  to  the  Christian 
faith.  This  patent  was  published  in  all  the  maritime  towns  of  France  ;  and  De 
Monts,  having  equipped  two  vessels,  sailed  for  his  new  government  on  the  7th  of 
March,  1604,  taking  with  him  the  aforesaid  Samuel  Champlain  for  a  pilot,  Monsieur 
De  Poutrincourt,  who  had  been  for  a  long  time  desirous  to  visit  America. 

On  the  6th  of  May  they  arrived  at  a  harbor  on  the  south-east  side  of  the  peninsula 
of  Acadia,  where  they  found  one  of  their  countrymen,  Rossignol,  trading  with  the 
Indians  without  license.  They  seized  his  ship  and  cargo ;  leaving  him  only  the 
poor  consolation  of  giving  his  name  to  the  harbor  where  he  was  taken.  The  pro 
visions  found  in  his  ship  were  a  seasonable  supply,  and  without  them  the  enterprise 
must  have  been  abandoned.  This  place  is  now  called  Liverpool. 

From  Port  Rossignol  they  coasted  the  peninsula  to  the  south-west,  and,  having 
doubled  Cape  Sable,  came  to  anchor  in  the  Bay  of  St.  Mary,  where  Aubry,  a  priest, 
going  ashore,  was  lost  in  the  woods,  and  a  Protestant  was  charged  with  having  mur 
dered  him,  because  they  had  sometimes  had  warm  disputations  on  religious  subjects. 
They  waited  for  him  several  days,  firing  guns  and  sounding  trumpets,  but  in  vain ; 
the  noise  of  the  sea  was  so  great  that  no  other  sound  could  be  heard.  Concluding 
that  he  was  dead,  they  quitted  the  place  after  sixteen  days,  intending  to  examine 
that  extensive  bay  on  the  west  of  their  peninsula,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  La 
Baye  Franchise,  but  which  is  now  called  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  The  priest  was  after 
ward  found  alive,  but  almost  starved  to  death. 

On  the  eastern  side  of  this  bay  they  discovered  a  narrow  strait,  ints  which  they 
entered,  and  soon  found  themselves  in  a  spacious  basin,  environed  with  hills,  from 
which  descended  streams  of  fresh  water;  and  between  the  hills  ran  a  fine  navigable 
river,  which  they  called  L'Equille.  It  was  bordered  with  fertile  meadows,  and  full 
of  delicate  fish.  Poutrincourt,  charmed  with  the  beauty  of  the  place,  determined  here 
to  make  his  residence,  and,  having  received  a  grant  of  it  from  De  Monts,  gave  it  the 
name  of  Port  Royal  [Annapolis]. 

From  Port  Royal,  De  Monts  sailed  farther  into  the  great  bay,  to  visit  a  copper 
mine.  It  was  a  high  rock,  on  a  promontory  between  two  bays.  [Menis].  The 
copper,  though  mixed  with  stone,  was  very  pure,  resembling  that  called  Rozette 
copper.  Among  these  stones  they  found  crystals,  and  a  certain  shining  stone  of  a 
blue  color.  Specimens  of  these  stones  were  sent  to  the  King. 

In  farther  examining  the  bay  they  came  to  a  great  river,  which  they  called  St. 
John's,  full  of  islands,  and  swarming  with  fish.  Up  this  river  they  sailed  fifty  leagues, 


94  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

and  were  extremely  delighted  with  the  vast  quantity  of  grapes  which  grew  on  its 
banks.  By  this  river  they  imagined  that  a  shorter  communication  might  be  had  with 
the  Baye  de  Chaleur  and  the  port  of  Tadousac  than  by  the  sea. 

From  the  River  St.  John  they  coasted  the  bay  south-westerly,  till  they  came  to 
an  island  in  the  middle  of  a  river  which  Champlain  had  previously  explored.  Finding 
its  situation  safe  and  convenient,  De  Monts  resolved  there  to  build  a  fort  and  pass 
the  winter.  To  this  island  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Croix ;  because  that  two  leagues 
higher  there  were  brooks  which  "  came  cross-wise  to  fall  within  this  large  branch  of 
the  sea." 

The  winter  proved  severe,  and  the  people  suffered  so  much  by  the  scurvy,  that 
thirty-six  of  them  died  ;  the  remaining  forty,  who  were  all  sick,  lingered  till  the 
spring  (1605),  when  they  recovered  by  means  of  the  fresh  vegetation.  The  remedy 
which  Cartier  had  found  in  Canada  was  here  unknown. 

As  soon  as  his  men  were  recovered,  De  Monts  resolved  to  seek  a  comfortable 
station  in  a  warmer  climate.  Having  victualed  and  armed  his  pinnace,  he  sailed 
along  the  coast  to  Norombago,  a  name  which  had  been  given  by  some  European  ad 
venturers  to  the  Bay  of  Penobscot ;  from  thence  he  sailed  to  Kennebec,  Casco,  Saco, 
and  finally  came  to  Malebarre,  as  Cape  Cod  was  then  called  by  the  French.  In  some 
of  the  places  which  he  had  passed,  the  land  was  inviting,  and  particular  notice  was 
taken  of  the  grapes  ;  but  the  savages  appeared  numerous,  unfriendly  and  thievish. 
De  Monts'  company  being  small,  he  preferred  safety  to  pleasure,  and  returned  first 
to  St.  Croix,  and  then  to  Port  Royal,  where  he  found  Dupont,  in  a  ship  from  France, 
with  fresh  supplies,  and  a  reinforcement  of  forty  men.  The  stores  which  had  been 
deposited  at  St.  Croix  were  removed  across  the  bay,  but  the  buildings  were  left 
standing.  New  houses  were  erected  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  which  runs  into  the 
basin  of  Port  Royal.  There  the  stores  and  people  were  lodged,  and  De  Monts  hav 
ing  put  his  affairs  in  as  good  order  as  possible,  in  the  month  of  September  embarked 
for  France,  leaving  Dupont  as  his  Lieutenant,  with  Champlain  and  Champdore  to 
perfect  the  settlement  and  explore  the  country. 

During  the  next  winter  they  were  plentifully  supplied  by  the  savages  with  veni 
son,  and  a  great  trade  was  carried  on  for  furs.  Nothing  is  said  of  the  scurvy;  but 
they  had  short  allowance  of  bread,  not  by  reason  of  any  scarcity  of  corn,  but  because 
they  had  no  other  mill  to  grind  it  than  the  hand-mill,  which  required  hard  and  con 
tinual  labor.  The  savages  were  so  averse  to  this  exercise,  that  they  preferred  hun 
ger  to  the  task  of  grinding  corn,  though  they  were  offered  half  of  it  in  payment.  Six 
men  only  died  in  the  course  of  this  winter. 

In  the  spring  of  1606,  Dupont  attempted  to  find  what  De  Monts  had  missed  in 
the  preceding  year :  a  more  southerly  settlement.  His  bark  was  twice  forced  back 
with  adverse  winds,  and  the  third  time  was  driven  on  rocks  and  bilged  at  the  mouth 
of  the  port.  The  men  and  stores  were  saved,  but  the  vessel  was  lost.  These  fruit 
less  attempts  proved  very  discouraging ;  but  Dupont  employed  his  people  in  build 
ing  a  bark  and  shallop,  that  they  might  employ  themselves  in  visiting  the  ports, 
whither  their  countrymen  resort  to  dry  their  fish,  till  new  supplies  should  arrive. 

De  Monts  and  Poutrincourt  were  at  that  time  in  France,  preparing,  amidst  every 
discouragement,  for  another  voyage.  On  the  I3th  of  May  they  sailed  from  Rochelle 
in  a  ship  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  tons,  and  on  the  2/th  of  July  arrived  at  Port  Royal, 
in  the  absence  of  Dupont,  who  had  left  two  men  only  to  guard  the  fort.  In  a  few 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  95 

days  he  arrived,  having  met  with  one  of  their  boats  which  they  had  left  at  Canseau, 
and  great  was  the  joy  on  both  sides  at  their  meeting. 

Poutrincourt  now  began  his  plantation,  and  having  cleared  a  spot  of  ground, 
within  fifteen  days  he  sowed  European  corn  and  several  sorts  of  garden  vegetables. 
But  notwithstanding  the  beauty  and  fertility  of  Port  Royal,  De  Monts  had  still  a 
desire  to  find  a  better  place  to  the  southward.  He  therefore  prevailed  on  Poutrin 
court  to  make  another  voyage  to  Cape  Malebarre,  and  so  earnest  was  he  to  have  this 
matter  accomplished,  that  he  would  not  wait  till  the  next  spring,  but  prepared  a 
bark  to  go  to  the  southward  as  soon  as  the  ship  was  ready  to  sail. 

On  the  28th  of*  August  the  ship  and  the  bark  both  sailed  from  Port  Royal.  In 
the  ship  De  Monts  and  Dupont  returned  to  France,  whilst  Poutrincourt,  Champlain, 
Champdore,  and  others  crossed  the  bay  to  St.  Croix,  and  thence  sailed  along  the 
coast,  touching  at  many  harbors  in  their  way  till  they  arrived  in  sight  of  the  Cape, 
the  object  of  their  voyage.  Being  entangled  among  the  shoals,  their  rudder  was 
broken,  and  they  were  obliged  to  come  to  anchor  at  the  distance  of  three  leagues  from 
the  land.  The  boat  was  then  sent  ashore  to  find  a  harbor  of  fresh  water,  which,  by 
the  information  of  one  of  the  natives,  was  accomplished.  Fifteen  days  were  spent  in 
this  place ;  during  which  time  a  cross  was  erected,  and  possession  taken  for  the  King 
of  France ;  as  De  Monts  had  done  two  years  before  at  Kennebec.  When  the  bark 
was  repaired  and  ready  to  sail,  Poutrincourt  took  a  walk  into  the  country,  whilst  his 
people  were  baking  bread.  In  his  absence  some  of  the  natives  visited  his  people  and 
stole  a  hatchet.  Two  guns  were  fired  at  them  and  they  fled.  In  his  return  he  saw 
several  parties  of  the  savages,  male  and  female,  carrying  away  their  children  and  their 
corn,  and  hiding  themselves  as  he  and  his  company  passed.  He  was  alarmed  at  this 
strange  appearance ;  but  much  more  so,  when  early  the  next  morning  a  shower  of 
arrows  came  flying  among  his  people,  two  of  whom  were  killed  and  several  others 
wounded.  The  savages  having  taken  their  revenge,  fled  ;  and  it  was  in  vain  to  pur 
sue  them.  The  dead  were  buried  at  the  foot  of  the  cross,  and  whilst  the  funeral 
service  was  performing,  the  savages  were  dancing  and  yelling  in  mock  concert  at  a 
convenient  distance,  but  within  hearing.  When  the  French  retired  on  board  their 
bark,  the  savages  took  down  the  cross,  dug  up  the  bodies,  and  stripped  them  of 
their  grave-clothes,  which  they  carried  off  in  triumph. 

This  unhappy  quarrel  gave  Poutrincourt  a  bad  idea  of  the  natives.  He  attempted 
to  pass  farther  round  the  Cape,  but  was  prevented  by  contrary  winds,  and  forced 
back  to  the  same  harbor,  where  the  savages  offering  to  trade,  six  or  seven  of  them 
were  seized  and  put  to  death. 

The  next  day  another  attempt  was  made  to  sail  farther;  but  the  wind  came 
against  them.  At  the  distance  of  six  or  seven  leagues  they  discovered  an  island,  but 
the  wind  would  not  permit  them  to  approach  it ;  they  therefore  gave  it  the  name  of 
Douteuse,  or  Doubtful.  This  was  probably  either  Nantucket  or  Capawock,  now 
called  Martha's  Vineyard  ;  and  if  so,  the  contest  with  the  Indians  was  on  the  south 
shore  of  Cape  Cod,  where  are  several  harbors  and  streams  of  fresh  water.  To  the 
harbor  where  he  lay,  he  gave  the  name  of  Port  Fortune. 

It  was  now  late  in  the  season  and  no  prospect  appeared  of  obtaining  any  better 
place  for  a  settlement ;  besides,  he  had  two  wounded  men  whose  lives  were  in  danger. 
He  therefore  determined  to  return,  which  he  did  by  the  shortest  and  most  direct 
course  ;  and  after  a  perilous  voyage,  in  which  the  rudder  was  again  broken,  and 


%  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

the  bark  narrowly  escaped  shipwreck,  he  arrived  at  Port  Royal  on  the  I4th  of 
November. 

The  manner  in.  which  they  spent  the  third  winter  was  social  and  festive.  At  the 
principal  table,  to  which  fifteen  persons  belonged,  an  order  was  established,  by  the 
name  of  L'order  de  bon  temps.  Every  one  took  his  turn  to  be  caterer  and  steward, 
for  one  day,  during  which  he  wore  the  collar  of  the  order  and  a  napkin,  and  carried 
a  staff.  After  supper  he  resigned  his  accoutrements,  with  the  ceremony  of  drinking 
a  cup  of  wine,  to  the  next  in  succession.  The  advantage  of  this  institution  was,  that 
each  one  was  emulous  to  be  prepared  for  his  day,  by  previously  hunting  or  fishing, 
or  purchasing  fish  and  game  of  the  natives,  who  constantly  resided  among  them,  and 
were  extremely  pleased  with  their  manners. 

Four  only  died  in  this  winter;  and  it  is  remarked  that  these  were  "sluggish  and 
fretful."  The  winter  was  mild  and  fair.  On  a  Sunday  in  the  middle  of  January, 
after  divine  service,  they  "sported  and  had  music  on  the  river  ;  "  and  the  same  month 
they  went  two  leagues,  to  see  their  corn-field,  and  dined  cheerfully  in  the  sunshine. 

At  the  first  opening  of  the  spring  (1607),  they  began  to  prepare  gardens;  the 
produce  of. which  was  extremely  grateful ;  as  were  also  the  numberless  fish  which 
came  into  the  river.  They  also  erected  a  water-mill,  which  not  only  saved  them 
much  hard  labor  at  the  hand-mill,  but  gave  them  more  time  for  fishing.  The  fish 
which  they  took  were  called  herrings  and  pilchards ;  of  which  they  pickled  several 
hogsheads  to  be  sent  home  to  France. 

In  April  they  began  to  build  two  barks,  in  which  they  might  visit  the  ports  fre 
quented  by  the  fishermen,  and  learn  some  news  from  their  mother  country,  as  well 
as  get  supplies  for  their  subsistence.  Having  no  pitch  to  pay  the  seams,  they  were 
obliged  to  cut  pine  trees  and  bum  them  in  kilns,  by  which  means  they  obtained  a 
sufficiency. 

On  Ascension  day  a  vessel  arrived  from  France,  destined  to  bring  supplies;  a 
large  share  of  which,  the  crew  had  ungenerously  consumed  during  their  voyage. 
The  letters  brought  by  this  vessel  informed  them  that  the  company  of  merchants 
associated  with  De  Monts  was  discouraged ;  and  that  their  ship  was  to  be  employed 
in  the  fishery  at  Canseau.  The  reason  of  this  proceeding  was,  that  contrary  to  the 
King's  edict,  the  Hollanders  had  intruded  themselves  into  their  fur  trade  in  the  river 
of  Canada,  having  been  conducted  by  a  treacherous  Frenchman  ;  in  consequence  of 
which  the  King  had  revoked  the  exclusive  privilege  which  he  had  given  to  De  Monts 
for  ten  years.  The  avarice  of  these  Hollanders  was  so  great,  that  they  had  opened 
the  graves  of  the  dead,  and  taken  the  beaver  skins  in  which  the  corpses  had  been 
buried.  This  outrage  was  so  highly  resented  by  the  savages  at  Canseau,  that  they 
killed  the  person  who  had  shown  the  places  where  the  dead  were  laid.  This  news 
was  extremely  unwelcome,  as  it  portended  the  destruction  of  the  colony. 

Poutrincourt,  however,  was  so  well  pleased  with  his  situation,  that  he  determined 
to  return  to  it,  though  none  but  his  family  should  accompany  him.  He  was 
very  desirous  to  see  the  issue  of  his  attempt  at  agriculture,  and  therefore  detained 
the  vessel  as  long  as  he  could,  and  employed  his  bark  in  small  voyages  about  the 
bay,  to  trade  for  furs  and  gather  specimens  of  iron  and  copper  to  be  transported  to 
France.  When  they  were  all  ready  to  sail,  he  tarried  eleven  days  longer  than  the 
others,  that  he  might  carry  home  the  first  fruits  of  his  harvest.  Leaving  the  build 
ings  and  part  of  tne  provision  with  the  standing  corn,  as  a  present  to  the  friendly 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  97 

natives,  he  finally  sailed  from  Port  Royal,  on  the  nth  of  August,  and  joined  the 
other  vessels  at  Canseau ;  from  which  place  he  proceeded  to  France,  where  they 
arrived  in  the  latter  end  of  September. 

Specimens  of  the  wheat,  rye,  barley,  and  oats  were  shown  the  King;  which, 
with  other  productions  of  the  country,  animal  and  mineral,  were  so  highly  accept 
able,  that  he  renewed  and  confirmed  to  De  Monts  the  privilege  of  trading  for  beavers, 
that  he  might  have  it  in  his  power  to  establish  a  colony.  In  consequence  of  which 
the  next  spring  several  families  were  sent  to  renew  the  plantation,  who  found  that 
the  savages  had  gathered  several  barrels  of  the  corn  which  had  been  left  standing, 
and  had  reserved  one  for  their  friends  whom  they  expected  to  return. 

The  revocation  of  the  exclusive  patent  given  to  De  Monts  was  founded  on  com 
plaints  made  by  the  masters  of  fishing  vessels,  that  the  branch  of  commerce  in 
which  they  were  engaged  would  be  ruined.  When  this  patent  was  restored,  it  was 
limited  to  one  year;  and  on  this  condition,  that  he  should  make  an  establishment 
in  the  River  St.  Lawrence.  De  Monts  therefore  quitted  his  connection  with  Acadia, 
and  the  company  of  merchants,  with  whom  he  had  been  connected,  fitted  out  two 
ships  for  the  port  of  Tedousac,  in  1608.  The  fur  trade  was  of  very  considerable 
value,  and  the  company  made  great  profits;  but  De  Monts  finding  their  interests 
hurt  by  his  connection  with  them,  withdrew  from  the  association. 

Potitrincourt,  resolving  to  prosecute  his  plantation  at  Port  Royal — the  grant  of 
which  had  been  confirmed  to  him  by  the  King— sent  Biencourt,  his  son,  to  France 
(1608)  for  a  supply  of  men  and  provisions.  One  condition  of  the  grant  was,  that 
attempts  should  be  made  to  convert  the  natives  to  the  Catholic  faith — it  was  there 
fore  necessary  to  engage  the  assistance  of  some  ecclesiastics.  The  first  who  em 
braced  the  proposal  were  the  Jesuits,  by  whose  zealous  exertions  a  contribution  was 
soon  made  for  the  purpose,  and  two  of  their  order  (Biard  and  Masse)  embarked  for 
the  new  plantation.  It  was  not  long  before  a  controversy  arose  between  them  and 
the  proprietor,  who  said  "  it  was  his  part  to  rule  them  on  earth,  and  theirs  only  to 
guide  him  to  heaven."  After  his  departure  for  France,  his  son  Biencourt,  disdaining 
to  be  controlled  by  those  whom  he  had  invited  to  reside  with  him,  threatened  them 
with  corporeal  punishment  in  return  for  their  spiritual  anathemas.  It  became  neces 
sary  then  that  they  should  separate.  The  Jesuits  removed  to  Mount  Desart,  where 
they  planted  gardens  and  entered  on  the  business  of  their  mission,  which  they  con 
tinued  till  1613  or  1614,  when  Sir  Samuel  Argal  from  Virginia  broke  up  the  French 
settlements  in  Acadia.  In  the  encounter  one  of  these  Jesuits  was  killed  and  the 
other  was  made  prisoner.  Of  the  other  Frenchmen,  some  dispersed  themselves  in 
the  woods  and  mixed  with  the  savages ;  some  went  to  the  River  St.  Lawrence  and 
strengthened  the  settlement  which  Champlain  had  made  there;  and  others  returned 
to  France. 

Two  advantages  were  expected  to  result  from  establishing  a  colony  in  the  River 
St.  Lawrence :  one  was  an  extension  of  the  fur  trade,  and  another  was  the  hope  of 
penetrating  westward  through  the  lakes  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  finding  a  nearer 
communication  With  China.  One  of  the  vessels  sent  by  the  company  of  merchants 
in  1608  to  that  river  was  commanded  by  Champlain.  In  his  former  voyage  he  had 
marked  the  strait  above  the  Isle  of  Orleans  as  a  proper  situation  for  a  fort,  because 
the  river  was  there  contracted  in  its  breadth,  and  the  northern  shore  was  high  and 
commanding.  Me  arrived  there  in  the  beginning  of  July  and  immediately  began  to 
13 


98  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

clear  the  woods,  to  build  houses,  and  prepare  fields  and  gardens.  Here  he  spent  the 
winter,  and  his  company  suffered  much  by  the  scurvy.  The  remedy  which  Cartier 
had  used  was  not  to  be  found,  or  the  savages  knew  nothing  of  it.  It  is  supposed 
that  the  former  inhabitants  had  been  extirpated  and  a  new  people  held  possession. 

In  the  spring  of  1609,  Champlain,  with  two  other  Frenchmen  and  a  party  of  the 
natives,  went  up  the  river  (now  called  Sorel)  and  entered  the  lakes,  which  lie  toward 
the  south  and  commuicate  with  the  country  of  the  Iroquois.  To  the  largest  of 
these  lakes  Champlain  gave  his  own  name,  which  it  has  eyer  since  retained.  On  the 
shore  of  another,  which  he  called  Lake  Sacrament  (now  Lake  George),  they  were 
discovered  by  a  company  of  the  Iroquois,  with  whom  they  had  a  skirmish.  Cham- 
plain  killed  two  of  them  with  his  musket.  The  scalps  of  fifty  were  taken  and 
brought  to  Quebec  in  triumph. 

In  the  autumn  Champlain  went  to  France,  leaving  Captain  Pierre  to  command  ; 
and,  in  1610,  he  returned  to  Quebec  to  perfect  the  colony,  of  which  he  may  be  con 
sidered  as  the  founder. 

After  the  death  of  Henry  IV.  he  obtained  of  the  Queen  Regent  a  commission 
as  Lieutenant  of  New  France,  with  very  extensive  powers.  This  commission  was 
confirmed  by  Louis  XIII.,  and  Champlain  was  continued  in  the  government  of 
Canada. 

The  religious  controversies  which  prevailed  in  France  augmented  the  number 
of  colonists.  A  settlement  was  made  at  Trois  Rivieres,  and  a  brisk  trade  was  car 
ried  on  at  Tadousac.  In  1626  Quebec  began  to  assume  the  face  of  a  city,  and  the 
fortress  was  rebuilt  with  stone;  but  the  people  were  divided  in  their  religious  prin 
ciples,  and  the  Huguenot  party  prevailed. 

In  this  divided  state  (1629)  the  colony  was  attacked  by  an  armament  from  En 
gland  under  the  conduct  of  Sir  David  Kirk.  He  sailed  up  the  River  St.  Lawrence 
and  appeared  before  Quebec,  which  was  then  so  miserably  supplied  that  they  had 
but  seven  ounces  of  bread  to  a  man  for  a  day.  A  squadron  from  France,  with  pro 
vision  for  their  relief,  entered  the  river;  but,  after  some  resistance,  were  taken  by 
the  English.  This  disappointment  increased  the  distress  of  the  colony  and  obliged 
Champlain  to  capitulate.  He  was  carried  to  France  in  an  English  ship,  and  there 
found  the  minds  of  the  people  divided  with  regard  to  Canada — some  thinking  it  not 
worth  regaining,  as  it  had  cost  the  Government  vast  sums  without  bringing  any  re 
turn  ;  others  deeming  the  fishery  and  fur  trade  to  be  great  national  objects,  espec 
ially  as  they  proved  to  be  a  nursery  for  seamen.  These  sentiments,  supported  by 
the  solicitation  of  Champlain,  prevailed;  and,  by  the  treaty  of  St  Germain's  in 
1632,  Canada,  Acadia,  and  Cape  Breton  were  restored  to  France. 

The  next  year  Champlain  resumed  his  government,  and  the  company  of  New 
France  were  restored  to  their  former  rights  and  privileges.  A  large  recruit  of 
inhabitants,  with  a  competent  supply  of  Jesuits,  arrived  from  France;  and  with  some 
difficulty  a  mission  was  established  among  the  Hurons;  and  a  seminary  of  the  Order 
was  begun  at  Quebec.  In  the  midst  of  this  prosperity  Champlain  died,  in  the  month 
of  December,  1635  ;  and  was  succeeded  the  next  year  by  De  Montmagny. 

Champlain  is  characterized  as  a  man  of  good  sense,  strong  penetration,  and 
upright  views;  volatile,  active,  enterprising,  firm,  and  valiant.  He  aided  the  Hurons 
in  their  wars  with  the  Iroquois,  and  personally  engaged  in  their  battles,  in  one  of 
which  he  was  wounded.  His  zeal  for  the  propagation  of  the  Catholic  religion  was 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  i)<J 

so  great  that  it  was  a  common  saying  with  him,  that  "  the  salvation  of  one  soul  was 
of  more  value  than  the  conquest  of  an  empire." 


FERDINANDO    GORGES   AND   JOHN 

MASON. 

FERDINANDO  GORGES — HIS  PERSEVERANCE — HIS  DEFENSE  BEFORE  THE  COMMONS — HIS  COM 
PLAINT  AGAINST  THE  DUTCH — HIS  EXPENSE  AND  LOSS — HIS  MISFORTUNES  AND  DEATH — 
JOHN  MASON — IS  CONNECTED  WITH  GORGES— HIS  PLANTATION  AT  PISCATAQUA— HIS  GREAT 
EXPENSE  AND  LOSS — MASSACHUSETTS  COLONY  ESTABLISHED— INDEPENDENCY  OF  THE 
COLONY  SUSPECTED — PROVINCE  OF  MAINE— ITS  PLAN  OF  GOVERNMENT — PROTECTED  BY 
MASSACHUSETTS — PURCHASED  BY  MASSACHUSETTS. 

WE  know  nothing  concerning  Gorges  in  the  early  part  of  his  life.  The  first 
account  we  have  of  him  is  the  discovery  which  he  made  of  a  plot  which  the  Earl  of 
Essex  had  laid  to  overthrow  the  government  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  the  tragical  issue 
of  which  is  too  well  known  to  be  here  repeated.  Gorges,  who  had  been  privy  to  the 
conspiracy  at  first,  communicated  his  knowledge  of  it  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  his 
intimate  friend,  but  the  enemy  and  rival  of  Essex. 

There  was  not  only  an  intimacy  between  Raleigh  and  Gorges,  but  a  similarity  in 
their  genius  and  employment;  both  were  formed  for  intrigue  and  adventure;  both 
were  indefatigable  in  the  prosecution  of  their  sanguine  projects ;  and  both  were  naval 
commanders. 

During  the  war  with  Spain,  which  occupied  the  last  years  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
Gorges,  with  other  adventurous  spirits,  found  full  employment  in  the  navy  of  their 
mistress.  When  the  peace,  which  her  successor,  James  I.,  made  in  1604,  put  an  end 
to  their  hopes  of  honor  and  fortune  by  military  enterprises,  Sir  Fcrdinando  was 
appointed  Governor  of  Plymouth,  in  Devonshire.  This  circumstance,  by  which  his 
spirit  of  adventure  might  seem  to  have  been  repressed,  proved  the  occasion  of  its 
breaking  out  with  fresh  ardor,  though  in  a  pacific  and  mercantile  form,  connected 
with  the  rage  for  foreign  discoveries,  which,  after  some  interruption,  had  again  seized 
the  English  nation. 

Lord  Arundel,  of  Wardour,  had  employed  a  Captain  Weymouth  in  search  of  a 
north-west  passage  to  India.  This  navigator,  having  mistaken  his  course,  fell  in 
with  a  river  on  the  coast  of  America,  which,  by  his  description,  must  have  been 
either  Kennebec  or  Penobscot.  From  thence  he  brought  to. England  five  of  the 
natives,  and  arrived  in  the  month  of  July,  1605,  in  the  harbor  of  Plymouth,  where 
Gorges  commanded,  who  immediately  took  three  of  them  into  his  family.  Their 
names  were  Manida,  Sketwarroes,  and  Tasquantum;  they  were  all  of  one  language, 
though  not  of  the  same  tribe.  This  accident  proved  the  occasion,  under  God's 
providence,  of  preparing  the  way  for  a  more  perfect  discovery  than  had  yet  been 
made  of  this  part  of  North  America. 

Having  gained  the  affections  of  these  savages  by  kind  treatment,  he  found  them 


100  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

very  docile  and  intelligent ;  and  from  them  he  learned,  by  inquiry,  many  particulars 
concerning  their  country,  its  rivers,  harbors,  islands,  fish  and  other  animals;  the 
numbers,  disposition,  manners,  and  customs  of  the  natives;  their  government,  alli 
ances,  enemies,  force,  and  methods  of  war.  The  result  of  these  inquiries  served  to 
feed  a  sanguine  hope  of  indulging  his  genius  and  advancing  his  fortune  by  a  more 
thorough  discovery  of  the  country. 

His  chief  associate  in  this  plan  of  discovery  was  Sir  John  Popham,  Lord  Chief- 
Justice  of  the  King's  Bench,  who,  by  his  acquaintance  with  divers  noblemen,  and  by 
their  interest  at  court,  obtained  from  King  James  a  patent  for  making  settlements  in 
America,  which  was  now  divided  into  two  districts,  and  called  North  and  South  Vir 
ginia.  The  latter  of  these  districts  was  put  under  the  care  of  certain  noblemen, 
knights,  and  gentlemen  who  were  styled  the  London  Company ;  the  former  under 
the  direction  of  others  in  Bristol,  Exeter,  and  Plymouth,  who  were  called  the  Plym 
outh  Company,  because  their  meetings  were  usually  held  there. 

By  the  joint  efforts  of  this  company,  of  which  Popham  and  Gorges  were  two  of 
the  most  enterprising  members,  a  ship,  commanded  by  Henry  Chalong,  was  fitted 
out,  and  sailed  in  August,  1606,  for  the  discovery  of  the  country  from  which  the  sav 
ages  had  been  brought,  and  two  of  them  were  put  on  board.  The  orders  given  to 
the  master  were,  to  keep  in  as  high  a  latitude  as  Cape  Breton  till  he  should  discover 
the  main  land,  and  then  to  range  the  coast  southward  till  he  should  find  the  place 
from  which  the  natives  had  been  taken.  Instead  of  observing  these  orders,  the  cap 
tain  falling  sick  on  the  passage,  made  a  southern  course,  and  first  arrived  at  the  Island 
of  Porto  Rico,  where  he  tarried  some  time  for  the  recovery  of  his  health  ;  from  thence, 
coming  northwardly,  he  fell  in  with  a  Spanish  fleet  from  the  Havannah,  by  whom 
the  ship  was  seized  and  carried  to  Spain. 

Captain  Prynne,  in  another  ship  which  sailed  from  Bristol,  with  orders  to  find 
Chalong,  and  join  with  him  in  a  survey  of  the  coast,  had  better  success;  for  though 
he  failed  of  meeting  his  consort,  yet  he  carried  home  a  particular  account  of  the 
coasts,  rivers,  and  harbors,  with  other  information  relative  to  the  country,  which 
made  so  deep  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  company,  as  to  strengthen  their 
resolution  of  prosecuting  their  enterprise. 

It  was  determined  to  send  over  a  large  number  of  people  sufficient  to  begin  a 
colony.  For  this  purpose  George  Popham  was  appointed  President ;  Raleigh  Gil 
bert,  Admiral ;  Edward  Harlon,  Master  of  Ordnance  ;  Robert  Davis,  Sergeant-Major  ; 
Elis  Best,  Marshal ;  Mr.  Seamen,  Secretary;  James  Davies,  Commander  of  the  Fort ; 
Gome  Carew,  Searcher.  All  these  were  to  be  of  the  council ;  and  besides  these,  the 
colony  consisted  of  one  hundred  men,  who  were  styled  planters.  They  sailed  from 
Plymouth,  in  two  ships,  May  31,  1607,  and  having  fallen  in  with  the  Island  of  Mona- 
higon,  August  n,  landed  at  the  mouth  of  Sagadahock,  or  Kennebec  River,  on  a  pe 
ninsula,  where  they  erected  a  storehouse,  and  having  fortified  it  as  well  as  their  cir 
cumstances  would  admit,  gave  it  the  name  of  Fort  St.  George. 

By  means  of  two  natives  whom  they  brought  with  them  to  England,  viz.,  Sket- 
warrocs,  sent  by  Gorges,  and  Dehamida,  by  Popham,  they  found  a  cordial  welcome 
among  the  Indians,  their  sachems  offering  to  conduct  and  introduce  them  to  the 
Bashaba,  or  great  chief,  whose  residence  was  at  Penobscot,  and  to  whom  it  was  ex 
pected  that  all  strangers  should  make  their  address. 

The  president,  having  received  several  invitations,  was  preparing  to  comply  with 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE   EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  101 

their  request,  and  had  advanced  some  leagues  on  his  way,  but  contrary  winds  and 
bad  weather  obliged  him  to  return,  to  the  great  grief  of  the  sachems,  who  were  to 
have  attended  him.  The  Bashaba,  hearing  of  their  disappointment,  sent  his  son  to 
visit  the  president,  and  settle  a  trade  for  furs. 

The  ships  departed  for  England  in  December,  leaving  behind  them  only  forty-five 
persons  of  the  new  colony.  The  season  was  too  far  advanced  before  their  arrival  to 
begin  planting  for  that  year,  if  there  had  been  ground  prepared  for  tillage.  They 
had  to  subsist  on  the  provisions  which  they  had  brought  from  England,  and  the  fish 
and  game  which  the  country  afforded.  The  severity  of  an  American  winter  was  new 
to  them ;  and  though  it  was  observed  that  the  same  winter  was  uncommonly  severe 
in  England,  yet  that  circumstance  being  unknown,  could  not  alleviate  their  distress. 
By  some  accident  their  storehouse  took  fire  and  was  consumed,  with  the  greater  part 
of  their  provisions,  in  the  middle  of  the  winter;  and  in  the  spring  of  1688  they  had 
the  additional  misfortune  to  lose  their  president,  Captain  Popham,  by  death.  The 
ship  which  their  friends  in  England,  by  their  united  exertions,  sent  over  with  sup 
plies,  arrived  a  few  days  after  with  the  melancholy  news  of  the  death  of  Sir  John  Pop- 
ham,  which  happened  while  she  lay  waiting  for  a  wind  at  Plymouth.  The  command 
of  the  colony  now  devolved  on  Gilbert,  but  the  next  ship  brought  an  account  of  the 
death  of  his  brother,  Sir  John  Gilbert,  which  obliged  him  to  return  to  England  to 
take  care  of  the  estate  to  which  he  succeeded.  These  repeated  misfortunes  and  dis 
appointments,  operating  with  the  disgust  which  the  new  colonists  had  taken  to  the 
climate  and  soil,  determined  them  to  quit  the  place.  Accordingly,  having  embarked 
with  their  president,  they  returned  to  England,  carrying  with  them,  as  the  fruit  of 
their  labor,  a  small  vessel  which  they  had  built  during  their  residence  here,  and  thus 
the  first  colony  which  was  attempted  in  New  England,  began  and  ended  in  one  year. 

The  country  was  now  branded  as  intolerably  cold,  and  the  body  of  the  adventur 
ers  relinquished  the  design.  Sir  Francis  Popham,  indeed,  employed  a  ship  for  some 
succeeding  years  in  the  fishing  and  fur  trade;  but  he  at  length  became  content  with 
his  losses,  and  none  of  this  company  but  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  had  the  resolution 
to  surmount  all  discouragements.  Though  he  sincerely  lamented  the  loss  of  his 
worthy  friend,  the  Chief-Justice,  who  had  zealously  joined  him  in  these  hitherto 
fruitless,  but  expensive  labors ;  yet,  "  as  to  the  coldness  of  the  clime  (he  says),  he 
had  too  much  experience  in  the  world  to  be  frighted  with  such  a  blast,  as  knowing 
many  great  kingdoms  and  large  territories  more  northerly  seated,  and  by  many  de 
grees  colder,  were  plentifully  inhabited,  and  divers  of  them  stored  with  no  better 
commodities  than  these  parts  afford,  if  like  industry,  art,  and  labor  be  used." 

Such  persevering  ardor  in  the  face  of  so  many  discouragements,  must  be  allowed 
to  discover  a  mind  formed  for  enterprise,  and  fully  persuaded  of  the  practicability 
of  the  undertaking. 

When  he  found  that  he  could  not  be  seconded  in  his'attempts  for  a  thorough  discov 
ery  of  the  country  by  others,  he  determined  to  carry  it  on  by  himself;  and  for  this  pur 
pose  he  purchased  a  ship,  and  engaged  with  a  master  and  crew  to  go  to  the  coast  of 
New  England  for  the  purpose  of  fishing  and  traffic,  the  only  inducement  which  sea 
faring  people  could  have  to  undertake  such  a  voyage.  On  board  this  ship  he  put 
RICHARD  VINES,  and  several  others  of  his  own  servants,  in  whom  he  placed  the 
fullest  confidence,  and  whom  he  hired  at  a  great  expense  to  stay  in  the  country  over 
the  winter,  and  pursue  the  discovery  of  it.  These  persons  having  left  the  ship's 


102  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

company  to  follow  their  usual  occupation  on  the  coast,  traveled  into  the  land,  and 
meeting  with  the  savages  who  had  before  returned  to  America,  by  their  assistance 
became  acquainted  with  such  particulars  as  Gorges  wished  to  know. 

Mr.  Vines  and  his  companions  were  received  by  the  Indians  with  great  hospital 
ity,  though  their  residence  among  them  was  rendered  hazardous,  both  by  a  war 
which  raged  among  them,  and  by  a  pestilence  which  accompanied  or  succeeded  it. 

This  war  and  pestilence  are  frequently  spoken  of  by  the  historians  of  New  En 
gland  as  remarkable  events  in  the  course  of  Providence,  which  prepared  the  way 
for  the  establishment  of  an  European  colony.  Concerning  the  war,  we  know  noth 
ing  more  than  this,  that  it  was  begun  by  the  Tarratenes,  a  nation  who  resided  east 
ward  of  Penobscot.  These  formidable  people  surprised  the  Bashaba,  or  chief  sachem, 
at  his  headquarters,  and  destroyed  him  with  all  his  family ;  upon  which  all  the  other 
sachems  who  were  subordinate  to  him,  quarreled  among  themselves  for  the  sover 
eignty  ;  and  in  these  dissensions  many  of  them  as  well  as  of  their  unhappy  people 
perished.  Of  what  particular  kind  the  pestilence  was,  we  have  no  certain*  informa 
tion  ;  but  it  seems  to  have  been  a  disorder  peculiar  to  the  Indians,  for  Mr.  Vines  and 
his  companions,  who  were  intimately  conversant  with  them,  and  frequently  lodged 
in  their  wigwams,  were  not  in  the  least  degree  affected  by  it,  though  it  swept  off  the 
Indians  at  such  a  prodigious  rate,  that  the  living  were  not  able  to  bury  the  dead, 
and  their  bones  were  found  several  years  after  lying  about  the  villages  where  they 
had  resided.  The  extent  of  this  pestilence  was  between  Penobscot  in  the  east,  and 
Narragansett  in  the  west.  These  two  tribes  escaped,  while  the  intermediate  people 
were  wasted  and  destroyed. 

The  information  which  Vines  obtained  for  Sir  Ferdinando,  though  satisfactory  in 
one  view,  produced  no  real  advantage  proportionate  to  the  expense.  Whilst  he  was 
deliberating  by  what  means  he  should  farther  prosecute  his  plan  of  colonization, 
Captain  Henry  Harley,  who  had  bjen  one  of  the  unfortunate  adventurers  to  Sagacla- 
hock,  came  to  him,  bringing -a  native  of  the  Island  of  Capawock,  now  called  Martha's 
Vineyard,  who  had  been  treacherously  taken  from  his  own  country  by  one  of  the  fish 
ing  ships,  and  shown  in  London  as  a  sight.  Gorges  received  this  savage,  whose  name 
was  Epenow,  with  great  pleasure  ;  and  about  the  same  time  recovered  Assacumet, 
one  of  those  who  had  been  sent  in  the  unfortunate  voyage  of  Captain  Chalong. 
These  two  Indians  at  first  scarcely  understood  each  other;  but  when  they  had  grown 
better  acquainted,  Assacumet  informed  his  old  master  of  what  he  had  learned  from 
Epenow  concerning  his  country.  This  artful  fellow  had  invented  a  story  of  a  mine 
of  gold  in  his  native  island,  which  he  supposed  would  induce  some  adventurer  to  em 
ploy  him  as  a  pilot,  by  which  means  he  hoped  to  get  home,  and  he  was  not  disap 
pointed  in  his  expectation. 

Gorges  had  engaged  the  Earl  of  Southampton,  then  commander  of  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  to  advance  one  hundred  pounds,  and  Captain  Hobson  another  hundred,  and 
also  to  go  on  the  discovery.  With  this  assistance,  Harley  sailed  in  June,  1614,  car 
rying  with  him  several  land  soldiers  and  the  two  before-mentioned  Indians,  with  a 
third  named  Wanape,  who  had  been  sent  to  Gorges  from  the  Isle  of  Wight.  On  the 
arrival  of  the  ship,  she  was  soon  piloted  to  the  Island  of  Capawock,  and  to  the 

*  Mr.  Gookin  says,  that  "he  had  discoursed  with  some  old  Indians  who  were  then  youths,  who  told 
him,  that  the  bodies  of  the  sick  were  all  over  exceeding  yellow  (which  they  described  by  pointing  to  a 
yellow  garment),  both  before  they  died  and  afterwards." 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  103 

harbor  where  Epenow  was  to  perform  his  promise.  The  principal  inhabitants  of 
the  place,  with  some  of  his  own  kinsmen,  came  on  board,  with  whom  he  held  a 
conference  and  contrived  his  escape.  They  departed,  promising  to  return  the 
next  day  with  furs  for  traffic.  Epenow  had  pretended  that  if  it  were  known 
that  he  had  discovered  the  secrets  of  his  country,  his  life  would  be  in  danger ; 
but  the  company  were  careful  to  watch  him,  and  to  prevent  his  escape,  had 
dressed  him  in  long  clothes,  which  could  easily  be  laid  hold  of,  if  there  should 
be  occasion.  His  friends  appeared  the  next  morning  in  twenty  canoes,  and 
lying  at  a  distance,  the  captain  called  them  to  come  on  board,  which  they  declining, 
Epenow  was  ordered  to  renew  the  invitation.  He,  mounting  the  forecastle,  hailed 
them  as  he  was  directed,  and  at  the  same  instant,  though  one  held  him  by  the  coat,  yet, 
being  strong  and  heavy,  he  jumped  into  the  water.  His  countrymen  then  advanced 
to  receive  him,  and  sent  a  shower  of  arrows  into  the  ship,  which  so  disconcerted  the 
crew,  that  the  prisoner  completely  effected  his  escape.  Thus  the  golden  dream  van 
ished,  and  the  ship  returned  without  having  performed  any  services  adequate  to  the 
expense  of  her  equipment. 

The  Plymouth  Company  were  much  discouraged  by  the  ill-success  of  this  advent 
ure  :  but  the  spirit  of  emulation  between  them  and  the  London  Company  proved 
very  serviceable  to  the  cause  in  which  they  were  jointly  engaged.  For  these  having 
sent  out  four  ships  under  the  command  of  Michael  Cooper,  to  South  Virginia,  Jan 
uary,  1615,  and  Captain  John  Smith,  who  had  been  employed  by  that  company,  hav 
ing  returned  to  England,  and  engaged  with  the  company  at  Plymouth,  their  hopes 
revived.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  in  concert  with  Dr.  Sutliffe,  Dean  of  Exeter,  and 
several  others,  equipped  two  vessels,  one  of  two  hundred,  the  other  of  fifty  tons,  on 
board  of  which  (besides  the  complement  of  seamen)  were  sixteen  men  who  were  destined 
to  begin  a  colony  in  New  England.  March,  1615,  when  they  had  sailed  one  hundred  and 
twenty  leagues,  the  large  ship  had  lost  her  masts  and  sprung  aleak,  which  obliged 
them  to  put  back  under  jurymasts  to  Plymouth.  From  thence  Smith  sailed  again 
(June  24)  in  a  bark  of  sixty  tons,  carrying  the  same  sixteen  men;  but  on  this  second 
voyage  was  taken  by  four  French  men-of-war  and  carried  to  France.  The  vessel  of  fifty  § 
tons,  which  had  been  separated  from  him,  pursued  her  voyage,  and  returned  in  safety  ; 
but  the  main  design  of  the  voyage,  which  was  to  effect  a  settlement,  was  frustrated. 

The  same  year  (October)  Sir  Richard  Hawkins,  by  authority  of  the  Plymouth 
Company,  of  which  he  was  president  for  that  year,  visited  the  coast  of  New  England  to 
try  what  services  he  could  do  them  in  searching  the  country  and  its  commodities ; 
but  on  his  arrival,  finding  the  natives  engaged  in  war,  he  passed  along  the  coast  to 
Virginia,  and  from  thence  returned  to  England  by  the  way  of  Spain,  where  he  dis 
posed  of  the  fish  which  he  had  taken  in  the  voyage. 

After  this,  ships  were  sent  every  season  by  the  London  and  Plymouth  Companies 
on  voyages  of  profit;  their  fish  and  furs  came  to  a  good  market  in  Europe;  but  all 
the  attempts  which  were  made  to  colonize  North  Virginia,  by  some  unforeseen  acci 
dents  failed  of  success.  Gorges,  however,  had  his  mind  still  invariably  bent  on  his 
original  plan,  and  every  incident  which  seemed  to  favor  his  views  was  eagerly 
improved  for  that  purpose.  Being  possessed  of  the  journals  and  letters  of  the  several 
voyages,  and  of  all  the  information  which  could  be  had,  and  being  always  at  hand  to 
attend  the  meetings  of  the  company,  he  contrived  to  keep  alive  their  hopes,  and  was 
the  prime  mover  in  all  their  transactions. 


104  THE    AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

t 

About  this  time  Captain  Thomas  Dormer,  who  had  been  employed  in  the  Amer 
ican  fishery,  and  had  entered  fully  into  the  same  views,  offered  his  services  to  assist 
in  prosecuting  the  discovery  of  the  country.  He  was  at  Newfoundland,  and  Gorges 
prevailed  on  the  company  to  send  Captain  Edward  Rocraft  in  a  ship  to  New  En 
gland,  with  orders  to  wait  there  till  he  should  be  joined  by  Dermer.  Rocraft,  on 
his  arrival,  met  with  a  French  interloper,  which  he  seized,  and  then  sailed  with  his 
prize  to  South  Virginia.  In  the  meantime  Dermer  went  to  England,  and,  having 
conferred  with  Gorges  and  the  company  on  the  intended  discovery,  went  out  in  a 
ship  which  Gorges  himself  owned,  hoping  to  meet  with  Rocraft,  but  was  much  per 
plexed  at  not  finding  him. 

Having  ranged  and  examined  every  part  of  the  coast,  and  made  many  useful 
observations,  which  he  transmitted  to  Gorges,  he  shaped  his  course  for  Virginia,* 
where  Rocraft  had  been  killed  in  a  quarrel,  and  his  bark  sunk.  Dermer  being  thus 
disappointed  of  his  consort,  and  of  his  expected  supplies,  returned  to  the  northward. 
At  the  Island  of  Capawock  he  met  with  Epenow,  who,  knowing  him  to  be  employed 
by  Gorges,  and  suspecting  that  his  errand  was  to  bring  him  back  to  England,  con 
spired  with  his  countrymen  to  seize  him  and  his  companions,  several  of  whom  were 
killed  in  the  fray.  Dermer  defended  himself  with  his  sword,  and  escaped,  though 
not  without  fourteen  wounds,  which  obliged  him  to  go  again  to  Virginia,  where  he 
died.  The  loss  of  this  worthy  man  was  the  most  discouraging  circumstance  which 
Gorges  had  met  with  :  as  he  himself  expresses  it,  "  made  him  almost  resolve  never 
to  intermeddle  again  in  any  of  these  courses."  But  he  had,  in  fact,  so  deeply  engaged 
in  them,  and  had  so  many  persons  engaged  with  him,  that  he  could  not  retreat  with 
honor  whilst  any  hope  of  success  remained.  Soon  after  this  a  prospect  began  to 
open  from  a  quarter  where  it  was  least  expected. 

The  patent  of  1607,  which  divided  Virginia  into  two  colonies,  expressly  provided 
that  neither  company  should  begin  any  plantation  within  one  hundred  miles  of  the 
other.  By  this  interdiction  the  middle  region  of  North  America  was  neglected,  and 
a  bait  was  laid  to  attract  the  attention  of  foreigners. 

The  adventurers  to  South  Virginia  had  prohibited  all  who  were  not  free  of  their 
company  from  planting  or  trading  within  their  limits ;  the  northern  company  had 
made  no  such  regulations ;  by  this  means  it  happened  that  the  South  Virginia  ships 
could  fish  on  the  northern  coast,  whilst  the  other  company  were  excluded  from  all 
the  privileges  in  the  southern  parts.  The  South  Virginians  had  also  made  other 
regulations  in  the  management  of  their  business,  which  the  northern  company  were 
desirous  to  imitate.  They  thought  the  most  effectual  way  to  do  this  was  to  procure 
an  exclusive  patent.  With  this  view,  Gorges,  ever  active  to  promote  the  interest 
which  he  had  espoused,  solicited  of  the  Crown  a  new  charter,  which,  by  the  interest 
of  his  friends  in  court,  was  after  some  delay  obtained.  By  this  instrument,  forty 
noblemen,  knights,  and  gentlemen  were  incorporated  by  the  style  of  "  the  Council 
established  at  Plymouth,  in  the  County  of  Devon,  for  the  Planting,  Ruling,  and 
Governing  of  New  England,  in  America."  The  date  of  the  charter  was  November 
3,  1620.  The  territory  subject  to  their  jurisdiction  was  from  the  fortieth  to  the 
forty-eighth  degree  of  north  latitude,  and  from  sea  to  sea.  This  charter  is  the 
foundation  of  all  the  grants  which  were  made  of  the  country  of  New  England. 

*  It  is  said  that  he  was  the  first  who  passed  the  whole  extent  of  Long  Island  Sound,  and  discovered 
that  it  was  not  connected  with  the  continent.  This  was  in  1619. 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  105 

Before  this  division  was  made,  a  number  of  families,  who  were  styled  Puritans,  on 
account  of  their  seeking  a  farther  reformation  of  the  Church  of  England,  which  they 
could  not  obtain,  and  who  had  retired  into  Holland  to  avoid  the  severity  of  the 
penal  laws  against  dissenters,  meditated  a  removal  to  America.  The  Dutch  were 
fond  of  retaining  them  as  their  subjects,  and  made  them  large  offers  if  they  would 
settle  in  some  of  their  transmarine  territories ;  but  they  chose  rather  to  reside  in 
the  dominions  of  their  native  prince,  if  they  could  have  liberty  of  conscience.  They 
had,  by  their  agents,  negotiated  with  the  South  Virginia  Company,  and  obtained  a 
permission  to  transport  themselves  to  America,  within  their  limits;  but  as  to  liberty 
of  conscience,  though  they  could  obtain  no  indulgence  from  the  Crown  under  hand 
and  seal,  yet  it  was  declared  that  "  the  King  would  connive  at  them,  provided  they 
behaved  peaceably."  As  this  was  all  the  favor  which  the  spirit  of  the  time  would 
allow,  they  determined  to  cast  themselves  on  the  care  of  Divine  Providence,  and 
venture  to  America.  After  several  disasters,  they  arrived  at  Cape  Cod,  in  the  forty- 
second  degree  of  north  latitude,  a  place  remote  from  the  object  of  their  intention, 
which  was  Hudson's  River.  The  Dutch  had  their  eye  on  that  place,  and  bribed 
their  pilot  not  to  carry  them  thither.  It  was  late  in  the  season  when  they  arrived ; 
their  permission  from  the  Virginia  Company  was  of  no  use  here  ;  and,  having  neither 
authority  nor  form  of  government,  they  were  obliged,  for  the  sake  of  order,  before 
they  disembarked,  to  form  themselves  into  a  body  politic,  by  a  written  instrument. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  the  colony  of  New  Plymouth  ;  and  this  event  happened 
(November  1 1,  1620)  a  few  days  after  King  James  had  signed  the  patent  for  incor 
porating  the  council.  These  circumstances  served  the  interest  of  both,  though  then 
wholly  unknown  to  each  other.  The  council,  being  informed  of  the  establishment 
of  a  colony  within  their  limits,  were  fond  of  taking  them  into  their  protection,  and 
the  colony  were  equally  desirous  of  receiving  that  protection  as  far  as  to  obtain  a 
grant  of  territory.  An  agent  being  dispatched  by  the  colony  to  England,  Sir  E. 
Gorges  interested  himself  in  the  affair,  and  a  grant  was  accordingly  made  (1623)  to 
John  Pierce,  in  trust  for  the  colony.  This  was  their  first  patent ;  they  afterward 
(1629)  had  another  made  to  William  Bradford  and  his  associates. 

One  end  which  the  council  had  in  view  was,  to  prevent  the  access  of  unauthorized 
adventurers  to  the  coast  of  New  England.  The  crews  of  their  ships,  in  their  inter 
course  with  the  natives,  being  far  from  any  established  government,  were  guilty  of 
great  licentiousness.  Besides  drunkenness  and  debauchery,  some  flagrant  enormities 
had  been  committed,  which  not  only  injured  the  reputation  of  Europeans,  but  en 
couraged  natives  to  acts  of  hostility.  To  remedy  these  evils  the  council  thought 
proper  to  appoint  an  officer  to  exercise  government  on  the  coast.  The  first  person 
who  was  sent  in  this  character  was  Captain  Francis  West,  who,  finding  the  fishermen 
too  licentious  and  robust  to  be  controlled  by  him,  soon  gave  up  this  ineffectual  com 
mand.  They  next  appointed  Captain  Robert  Gorges,  a  son  of  Sir  Ferdinando.  He 
was,  like  his  father,  of  an  active  and  enterprising  genius,  and  had  newly  returned 
from  the  Venetian  war.  He  obtained  of  the  council  a  patent  for  a  tract  of  land  on 
the  north-eastern  side  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  containing  thirty  miles  in  length  and 
ten  in  breadth,  and  by  the  influence  of  his  father,  and  of  his  kinsman  Lord  Edward 
Gorges,  he  was  dispatched  with  a  commission  to  be  "  Lieutenant-General  and  Gov 
ernor  of  New  England."  They  appointed  for  his  council  the  aforesaid  West,  with 
Christopher  Level  and  the  Governor  of  New  Plymouth  for  the  time  being.  Gorges 
U 


K>f>  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

came  to  Plymouth  in  1623,  published  his  commission,  and  made  some  efforts  to  ex 
ecute  it.  He  brought  over  with  him,  as  a  chaplain,  William  Morrell,  an  Episcopal 
clergyman.  This  was  the  first  essay  for  the  establishment  of  a  general  government 
in  New  England,  and  Morrell  was  to  have  superintendence  in  ecclesiastical  as  Gorges 
had  in  civil  affairs;  but  he  made  no  use  of  his  commission  at  Plymouth;  and  only 
mentioned  it  in  his  conversation  about  the  time  of  his  departure.*  This  general 
government  was  a  darling  object  with  the  Council  of  Plymouth,  but  was  much  dread 
ed  by  the  planters  of  New  England  ;  however,  all  the  attempts  which  were  made 
to  carry  it  into  execution  failed  of  success.  Gorges,  after  about  a  year's  residence 
in  the  country,  and  holding  one  court  at  Plymouth,  upon  a  Mr.  Weston,  who  had 
begun  a  plantation  ta  Wessagusset  (Weymouth),  where  Gorges  himself  intended  a 
settlement,  was  recalled  to  England,  the  supplies  which  he  expected  to  have  re 
ceived  having  failed.  This  failure  was  owing  to  one  of  those  cross  accidents  which 
continually  befell  the  Council  of  Plymouth.  Though  the  erection  of  this  board  was 
really  beneficial  to  the  nation,  and  gave  a  proper  direction  to  the  spirit  of  colonizing, 
yet  they  had  to  struggle  with  the  opposing  interests  of  various  sorts  of  persons. 

The  Company  of  South  Virginia,  and  indeed  the  mercantile  interest  in  general, 
finding  themselves  excluded  from  the  privilege  of  fishing  and  traffic,  complained  of 
this  institution  as  a  monopoly.  The  commons  of  England  were  growing  jealous  of 
the  royal  prerogative ;  and  wishing  to  restrain  it,  the  granting  charters  of  incorpo 
ration  with  exclusive  advantages  of  commerce  was  deemed  a  usurpation  on  the  rights 
of  the  people.  Complaints  were  first  made  to  the  King  in  council ;  but  no  disposition 
appeared  there  to  countenance  them.  It  happened,  however,  that  a  Parliament  was 
called  for  some  other  purposes  (February,  1624,)  in  which  Sir  Edward  Cook  was 
chosen  speaker  of  the  Commons.  He  was  well  known  as  an  advocate  for  the  liber 
ties  of  the  people,  and  an  enemy  to  projectors.  The  King  was,  at  first,  in  a  good 
humor  with  his  Parliament,  and  advantage  was  taken  of  a  demand  for  subsidies  to 
bring  in  a  bill  against  monopolies. 

The  House  being  resolved  into  a  committee,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  was  called 
to  the  bar,  where  the  speaker  informed  him  that  the  patent  granted  to  the  Council 
of  Plymouth  was  complained  of  as  a  grievance  ;  that  under  color  of  planting  a  colony, 
they  were  pursuing  private  gains;  that  though  they  respected  him  as  a  person  of 
worth  and  honor,  yet  the  public  interest  was  to  be  regarded  before  all  personal  con 
siderations  ;  and,  therefore,  they  required  that  the  patent  be  delivered  to  the  House. 
Gorges  answered  that  he  was  but  one  of  the  company,  inferior  in  rank  and  abilities 
to  many  others;  that  he  had  no  power  to  deliver  it  without  their  consent,  neither( 
in  fact,  was  it  in  his  custody.  Being  asked  where  it  was,  he  said  it  was,  for  aught  he 
knew,  still  remaining  in  the  crown-office,  where  it  had  been  left  for  the  amendment 
of  some  errors.  As  to  the  general  charge,  he  answered  that  he  knew  not  how  it 
could  be  a  public  grievance,  since  it  had  been  undertaken  for  the  advancement  of  re 
ligion,  the  enlargement  of  the  bounds  of  the  nation,  the  increase  of  trade,  and  the 
employment  of  many  thousands  of  people;  that  it  could  not  be  a  monopoly ;  for 
though  a  few  only  were  interested  in  the  business,  it  was  because  many  could  not  be 
induced  to  adventure  where  their  losses  at  first  were  sure,  and  their  gains  uncertain  ; 

*  This  Morrell  appears  to  have  been  a  diligent  inquirer  into  the  state  and  circumstances  of  the  country, 
its  natural  productions  and  advantages,  the  manners,  customs,  and  government  of  the  natives  :  the  result 
of  his  observations  he  wrought  into  a  poem,  which  he  printed  both  in  Latin  and  English. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  107 

and,  indeed,  so  much  loss  had  been  sustained  that  most  of  the  adventurers  themselves 
were  weary ;  that  as  to  the  profit  arising  from  the  fishery,  it  was  never  intended  to 
be  converted  to  private  use,  as  might  appear  by  the  offers  which  they  had  made  to 
all  the  maritime  cities  in  the  west  of  England  ;  that  the  grant  of  exclusive  privileges 
made  by  the  Crown,  was  intended  to  regulate  and  settle  plantations  by  the  profits 
arising  from  the  trade,  and  was,  in  effect,  no  more  than  many  gentlemen  and  lords  of 
manors  in  England  enjoyed  without  offense.  He  added  that  he  was  glad  of  an  op 
portunity  for  such  a  parliamentary  inquiry,  and  if  they  would  take  upon  themselves  the 
business  of  colonization,  he  and  his  associates  would  be  their  humble  servants  as  far 
as  lay  in  their  power,  without  any  retrospect  to  the  vast  expense  which  they  had 
already  incurred  in  discovering  and  taking  possession  of  the  country,  and  bringing 
matters  to  their  then  present  situation.  He  also  desired  that  if  anything  further  was 
to  be  inquired  into,  it  might  be  given  him  in  detail  with  liberty  of  answering  by  his 
counsel. 

A  committee  was  appointed  to  examine  the  patent  and  make  objections,  which 
were  delivered  to  Gorges,  accompanied  with  a  declaration  from  the  speaker  that  he 
ought  to  look  upon  this  as  a  favor.  Gorges,  having  acknowledged  the  favor,  em 
ployed  counsel  to  draw  up  answers  to  the  objections.  His  counsel  were  Mr.  (after 
ward  Lord)  Finch  and  Mr.  Caltrup,  afterward  Attorney-General  to  the  Court  of 
Wards.  Though  in  causes  where  the  Crown  and  Parliament  are  concerned  as  parties, 
counsel  are  often  afraid  of  wading  deeper  than  they  can  safely  return;  yet  Gorges 
was  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  his  counsel,  who  fully  answered  the  objections,  both 
in  point  of  law  and  justice;  these  answers  being  read,  the  House  asked  what  further 
he  had  to  say,  upon  which  he  added  some  observations  in  point  of  policy  to  the  fol 
lowing  effect : 

That  the  adventurers  had  been  at  great  cost  and  pains  to  enlarge  the  King's  do 
minions;  to  employ  many  seamen,  handicraftsmen,  and  laborers;  to  settle  a  flourish 
ing  plantation,  and  advance  religion  in  these  savage  countries,  matters  of  the  highest 
consequence  to  the  nation,  and  far  exceeding  all  the  advantage  which  could  be  ex 
pected  from  the  simple  course  of  fishing,  which  must  soon  have  been  given  over,  for 
that  so  valuable  a  country  could  not  long  remain  unpossessed  either  by  the  French, 
Spaniards,  or  Dutch ;  so  that  if  the  plantations  were  to  be  given  up,  the  fishery  must 
inevitably 'be  lost,  and  the  honor,  as  well  as  the  interest,  of  the  nation  greatly  suffer; 
that  the  mischief  already  done  by  the  persons  who  were  foremost  in  their  complaints 
was  intolerable,  for  in  their  disorderly  intercourse  with  the  savages  they  had  been 
guilty  of  the  greatest  excesses  of  debauchery  and  knavery,  and  in  addition  to  all  these 
immoralities,  they  had  furnished  them  with  arms  and  ammunition,  by  which  they 
were  enabled  to  destroy  the  peaceable  fishermen,  and  had  become  formidable  enemies 
to  the  planters. 

He  further  added,  that  he  had,  in  zeal  for  the  interest  of  his  country,  deeply  en 
gaged  his  own  estate,  and  sent  one  of  his  sons  to  the  American  coast,  besides  encour 
aging  many  of  his  friends  to  go  thither ;  this  he  hoped  would  be  an  apology  for  his 
earnestness  in  this  plea,  as  if  he  had  shown  less  warmth,  it  might  have  been  construed 
into  negligence  and  ingratitude. 

These  pleas,  however  earnest  and  rational,  were  to  no  purpose.  The  Parliament 
presented  to  the  King  the  grievances  of  the  nation,  and  the  patent  for  New  England 
was  the  first  on  the  list.  Gorges,  however,  had  taken  care  that  the  King  should  be  pre 


108  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

viously  acquainted  with  the  objections  and  answers,  and  James  was  so  jealous  of  the 
prerogative,  that  though  he  gave  his  assent  to  a  declaratory  act  against  monopolies  in 
general,  yet  he  would  not  recall  the  patent.  However,  in  deference  to  the  voice  of  the 
nation,  the  council  thought  fit  to  suspend  their  operations.  This  proved  for  a  while 
discouraging  to  the  spirit  of  adventure,  and  occasioned  the  recalling  of  Robert  Gorges 
from  his  government. 

But  the  Parliament  having  proceeded  with  more  freedom  and  boldness  in  their 
complaints  than  suited  the  feelings  of  James,  he  dissolved  them  in  haste,  before 
they  could  proceed  to  measures  for  remedying  the  disorders  in  Church  and  State, 
which  had  been  the  subject  of  complaint,  and  some  of  the  more  liberal  speakers  were 
committed  to  prison.  This  served  to  damp  the  spirit  of  reformation,  and  prepared 
the  way  for  another  colony  of  emigrants  to  New  England. 

About  the  same  time  the  French  Ambassador  put  in  a  claim  in  behalf  of  his 
court  to  these  territories,  to  which  Gorges  was  summoned  to  answer  before  the  King 
and  council,  which  he  did  in  so  ample  and  convincing  a  manner,  that  the  claim  was 
for  that  time  silenced.  Gorges  then,  in  the  name  of  the  Council  of  Plymouth,  com 
plained  of  the  Dutch,  as  intruders  on  the  English  possessions  in  America,  by  making 
a  settlement  on  Hudson's  River.  To  this  the  States  made  answer,  that  if  any  such 
things  had  been  done,  it  was  without  their  order,  as  they  had  only  erected  a  com 
pany  for  the  West  Indies.  This  answer  made  the  council  resolve  to  prosecute  their 
business  and  remove  their  intruders. 

Hitherto  Gorges  appears  in  the  light  of  a  zealous,  indefatigable,  and  unsuccessful 
adventurer ;  but  neither  his  labors,  expense,  no  ill  success  were  yet  come  to  a 
conclusion. 

To  entertain  a  just  view  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  we  must  consider  him  both  as 
a  member  of  the  Council  of  Plymouth,  pursuing  the  general  interest  of  American 
plantations,  and  at  the  same  tim  .•  as  an  adventurer  undertaking  a  settlement  of  his 
own  in  a  particular  part  of  the  territory  which  was  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
council.  Having  formed  an  intimacy  with  Captain  John  Mason,  Governor  of  Ports 
mouth,  in  the  County  of  Hants,  who  was  also  a  member  of  the  council,  and  having 
(1622)  jointly  with  him  procured  from  the  council  a  grant  of  a  large  extent  of  coun 
try,  which  they  called  Laconia,  extending  from  the  river  Merrimack  to  Sagadahock, 
and  from  the  ocean  to  the  lakes  and  river  of  Canada,  they  indulged  sanguine  expec 
tations  of  success.  From  the  accounts  given  of  the  country  by  some  romantic  trav 
elers,  they  had  conceived  an  idea  of  it  as  a  kind  of  terrestrial  paradise,  not  only  capa 
ble  of  producing  all  the  necessaries  and  conveniences  of  life,  but  as  already  richly  fur 
nished  by  the  bountiful  hand  of  nature.  The  air  was  said  to  be  pure  and  salubrious ; 
the  country  pleasant  and  delightful,  full  of  goodly  forests,  fair  valleys,  and  fertile 
plains ;  abounding  in  vines,  chestnuts,  walnuts,  and  many  other  sorts  of  fruit ;  the 
rivers  stored  with  fish  and  environed  with  goodly  meadows  full  of  timber  trees.  In 
the  great  lake  (Lake  Champlain)  it  was  said  were  four  islands,  full  of  pleasant  woods 
and  meadows,  having  great  store  of  stags,  sallow  deer,  elks,  roebucks,  beavers,  and 
other  game,  and  these  islands  were  supposed  to  be  commodiously  situated  for  habi 
tation  and  traffic,  in  the  midst  of  a  fine  lake,  abounding  with  the  most  delicate  fish. 
This  lake  was  thought  to  be  less  than  one  hundred  miles  distant  from  the  sea  coast, 
and  there  was  some  secret  expectation  that  mines  and  precious  stones  would  be  the 
reward  of  their  patient  and  diligent  attention  to  the  business  of  discovery.  Such 
were  the  charms  of  Laconia  ! 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  109 

It  has  been  before  observed  that  Gorges  had  sent  over  Richard  Vines,  with  some 
others,  on  a  discovery,  to  prepare  the  way  for  a  colony.  The  place  which  Vines 
pitched  upon  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  River  Saco.  Some  years  after,  another  settle 
ment  was  made  on  the  river  of  Agamenticus,  by  Francis  Norton,  whom  Gorges  sent 
over  with  a  number  of  other  people,  having  procured  for  them  a  patent  of  12,000 
acres  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  and  12,000  more  on  the  west  side;  his  son,  Fer- 
dinando  Gorges,  being  named  as  one  of  the  grantees;  this  was  the  beginning  of  the 
town  of  York.  Norton  was  a  lieutenant-colonel,  and  had  raised  himself  to  that  rank 
from  a  common  soldier  by  his  own  merit.  In  this  company  were  several  artificers, 
who  were  employed  in  building  saw-mills,  and  they  were  supplied  with  cattle  and 
other  necessaries  for  the  business  of  getting  lumber. 

About  the  same  time  (viz.,  1623)  a  settlement  was  begun  at  the  River  Piscata- 
qua  by  Captain  Mason  and  several  other  merchants,  among  whom  Gorges  had  a 
share.  The  principal  design  of  these  settlements  was  to  establish  a  permanent  fish 
ery,  to  make  salt,  to  trade  with  the  natives,  and  to  prepare  lumber  for  exportation. 
Agriculture  was  but  a  secondary  object,  though  in  itself  the  true  source  of  all  opu 
lence  and  all  subsistence. 

These  attempts  proved  very  expensive  and  yielded  no  adequate  returns.  The 
associates  were  discouraged,  and  dropped  off  one  after  another,  till  none  but  Gorges 
and  Mason  remained.  Much  patience  was  necessary,  but  in  this  case  it  could  be 
grounded  only  on  enthusiasm.  It  was  not  possible  in  the  nature  of  things  that  their 
interest  should  be  advanced  by  the  manner  in  which  they  conducted  their  business. 
Their  colonists  came  over  either  as  tenants  or  as  hired  servants.  The  produce  of  the 
plantation  could  not  pay  their  wages,  and  they  soon  became  their  own  masters. 
The  charge  of  making  a  settlement  in  such  a  wilderness  was  more  than  the  value  of 
the  lands  when  the  improvements  were  made ;  overseers  were  appointed,  but  they 
could  not  hold  the  tenants  under  command,  nor  prevent  their  changing  places  on 
every  discontent.  The  proprietors  themselves  never  came  in  person  to  superintend 
their  interests,  and  no  regular  government  was  established  to  punish  offenders  or 
preserve  order.  For  these  reasons,  though  Gorges  and  Mason  expended  from  first 
to  last  more  than  twenty  thousand  pounds  each,  yet  they  only  opened  the  way  for 
others  to  follow,  and  the  money  was  lost  to  them  and  their  posterity. 

Whilst  their  private  interest  was  thus  sinking  in  America,  the  reputation  of  the 
council  of  which  they  were  members  lay  under  such  disadvantages  in  England  as 
tended  to  endanger  their  political  existence.  As  they  had  been  incorporated  for  the 
purpose  not  merely  of  granting  lands,  but  of  making  actual  plantations  in  America, 
they  were  fond  of  encouraging  all  attempts  from  whatever  quarter,  which  might  real 
ize  their  views  and  expectations. 

The  ecclesiastical  government  at  this  time  allowed  no  liberty  to  scrupulous  con 
sciences;  for  which  reason,  many  who  had  hitherto  been  peaceable  members  of  the 
national  church,  and  wished  to  continue  such,  finding  that  no  indulgence  could  be 
granted,  turned  their  thoughts  toward  America,  where  some  of  their  brethren  had 
already  made  a  settlement.  They  first  purchased  of  the  Council  of  Plymouth  '•  large 
territory,  and  afterward  obtained  of  the  Crown  a  charter,  by  which  they  were  consti 
tuted  a  body  politic  within  the  realm.  In  June,  1630,  they  brought  their  charter  to 
America,  and  began  the  colony  of  Massachusetts.  This  proved  an  effectual  settle 
ment,  and  the  reasons  which  rendered  it  so  were  the  zeal  and  ardor  which  animated 


llo  THE    AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

their  exertions;  the  wealth  which  they  possessed,  and  which  they  converted  into 
materials  for  a  new  plantation  ;  but  principally  fo&  presence  of  the  adventurers  them 
selves  on  the  spot,  where  their  fortunes  were  to  be  expended  and  their  zeal  exerted. 
The  difference  between  a  man's  doing  business  by  himself  and  by  his  substitutes, 
was  never  more  fairly  exemplified  than  in  the  conduct  of  the  Massachusetts  planters, 
compared  with  that  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges :  what  the  one  had  been  laboring  for 
above  twenty  years  without  any  success,  was  realized  by  the  others  in  two  or  three 
years;  in  five,  they  were  so  far  advanced  as  to  be  able  to  send  out  a  colony  from 
themselves  to  begin  another  at  Connecticut;  and  in  less  than  ten,  they  founded  an 
university  which  has  ever  since  produced  an  uninterrupted  succession  of  serviceable 
men  in  Church  and  State. 

The  great  number  of  people  who  flocked  to  this  new  plantation  raised  an  alarm 
in  England.  As  they  had  manifested  their  discontent  with  the  ecclesiastical  gov 
ernment,  it  was  suspected  that  they  aimed  at  independence,  and  would  throw  off 
their  allegiance  to  the  Crown.  This  jealousy  was  so  strong,  that  a  royal  order  was 
made  to  restrain  any  from  coming  hither  who  should  not  first  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance  and  supremacy,  and  obtain  a  license  for  their  removal. 

To  refute  this  jealous  cavil  against  the  planters  of  New  England,  we  need  only 
to  observe  that  at  the  time  when  they  began  their  settlement,  and  for  many  years 
after,  the  lands  which  they  occupied  were  objects  of  envy  both  to  the  Dutch  and 
French.  The  Dutch  claimed  from  Hudson  as  far  as  Connecticut  River,  where  they 
had  erected  a  trading-house.  The  French  claimed  all  the  lands  of  New  England  ; 
and  the  governor  of  Port  Royal,  when  he  wrote  to  Governor  Winthrop,  directed  his 
letters  to  him  as  Governor  of  the  English  .at  Boston  in  Acadia.  Had  the  New  En 
gland  planters  thrown  off  their  subjection  to  the  Crown  of  England,  they  must  have 
become  a  prey  to  one  or  the  other  of  these  rival  powers.  Of  this  they  were  well 
aware,  and  if  they  had  entertained  any  idea  of  independency,  which  they  certainly 
did  not  (nor  did  their  successors  till  driven  to  it  by  Britain  herself},  it  would  have  been 
the  most  impolitic  thing  in  the  world  to  have  avowed  it,  in  the  presence  of  neighbors 
with  whom  they  did  not  wish  to  be  connected. 

This  jealousy,  however  groundless,  had  an  influence  on  the  public  councils  of  the 
nation,  as  well  as  on  the  sentiments  of  individuals,  and  contributed  to  increase  the 
prejudice  which  had  been  formed  against  all  who  were  concerned  in  the  colonization 
of  New  England.  The  merchants  still  considered  the  Council  of  Plymouth  as  monop 
olizing  a  lucrative  branch  of  trade.  The  South  Virginia  Company  disrelished  their 
exclusive  charter,  and  spared  no  pains  to  get  it  revoked.  The  popular  party  in  the 
Commons  regarded  them  as  supporters  of  the  prerogative,  and  under  the  royal 
influence.  The  high  church  party  were  incensed  against  them  as  enemies  of 
prelacy,  because  they  had  favored  the  settlement  of  the  Puritans  within  their  ter 
ritory;  and  the  King  himself  suspected  that  the  colonies  in  New  England  had  too 
much  liberty  to  consist  with  his  notions  of  government.  Gorges  was  looked 
upon  as  the  author  of  all  the  mischief;  and,  being  publicly  called  upon,  declared 
"  that  though  he  had  earnestly  sought  the  interest  of  the  plantations,  yet  he  could 
not  answer  for  the  evils  which  had  happened  by  them."  It  was  extremely  mortify 
ing  to  him  to  find  that,  after  all  his  exertions  and  expenses  in  the  service  of  the 
nation,  he  had  become  a  very  unpopular  character,  and  had  enemies  on  all  sides. 

To  remedy  these  difficulties,  he  projected   the   resignation   of  the  charter  to  the 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  J11 

Crown,  and  the  division  of  the  territory  into  twelve  lordships,  to  be  united  under 
one  general  governor.  As  the  charter  of  Massachusetts  stood  in  the  way  of  this 
project,  he,  in  conjunction  with  Mason,  petitioned  the  Crown  for  a  revocation  of  it. 
This  brought  on  him  the  ill-will  of  those  colonists  also,  who  from  that  time  regarded 
him  and  Mason  as  their  enemies.  Before  the  council  surrendered  their  charter  they 
made  grants  to  some  of  their  own  members,  of  twelve  districts,  from  Maryland  to 
St.  Croix,  among  which  the  district  from  Piscataqua  to  Sagadahock,  extending  one 
hundred  and  twenty  miles  northward  into  the  country,  was  assigned  to  Gorges.  In 
June,  1635,  the  council  resigned  their  charter,  and  petitioned  the  King  and  the  lords 
of  the  privy  council  for  a  confirmation  of  the  several  proprietary  grants,  and  the 
establishment  of  a  general  government.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  then  three-score 
years  of  age,  was  the  person  nominated  to  be  the  general  governor.  About  this 
time  Mason,  one  of  the  principal  actors  in  this  affair,  was  removed  by  death  ;  and  a 
ship,  which  was  intended  for  the  service  of  the  new  government,  fell  and  broke  in 
launching.  A  quo  warranto  was  issued  against  the  Massachusetts  charter,  but  the 
proceedings  upon  it  were  delayed,  and  never  completed.  An  order  of  the  King  in 
council  was  also  issued  in  1637,  for  the  establishment  of  the  general  government, 
and  Gorges  was  therein  appointed  governor;  but  the  troubles  in  Scotland  and 
England  at  this  time  grew  very  serious,  and  put  a  check  to  the  business.  Soon 
after,  Archbishop  Laud  and  some  of  the  lords  of  the  council,  who  were  zealous  in 
the  affair,  lost  their  authority,  and  the  whole  project  came  to  nothing. 

Gorges,  however,  obtained  of  the  Crown,  in  1639,  a  confirmation  of  his  own  grant, 
which  was  styled  the  Province  of  Maine,  and  of  which  he  was  made  Lord  Palatine, 
with  the  same  powers  and  privileges  as  the  Bishop  of  Durham  in  the  County  Palatine 
of  Durham.  In  virtue  of  these  powers,  he  constituted  a  government  within  his  said 
province,  and  incorporated  the  plantation  at  Agamenticus  into  a  city,  by  the  name 
of  Gorgcana,  of  which  his  cousin,  Thomas  Gorges,  was  mayor,  who  resided  there 
about  two  years,  and  then  returned  to  England.  The  council  for  the  administration 
of  government  were  Sir  Thomas  Josselyn,  Knight ;  Richard  Vines  (Steward) ;  Francis 
Champernoon  (a  nephew  to  Gorges) ;  Henry  Josselyn,  Richard  Boniton,  William 
Hooke,  and  Edward  Godfrey. 

The  plan  which  he  formed  for  the  government  of  his  province  was  this :  It  was 
to  be  divided  into  eight  counties,  and  these  into  sixteen  hundreds,  the  hundreds 
were  to  be  subdivided  into  parishes  and  tithings,  as  the  people  should  increase.  In 
the  absence  of  the  proprietor  a  lieutenant  was  to  preside.  A  chancellor  was  consti 
tuted  for  the  decision  of  civil  causes ;  a  treasurer  to  receive  the  revenue,  a  marshal 
for  managing  the  militia,  and  a  marshal's  court,  for  criminal  matters ;  an  admiral's 
court,  for  maritime  causes ;  a  master  of  ordnance  and  a  secretary.  These  officers 
were  to  be  a  standing  council.  Eight  deputies  were  to  be  elected,  one  from  each 
county,  by  the  inhabitants,  to  sit  in  the  same  council ;  and  all  matters  of  moment 
were  to  be  determined  by  the  lieutenant  with  advice  of  the  majority.  This  council 
were  to  appoint  justices,  to  give  licenses  for  the  sale  of  lands  subject  to  a  rent  of 
fourpence  or  sixpence  per  acre.  When  any  law  was  to  be  enacted  or  repealed,  or 
public  money  to  be  raised,  they  were  to  call  on  the  counties  to  elect  each  two 
deputies,  "  to  join  with  the  council  in  the  performance  of  the  service;"  but  nothing 
is  said  of  their  voting  as  a  separate  house.  One  lieutenant  and  eight  justices  were 
allowed  to  each  county;  two  head  constables  to  every  hundred;  one  constable  and 


112  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

four  tithingmen  to  every  parish  ;  and  in  conformity  to  the  institutions  of  King 
Alfred,  each  tithingman  was  to  give  an  account  of  the  demeanor  of  the  families 
within  his  tithing  to  the  constable  of  the  parish,  who  was  to  render  the  same  to  the 
head  constables  of  the  hundred,  and  they  to  the  lieutenant  and  justices  of  the 
county;  who  were  to  take  cognizance  of  all  misdemeanors;  and  from  them  an  appeal 
might  be  made  to  the  proprietor's  lieutenant  and  council. 

Forms  of  government  and  plans  of  settlement  are  much  more  easily  drawn  on 
paper  than  carried  into  execution.  Few  people  could  be  induced  to  become  tenants 
in  the  neighborhood  of  such  a  colony  as  Massachusetts,  where  all  were  freeholders. 
No  provision  was  made  for  public  institutions;  schools  were  unknown,  and  they  had 
no  ministers,  till,  in  pity  to  their  deplorable  state,  two  went  thither  from  Boston  on 
a  voluntary  mission,  and  were  well  received  by  them.  The  city  of  Gorgeana,  though 
a  lofty  name,  was  in  fact  but  an  inconsiderable  village;  and  there  were  only  a  few 
houses  in  some  of  the  best  places  for  navigation.  The  people  were  without  order 
and  morals,  and  it  was  said  of  some  of  them,  that  "  they  had  as  many  shares  in  a 
woman,  as  they  had  in  a  fishing  boat."  Gorges  himself  complained  of  the  prodigal 
ity  of  his  servants,  and  had  very  little  confidence  in  his  own  sons,  for  whose  aggran 
dizement  he  had  been  laboring  to  establish  a  foundation.  He  had  indeed  erected 
saw-mills  and  corn-mills,  and  had  received  some  acknowledgment  in  the  way  of  rents, 
but  lamented  that  he  had  not  reaped  the  "  happy  success  of  those  who  are  their  own 
stewards,  and  the  disposers  of  their  own  affairs." 

How  long  Gorges  continued  in  his  office  as  Governor  of  Plymouth,  does  not 
appear  from  any  materials  within  my  reach.  In  1625  he  commanded  a  chip  of  war 
in  a  squadron  under  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  which  was  sent  to  the  assistance  of 
France,  under  pretense  of  being  employed  against  the  Genoese.  But  a  suspicion 
having  arisen  that  they  were  destined  to  assist  Louis  against  his  Protestant  subjects 
at  Rochelle,  as  soon  as  they  were  arrived  at  Dieppe,  and  found  that  they  had  been 
deceived,  Gorges  was  the  first  to  break  his  orders  and  return  with  his  ship  to  En 
gland.  The  others  followed  his  example,  and  their  zeal  for  the  Protestant  religion 
was  much  applauded. 

When  the  civil  dissensions  in  England  broke  out  into  a  war,  Gorges  took  the 
royal  side ;  and  though  then  far  advanced  in  years,  engaged  personally  in  the  service 
of  the  Crown.  He  was  in  Prince  Rupert's  army  at  the  siege  of  Bristol,  in  1643  ; 
and  when  that  city  was  retaken  in  1645  by  the  Parliament's  forces,  he  was  plundered 
and  imprisoned.  His  political  principles  rendered  him  obnoxious  to  the  ruling 
powers,  and  when  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  appear  before  the  commissioners  for 
foreign  plantations,  he  was  severely  frowned  upon  and  consequently  discouraged. 

The  time  of  his  death  is  uncertain  ;  he  is  spoken  of  in  the  records  of  the  province 
of  Maine  as  dead  in  June,  1647.  Upon  his  decease  his  estate  fell  to  his  eldest  son, 
John  Gorges,  who,  whether  discouraged  by  his  father's  ill  success,  or  incapacitated  by 
the  severity  of  the  times,  took  no  care  of  the  province,  nor  do  we  find  anything 
memorable  concerning  him.  Most  of  the  commissioners  who  had  been  appointed  to 
govern  the  province  deserted  it,  and  the  remaining  inhabitants,  in  1649,  were  obliged 
to  combine  for  their  own  security.  In  1651  they  petitioned  the  Council  of  State  that 
they  might  be  considered  as  part  of  the  Commonwealth  of  England.  The  next  year, 
upon  the  request  of  a  great  part  of  the  inhabitants,  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  took 
them  under  their  protection,  being  supposed  to  be  within  the  limits  of  their  charter; 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  113 

some  opposition  was  made  to  this  step,  but  the  majority  submitted  or  acquiesced, 
and  considering  the  difficulties  of  the  times,  and  the  unsettled  state  of  affairs  in 
England,  this  was  the  best  expedient  for  their  s;curity. 

On  the  death  of  John  Gorges,  the  propriety  descended  to  his  son,  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  of  Westminster,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  information  and  activity. 
He  printed  a  description  of  New  England  in  1658,  to  which  he  annexed  a  narrative 
written  by  his  grandfather,  from  which  this  account  is  chiefly  compiled ;  but  another 
piece,  which  in  some  editions  is  tacked  to  these,  entitled  "  Wonder-working  Provi 
dences,"  was  unfairly  ascribed  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  though  written  by  a  Mr. 
Johnson,  of  Woburn,  in  New  England. 

On  the  restoration  of  King  Charles  II.,  Gorges  petitioned  the  Crown,  complaining 
of  the  Massachusetts  colony  for  usurping  the  government  of  Maine,  and  extending 
the  boundary  lines.  In  1664  commissioners  were  sent  to  America,  who,  finding  the 
people  in  the  province  of  Maine  divided  in  their  opinions  with  respect  to  matters  of 
government,  appointed  justices  in  the  King's  name  to  govern  them,  and  about  the 
same  time  the  proprietor  nominated  thirteen  commissioners,  and  prepared  a  set  of 
instructions,  which  were  entered  on  the  records  of  the  province.  But  upon  the  de 
parture  of  the  royal  commissioners,  the  colony  resumed  its  jurisdiction  over  them. 
These  two  sources  of  government  kept  alive  two  parties,  each  of  whom  were  always 
ready  to  complain  of  the  other  and  justify  themselves. 

An  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  Massachusetts  had  been  instituted  in  England,  and 
the  colony  was  ordered  to  send  over  agents  to  answer  the  complaints  of  Gorges  and 
Mason,  the  proprietors  of  New  Hampshire,  who  had  jointly  proposed  to  sell  their 
property  to  the  Crown,  to  make  a  government  for  the  Duke  of  Monmouth.  This  pro 
posal  not  being  accepted,  the  colony  themselves  took  the  hint,  and  thought  the  most 
effectual  way  of  silencing  the  complaint  would  be  to  make  a  purchase.  The  circum 
stances  of  the  province  of  Maine  were  such  as  to  favor  their  views.  The  Indians  had 
invaded  it ;  most  of  the  settlements  were  destroyed  or  deserted,  and  the  whole  coun 
try  was  in  trouble  ;  the  colony  had  afforded  them  all  the  assistance  which  was  in  their 
power,  and  they  had  no  help  from  any  other  quarter.  In  the  height  of  this  calamity 
John  Usher,  Esq.,  was  employed  to  negotiate  with  Mr.  Gorges  for  the  purchase  of 
the  whole  territory,  which  was  effected  in  the  year  1677.  The  sum  of  twelve  hundred 
and  fifty  pounds  sterling  was  paid  for  it,  and  it  has  ever  since  been  a  part  of  Massa 
chusetts.  It  is  now  formed  into  two  counties,  York  and  Cumberland  ;  but  the  Dis 
trict  of  Maine,  as  established  by  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  comprehends  also  the 
counties  of  Lincoln,  Washington,  and  Hancock ;  extending  from  Piscataqua  to  St. 
Croix,  a  territory  large  enough  when  fully  peopled  to  be  formed  into  a  distinct  State.* 


HENRY     HUDSON. 

HENRY  HUDSON — HE  SAILS  ON  A  VOYAGE  OF  DISCOVERY — ARRIVES  AT  SANDY  HOOK — THE  FIRST 
ATTEMPT  TO  SAIL  UP  THE  RIVER  MADE  BY  HIM — HOSTILITY  OF  THE  NATIVES— HE  RETURNS 
TO  ENGLAND — HE  AGAIN  SAILS— MUTINY — HUDSON'S  MISFORTUNES. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  fruitless  attempts  which  had  been  made  to  find  a  passage 
to  India  by  the  north,  the  idea  was  not  given  up  ;  but  it  was  supposed,  that  under 

*  Now  State  of  Maine. 


lit  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

the  direction  of  some  prudent,  resolute,  and  experienced  commander,  the  object 
might  yet  be  attained.  A  society  of  wealthy  and  sanguine  adventurers  in  England 
believed  the  practicability  of  the  passage,  and  with  a  resolution  and  liberality  almost 
unexampled,  raised  the  money  to  carry  on  this  expensive  undertaking.  They  gave 
the  command  of  the  expedition  to  HEXRY  HUDSON7,  a  seaman  of  enlarged  views  and 
long  experience,  in  whose  knowledge  and  intrepidity  they  could  safely  confide,  and 
whose  enterprising  spirit  was  exceeded  by  none,  and  equaled  by  few  of  his 
contemporaries. 

When  the  ship  which  they  had  destined  for  the  voyage  was  ready,  Hudson  with 
his  crew,  according  to  the  custom  of  seamen  in  that  day,  wer.t  to  church,  on  April 
19,  1607,  and  there  partook  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  On  the  ist  of  May  he  sailed 
from  Gravesend  ;  and,  on  the  2ist  of  June,  discovered  land  in  latitude  73°  on  the 
eastern  coast  of  Greenland,  which  he  called  Hold  with  Hope. 

His  design  was  to  explore  the  whole  coast  of  Greenland,  which  he  supposed  to 
be  an  island,  and,  if  possible,  to  pass  round  it,  or  else  directly  under  the  pole.  But 
having  sailed  as  far  as  the  latitude  of  82°,  he  found  the  sea  obstructed  by  impene 
trable  ice,  and  was  obliged  to  return  to  England,  where  he  arrived  on  the  1 5th  of 
September. 

By  this  voyage,  more  of  the  eastern  coast  of  Greenland  was  explored  than  had 
ever  before  been  known ;  and  the  island,  afterward  called  Spitzbcrgen,  was  first  dis 
covered.  It  also  opened  the  way  to  the  English,  and  after  them  to  the  Dutch,  to 
prosecute  the  whale-fishery  in  those  northern  seas. 

The  next  year  the  same  company  of  adventurers  resolved  to  make  another  at 
tempt,  and  sent  Hudson  again  to  find  a  passage  to  the  north-east.  He  sailed  on  the 
22d  of  August,  1608.  The  highest  latitude  to  which  he  advanced  in  this  voyage 
was  75°  30'.  After  having  made  several  attempts  to  pass  between  Spitzbergen  and 
Nova  Zembla,  which  he  found  impracticable,  the  season  was  so  far  spent  and  the 
winds  so  contrary  that  he  had  not  time  to  try  the  Strait  of  Waygats  nor  Lumley's 
Inlet ;  and  therefore  thought  it  his  "  duty  to  save  victual,  wages,  and  tackle  by  a 
speedy  return."  He  arrived  at  Gravesend  on  the  2oth  of  August. 

After  his  return  from  his  second  voyage,  he  went  over  to  Holland  and  entered 
into  the  service  of  the  Dutch.  Their  East  India  Company  fitted  out  a  ship  for  dis 
covery  and  put  him  into  the  command.  He  sailed  from  Amsterdam  on  the  25th  of 
March  1609. 

The  highest  latitude  which  he  made  in  this  voyage  was  61°  46',  where  he  found 
the  sea  in  the  neighborhood  of  Nova  Zembla  so  filled  with  ice  and  covered  with  fogs, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  pass  the  Strait  of  Waygats  to  the  eastward.  He  there 
fore  tacked  and  steered  westerly  toward  Greenland,  intending  to  fall  in  with  Buss 
Island,  which  had  been  seen  by  one  of  Frobisher's  ships  in  1578;  but  when  he  came 
into  the  latitude  where  it  was  laid  down,  he  could  not  find  it. 

He  then  steered  south-westerly,  passed  the  banks  of  Newfoundland  among  the 
French  ships  which  were  fishing  without  speaking  with  any  of  them,  and  sailed 
along  the  coast  of  America.  In  this  route  he  discovered  Cape  Cod  and  landed 
there,  then  pursued  his  course  to  the  south  and  west ;  making  remarks  on  the  sound 
ings  and  currents  till  he  came  to  the  entrance  of  Chesapeake  Bay.  Here  he  plied 
off  and  on  for  several  days,  and  then  turned  again  to  the  northward. 

In  his  return  along  the  coast  on  the  28th  of  August  he  discovered  the  great  bay, 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  115 

now  called  Delaware,  in  the  latitude  of  39°  5'.  In  this  bay  he  examined  the  sound 
ings  and  currents  and  the  appearance  of  the  land,  but  did  not  go  on  shore. 

From  this  bay,  passing  along  a  low,  marshy  coast  skirted  with  broken  islands,  on 
the  2d  of  September  he  saw  high  hills  to  the  northward,  which  I  suppose  were  the 
Neversinks  in  New  Jersey. 

On  the  4th  of  September  he  came  to  an  anchor  in  "  a  very  good  harbor  "  in  the 
latitude  40°  30',  which  is  the  bay  within  Sandy  Hook.  On  the  6th  the  boat  was 
sent  to  survey  what  appeared  to  be  the  mouth  of  a  river  distant  four  leagues.  This 
was  the  strait  called  the  Narrows,  between  Long  Island  and  Staten  Island  ;  here  was 
a  good  depth  of  water,  and  within  was  a  large  opening  and  a  narrow  river  to  the 
west,  the  channel  between  Bergen  Neck  and  Staten  Island.  As  the  boat  was  return 
ing,  it  was  attacked  by  some  of  the  natives  in  two  canoes.  One  man  (John  Colman) 
was  killed.  He  was  buried  on  a  point  of  land,  which,  from  that  circumstance,  was 
called  Colman's  Point.  It  is  probably  Sandy  Hook,  within  which  the  ship  lay. 

On  the  nth  they  sailed  through  the  Narrows  and  found  a  "good  harbor  secure 
from  all  winds."  The  next  day  they  turned  against  a  north-west  wind  into  the  mouth 
of  the  river  which  bears  Hudson's  name,  and  came  to  anchor  two  leagues  within  it. 
On  these  two  days  they  were  visited  by  the  natives,  who  brought  corn,  beans,  oysters, 
and  tobacco.  They  had  pipes  of  copper  in  which  they  smoked,  and  earthen  pots  in 
which  they  dressed  their  meat.  Hudson  would  not  suffer  them  to  stay  on  board  by 
night. 

From  the  I2th  to  the  igth  of  September  he  sailed  up  the  river,  which  he  found 
about  a  mile  wide  and  of  a  good  depth,  abounding  with  fish,  among  which  were 
"  great  store  of  salmons."  As  he  advanced,  the  land  on  both  sides  was  high  till  it 
came  very  mountainous.  This  "  hjgh  land  had  many  points,  the  channel  was  nar 
row,  and  there  were  many  eddy  winds." 

From  a  careful  enumeration  of  the  computed  distances  in  each  day's  run  as  set 
down  in  the  journal,  it  appears  that  Hudson  sailed  fifty-three  leagues.  To  this  dis 
tance  the  river  was  navigable  for  the  ship.  The  boat  went  up  eight  or  ten  leagues 
farther,  but  found  the  bottom  irregular  and  the  depth  not  more  than  seven  feet.  It 
is  evident,  therefore,  that  he  penetrated  this  river  as  far  as  where  the  city  of  Albany 
now  stands. 

The  farther  he  went  up  the  river  the  more  friendly  and  hospitable  the  natives 
appeared.  They  gave  him  skins  in  exchange  for  knives  and  other  trifles.  But  as 
he  came  down  below  the  mountains,  the  savages  were  thievish  and  troublesome, 
which  occasioned  frequent  quarrels,  in  which  eight  or  nine  of  them  were  killed.  The 
land  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river  near  its  mouth  was  called  Manahata. 

On  the  4th  of  October  he  came  out  of  the  river,  and,  without  anchoring  in  the 
bay,  stood  out  to  sea ;  and,  steering  directly  for  Europe,  on  the  /th  of  November 
arrived  "  in  the  range  of  Dartmouth  in  Devonshire."  Here  the  journal  ends. 

The  discoveries  made  by  Hudson  in  this  remarkable  voyage  were  of  great  mer 
cantile  consequence  to  his  employers.  It  has  been  said  that  he  "  sold  the  country, 
or  rather  his  right  to  it,  to  the  Dutch."  This,  however,  is  questionable.  The  sover 
eigns  of  England  and  France  laid  equal  claim  to  the  country,  and  it  is  a  matter 
which  requires  some  discussion  whether^  the  Hollanders  were  at  that  time  so  far  ad 
mitted  into  the  community  of  nations  as  to  derive  rights  which  would  be  acknowl 
edged  by  the  other  European  powers.  However,  whilst  they  were  struggling  for 


110  THE  AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

existence  among  the  nations,  they  were  growing  rich  by  their  mercantile  adventures; 
and  this  capital  discovery,  made  at  their  expense,  was  a  source  of  no  small  advan 
tage  to  them.  They  had  for  some  time  before  cast  an  eye  on  the  fur  trade,  and  had 
even  bribed  some  Frenchmen  to  admit  them  into  the  traffic  at  Acadia  and  St.  Law 
rence.  The  discovery  of  Hudson's  River  gave  them  at  once  an  entrance  of  above 
fifty  leagues  into  the  heart  of  the  American  continent,  in  a  situation  where  the  best 
furs  could  be  procured  without  any  interruption  from  either  the  French  or  the  En 
glish.  The  place  indeed  lay  within  the  claim  of  both  these  nations.  Acadia  ex 
tended  from  the  latitude  of  40°  to  48°  and  Virginia  from  34°  to  45° ;  but  the  French 
had  made  several  fruitless  attempts  to  pass  southward  of  Cape  Cod,  and  had  but 
just  begun  their  plantations  at  Acadia  and  St.  Lawrence.  The  English  had  made 
some  efforts  to  establish  colonies  in  Virginia,  one  of  which  was  struggling  for  exist 
ence  and  others  had  failed,  both  in  the  southern  and  northern  division.  Besides, 
King  James — by  a  stroke  of  'policy  peculiar  to  himself,  in  dividing  Virginia  between 
the  North  and  South  Companies — had  interlocked  each  patent  with  the  other,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  interdicted  the  patentees  from  planting  within  one  hundred  miles 
of  each  other.  This  uncertainty,  concurring  with  other  causes,  kept  the  advent 
urers  at  such  a  distance,  that  the  intermediate  country,  by  far  the  most  valuable,  lay 
exposed  to  the  intrusion  of  foreigners;  none  of  whom  knew  better  than  the  Dutch 
how  to  avail  themselves  of  the  ignorance  or  inattention  of  their  neighbors  in  pur 
suit  of  gain. 

But  whether  it  can  at  this  time  be  determined  or  not  by  what  means  the  Hol 
landers  acquired  a  title  to  the  country,  certain  it  is  that  they  understood  and  pur 
sued  the  advantage  which  this  discovery  opened  to  them.  Within  four  years  a  fort 
and  trading-house  were  erected  on  the  spot  where  Albany  is  now  built,  and  another 
fort  on  the  south-west  point  of  the  island  where  the  city  of  New  York  now  stands, 
by  a  company  of  merchants  who  had  procured  from  the  States-General  a  patent  for 
an  exclusive  trade  to  Hudson's  River. 

The  transactions  between  Hudson  and  his  Dutch  employers  arc  not  stated  in  the 
accounts  of  his  voyages.  Dr.  Forstcr  says  that  he  offered  to  undertake  another  voy 
age  in  their  service,  but  that  they  declined  it,  upon  which  he  returned  to  England, 
and  again  entered  into  the  service  of  the  company  who  had  before  employed  him. 

The  former  attempts  for  a  northern  passage  having  been  made  in  very  high  lati 
tudes,  it  was  now  determined  to  seek  for  one  by  passing  to  the  westward  of  Green 
land,  and  examining  the  inlets  of  the  American  continent.  For  this  purpose  a  ship 
was  fitted  out,  and  the  command  was  given  to  Hudson  ;  but,  unhappily,  the  com 
pany  insisted  that  he  should  take  with  him,  as  an  assistant,  one  Colburne,  a  very  able 
and  experienced  seaman.  Their  great  confidence  in  Colburne's  skill  excited  Hud 
son's  envy;  and  after  the  ship  had  fallen  down  the  river,  he  put  him  on  board  a  pink, 
bound  up  to  London,  with  a  letter  to  the  owners,  containing  the  reasons  of  his  con 
duct  ;  and  then  proceeded  on  his  voyage.  [April  22,  1610.]  This  rash  step  gave  the 
crew  an  example  of  disobedience,  which  was  so  severely  retaliated  on  himself  as  to 
prove  the  cause  of  his  ruin. 

He  went  round  the  north  of  Scotland,  through  the  Orkney  and  Faro  Islands,  and 
on  the  nth  of  May  made  the  eastern  part  of  Iceland.  Sailing  along  its  southern 
shore,  in  sight  of  the  volcanic  mountain,  Hecla,  he  put  into  a  harbor  in  the  western 
part  of  the  island,  where  he  met  with  a  friendly  reception  from  the  inhabitants,  but 


BIOGRAPHIES  OF   THE   EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  117 

found  great  dissensions  among  his  crew,  which  he  could  not  appease  without  much 
difficulty. 

Having  doubled  the  southern  promontory  of  Greenland,  he  steered  north-west 
for  the  American  continent.  In  this  passage  he  was  so  entangled  with  floating  ice, 
that  he  almost  despaired  of  getting  clear.  But  at  length,  with  much  labor  and  peril, 
he  forced  his  way  through  the  strait  and  into  the  bay  which  bears  his  name.  The 
farther  he  advanced  the  greater  were  the  murmurings  among  his  men.  He  removed 
his  mate  and  boatswain  and  put  others  in  their  places.  This  discipline  not  only 
rendered  him  more  unpopular,  but  inflamed  the  displaced  officers  with  bitter  resent 
ment  against  him. 

The  whole  summer  having  been  spent  in  examining  the  eastern  and  southern  ex 
tremities  of  the  deep  and  extensive  bay  which  he  had  discovered,  in  October  it  was 
too  late  to  return;  the  discovery  was  yet  incomplete,  and  he  was  loth  to  leave  it. 
He  had  taken  but  half  a  year's  provision  from  England.  It  was,  therefore,  necessary 
to  husband  what  was  left,  and  procure  more  by  hunting,  which  was  done  in  great 
plenty,  by  reason  of  the  numerous  flights  of  fowl  which  succeeded  each  other  through 
the  winter. 

In  November  the  ship  was  frozen  up.  Soon  after  the  gunner  died,  and  a  contro 
versy  took  place  about  dividing  his  clothes.  Hudson  was  partial  to  Henry  Green,  a 
young  man  of  a  debauched  character,  whom  he  had  taken  on  board,  and  whose  name 
was  not  on  the  ship's  books.  This  young  man  ungenerously  took  part  with  the  dis 
contented,  and  lost  Hudson's  favor. 

They  had  to  struggle  with  a  severe  winter  and  bad  accommodations,  which  pro 
duced  scorbutic  and  rheumatic  complaints.  These  were  relieved  by  a  decoction  of 
the  buds  of  a  tree  filled  with  a  balsamic  juice ;  the  liquor  was  drank,  and  the  buds 
applied  to  the  swelled  joints.  This  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  Populus  Bal- 
sainifcra. 

When  the  spring  came  on  the  birds  disappeared,  and  their  provisions  fell  short. 
To  still  the  clamor  among  the  discontented,  Hudson  injudiciously  divided  the  re 
maining  stores  into  equal  shares,  and  gave  each  man  his  portion,  which  some  de 
voured  at  once  and  others  preserved. 

The  ship  being  afloat,  he  began  to  sail  toward  the  north-west  to  pursue  -the  ob- 
j.ect  of  his  voyage,  when  (June  21,  161 1,)  a  conspiracy,  which  had  been  some  time  in 
fermentation,  broke  out  into  open  mutiny.  The  displaced  mate  and  boatswain,  ac 
companied  by  the  infamous  Green  and  others,  rose  and  took  command  of  the  ship. 
They  put  Hudson,  his  son,  the  carpenter,  the  mathematician,  and  five  others,  most 
of  whom  were  sick  and  lame,  into  the  shallop,  with  a  small  quantity  of  meal,  one 
gun  and  ammunition,  two  or  three  spears,  and  an  iron  pot;  and  then,  with  the  most 
savage  inhumanity,  turned  them  adrift.  This  is  the  last  account  of  Hudson.  Whether 
he,  with  his  unhappy  companions,  perished  by  the  sea,  by  famine,  or  by  the  savages, 
is  unknown. 

The  conspirators  put  the  ship  about  to  the  eastward,  and  hasted  to  get  out  of  the 
bay.  Near  Cape  Digges  they  met  with  seven  canoes  of  the  savages,  by  whom  they 
were  attacked.  The  perfidious  Green  was  killed,  and  three  others  wounded,  of  whom 
two  died  in  a  few  days.  The  miserable  remnant  pursued  their  course  homeward,  and 
suffered  much  by  famine;  but  at  length  arrived  in  Ireland,  and  from  thence  got  to 
England. 


118  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

This  account  of  the  unfortunate  end  of  Hudson  and  the  return  of  the  ship  is 
taken  from  a  narrative  written  by  Abacuc  Pricket,  whom  the  mutineers  preserved,  in 
hopes  that  by  his  connection  with  Sir  Dudley  Digges,  one  of  the  owners,  they 
should  obtain  their  pardon. 

The  most  astonishing  circumstance  in  this  horrid  act  of  cruelty  is  the  oath  by 
which  the  conspirators  bound  themselves  to  execute  their  plot ;  the  form  of  it  is 
preserved  by  Pricket,  and  is  in  these  words  : 

"  You  shall  swear  truth,  to  God,  your  Prince,  and  country ;  you  shall  do  nothing 
but  to  the  glory  of  God  ;  and  the  good  of  the  action  in  hand,  and  harm  to  no  man." 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  absurdity,  hypocrisy,  and  blasphemy  of  this  transaction 
will  ever  be  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  human  depravity ! 


INTRODUCTION. 

THE  beginning  of  the  colony  of  Virginia  has  been  related  in  the  life  of  Captain 
John  Smith;  to  whose  ingenuity,  prudence,  patience,  activity,  industry,  and  resolu 
tion  its  subsistence  during  the  first  three  years  is  principally  to  be  ascribed.  It 
would  have  been  either  deserted  by  the  people  or  destroyed  by  the  natives  had  he 
not  encouraged  the  former  by  his  unremitted  exertions,  and  struck  an  awe  into  the 
latter  by  his  military  address  and  intrepidity. 

The  views  of  the  adventurers  in  England  were  intent  on  present  gain  ;  and  their 
strict  orders  were  to  preserve  peace  with  the  natives.  Neither  of  these  could  be 
realized.  Cultivation  is  the  first  object  in  all  new  plantations  ;  this  requires  time  and 
industry;  and,  till  the  wants  of  the  people  could  be  supplied  by  their  own  labor,  it 
was  necessary  to  have  some  dependence  on  the  natives  for  such  provisions  as  they  could 
spare  from  their  own  consumption  ;  and  when  the  supply  could  not  be  obtained  by  fair 
bargain,  it  was  thought  necessary  to  use  stratagem  or  force.  Those  who  were  on  the 
spot  were  the  best  judges  of  the  time  and  occasion  of  using  those  means ;  but  they 
were  not  permitted  to  judge  for  themselves.  The  company  of  adventurers  undertook 
to  prescribe  rules,  to  insist  on  a  rigorous  execution  of  them,  and  to  form  various 
projects  which  could  never  be  carried  into  effect.  In  short,  they  expected  more 
from  their  colony  than  it  was  possible  for  it  to  produce  in  so  short  a  time,  with 
such  people  as  they  sent  to  reside  there,  and  in  the  face  of  so  many  dangers  and 
difficulties,  which  were  continually  presented  to  them. 

After  the  arrival  of  Captain  Newport  in  England  from  his  third  voyage,  the 
Company  of  South  Virginia,  disappointed  and  vexed  at  the  small  returns  which  the 
ships  brought  home,  determined  on  a  change  of  system  ;  they  solicited  and  obtained 
of  the  Crown  a  new  charter  (May  23,  1609),  and  took  into  the  company  a  much 
greater  number  of  adventurers  than  before.  Not  less  than  six  hundred  and  fifty- 
seven  names  of  persons  arc  inserted  in  the  charter,  many  of  whom  were  noblemen, 
and  gentlemen  of  fortune,  and  merchants;  besides  fifty-six  incorporated  companies 
of  mechanics  in  the  city  of  London  ;  and  room  was  left  for  the  admission  of  more. 
The  government  at  home  was  vested  in  a  council  of  fifty-two  persons,  named  in  the 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  119 

charter;  at  the  head  of  which  was  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  the  former  treasurer;  and  all 
vacancies  which  might  happen  in  the  council  were  to  be  filled  by  the  vote  of  a 
majority  of  the  company  legally  assembled.  This  council  in  England  had  the  power 
of  appointing  governors  and  other  officers  to  reside  in  Virginia,  and  of  making  laws 
and  giving  instructions  for  the  government  of  the  colony.  In  consequence  of  this 
power  the  treasurer  and  council  constituted  the  following  officers : 

Sir  Thomas  West,  Lord  Delaware,  Captain-General ;  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Lieu- 
tenant-General ;  Sir  George  Somcrs,  Admiral  ;  Captain  Christopher  Newport,  Vice- 
Admiral ;  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  High  Marshal ;  and  Sir  Ferdinando  Wainman,  General 
of  Horse. 

Several  other  gentlemen,  whose  names  arc  not  mentioned,  were  appointed  to 
other  offices,  all  of  which  were  to  be  holden  during  life.  This  may  seem  a  strange 
way  of  appointing  officers  in  a  new  colony,  especially  when  the  charter  gave  the 
council  power  to  revoke  and  discharge  them.  But  it  is  probable  that  these  gentle 
men  had  friends  in  the  company  who  were  persons  of  wealth  and  influence,  and  who 
thought  the  offices  not  worthy  of  their  acceptance  unless  they  could  hold  them  long 
enough  to  make  their  fortunes.  The  example  of  Columbus  might  have  served  as  a 
precedent,  who  had  the  office  of  Admiral  of  the  West  Indies,  not  only  for  life,  but 
as  an  inheritance  to  his  posterity. 


0V   THE 


[UNIVERSITY; 
SIR  THOMAS  SMITH/ 

SIR  THOMAS  SMITH — HE  IS  CALUMNIATED — DECREE  OF  CHANCERY  IN  HIS  FAVOR— HE  RESIGNS 
HIS  OFFICE  OF  TREASURER  OF  THE  VIRGINIA  COMPANY— TWO  THOUSAND  ACRES  OF  LAND 
GRANTED  TO  HIM  IN  VIRGINIA— SIR  EDWIN  SANDYS,  TREASURER  OF  THE  VIRGINIA  COM 
PANY — LOTTERIES— SUPPLIES  OBTAINED  CY  THEM  FOR  VIRGINIA— TEN'ACIOUSNESS  OF  KING 
JAMES. 

ALL  which  is  known  with  certainty  of  this  gentleman  is,  that  he  was  a  London 
merchant  of  great  wealth  and  influence,  Governor  of  the  East  India  and  Muscovy 
Companies,  and  of  the  company  associated  for  the  discovery  of  a  north-west  passage  ; 
that  he  had  been  sent  (1604)  Ambassador  from  King  James  to  the  Emperor  of  Russia ; 
that  he  was  one  of  the  assignees  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  patent,  and  thus  became  in 
terested  in  the  colony  of  Virginia.  He  had  been  treasurer  of  the  company  under 
their  first  charter,  and  presided  in  all  the  meetings  of  the  council  and  of  the  company 
in  England  ;  but  he  never  came  to  America. 

It  is  unfortunate  for  the  memory  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith  that  both  the  company 
and  colony  of  South  Virginia  were  distracted  by  a  malevolent  party  spirit;  and  that 
he  was  equally  an  object  of  reproach  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  panegyric  on  the 
other.  To  decide  on  the  merit  or  demerit  of  his  character,  at  this  distance  of  time, 
would,  perhaps,  require  more  evidence  than  can  be  produced  ;  but  candor  is  due  to 
the  dead  as  well  as  to  the  living. 

He  was  a  warm  friend  of  Captain  John  Smith,  who,  in  his  account  of  Virginia. 


12A  THE    AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

speaks  of  him  with  respect,  as  a  diligent  and  careful  overseer,  especially  in  sending 
supplies  to  the  colony  during  hi3  residence  there ;  and  after  his  return  to  England  he 
depended  on  Sir  Thomas  and  the  council  for  those  accounts  of  the  colony  which  he 
has  inserted  in  his  history,  subsequent  to  that  period. 

In  a  dedication  prefixed  to  a  narrative  of  the  shipwreck  of  Sir  George  Somers  on 
the  Island  of  Bermuda,  Sir  Thomas  is  complimented  in  the  following  manner: 
"  Worthy  sir,  if  other  men  were  like  you,  if  all  as  able  as  you  are  were  as  willing,  we 
should  sec  a  flourishing  Christian  church  and  commonwealth  in  Virginia.  But  let 
this  be  your  consolation,  there  is  one  that  is  more  able  and  willing  than  you,  even 
the  God  of  heaven  and  earth.  And  know  further,  for  your  comfort,  that  though  the 
burden  lie  on  you  and  a  few  more,  yet  are  there  many  honorable  and  worthy  men  of 
all  sorts  who  will  never  shrink  from  you.  Go  on,  therefore,  with  courage  and  con 
stancy,  and  be  assured  that  though  by  your  honorable  embassages  and  employments, 
and  by  your  charitable  and  virtuous  courses  you  have  gained  a  worthy  reputation  i;i 
this  world,  yet  nothing  that  you  ever  did  or  suffered  more  honors  you  in  the  eyes  of 
all  that  are  godly-wise  than  your  faithful  and  unwearied  prosecution,  your  continual 
and  comfortable  assistance  of  those  foreign  plantations." 

But  though  flattered  and  complimented  by  his  admirers,  yet  he  had  enemies  both 
among  the  company  in  England  and  the  colonists  in  Virginia.  By  some  of  his  asso 
ciates  he  was  accused  of  favoring  the  growth  of  tobacco  in  the  colony  to  the  neglect 
of  other  staple  commodities  which  the  country  was  equally  capable  of  producing.  It 
was  also  alleged,  that  instead  of  a  body  of  laws  agreeable  to  the  English  Constitution, 
a  book  had  been  printed  and  dedicated  to  him,  and  sent  to  Virginia  by  his  own 
authority,  and  without  the  order  or  consent  of  the  company,  containing  "laws  written  in 
blood,"  which,  though  they  might  serve  for  a  time  of  war,  being  mostly  translated 
from  the  martial  law  of  the  United  Netherlands,  yet  were  destructive  of  the  liberties 
of  English  subjects  and  contrary  to  the  express  letter  of  the  royal  charter.  For  this 
reason  many  people  in  England  were  deterred  from  emigrating  to  Virginia,  and 
many  persons  in  the  colony  were  unjustly  put  to  death. 

In  the  colony  the  clamor  against  him  was  still  louder.  It  was  there  said,  that  he 
had  been  most  scandalously  negligent,  if  not  corrupt,  in  the  matter  of  supplies;  that 
in  a  certain  period  called  the  "  starving  time,"  the  allowance  for  a  man  was  only 
eight  ounces  of  meal  and  a  half-pint  of  peas  per  day,  and  that  neither  of  them  were 
fit  to  be  eaten  ;  that  famine  obliged  many  of  the  people  to  fly  to  the  savages  for  re 
lief,  who,  being  retaken,  were  put  to  death  for  desertion;  that  others  were  reduced 
to  the  necessity  of  stealing,  which,  by  his  sanguinary  laws,  was  punished  with  ex 
treme  rigor;  that  the  sick  and  infirm,  who  were  unable  to  work,  were  denied  the  al 
lowance,  and  famished  for  want;  that  some,  in  these  extremities,  dug  holes  in  the 
earth,  and  hid  themselves  till  they  perished  ;  that  the  scarcity  was  "  so  lamentable," 
that  they  were  constrained  to  eat  dogs,  cats,  snakes,  and  even  human  corpses ;  that 
one  man  killed  his  wife,  and  put  her  flesh  in  pickle,  for  which  he  was  burnt  to  death. 
These  calamities  were,  by  the  colonists,  so  strongly  and  pointedly  laid  to  the  charge 
of  the  treasurer,  that  when  they  had  found  a  mare  which  had  been  killed  by  the 
Indians,  and  were  boiling  her  flesh  for  food,  they  wished  Sir  Thomas  was  in  the  same 
kettle.  A  list  of  these  grievances  was  presented  to  King  James,  and  in  the  conclu- 
sion  of  the  petition  they  begged  his  Majesty  that  "  rather  than  be  reduced  to  live 
under  the  like  government  again,  he  would  send  over  commissioners  to  hang  them.'' 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  121 

In  answer  to  these  accusations,  it  was  said,  that  the  original  ground  of  all  these 
calamities  was  the  unfortunate  shipwreck  of  a  vessel  loaded  with  supplies,  on  the 
Island  of  Bermuda.  This  happened  at  a  time  when  Captain  John  Smith  was  dis 
abled  and  obliged  to  quit  the  colony,  which  had  been  supported  in  a  great  measure 
by  his  exertions.  Another  source  of  the  mischief  was  the  indolence  of  the  colonists 
themselves  ;  who  regarded  only  the  present  moment,  and  took  no  care  for  the  future. 
This  indolence  was  so  great,  that  they  would  eat  their  fish  raw  rather  than  go  to  a 
small  distance  from  the  water  for  wood  to  dress  it.  When  there  was  a  plenty  of 
sturgeon  in  the  river,  they  would  not  take  any  more  than  to  serve  their  present 
necessity,  though  they  knew  the  season  was  approaching  when  these  fish  return  to 
the  sea ;  nor  did  they  take  care  to  preserve  their  nets,  but  suffered  them  to  perish 
for  want  of  drying  and  mending.  Another  cause  was  the  dishonesty  of  those  who 
were  employed  in  procuring  corn  from  the  natives ;  for,  having  accomplished  their 
object,  they  went  to  sea,  and  turned  pirates  ;  some  of  them  united  with  other  pirates, 
and  those  who  got  home  to  England,  protested  that  they  were  obliged  to  quit  Vir 
ginia  for  fear  of  starving.  Besides,  it  was  said  that  when  ships  arrived  with  provision, 
it  was  embezzled  by  the  mariners,  and  the  articles  intended  for  traffic  with  the 
Indians,  were  privately  given  away  or  sold  for  a  trifle  ;  and  some  of  the  people  ven 
turing  too  far  into  their  villages  were  surprised  and  killed. 

The  story  of  the  man  eating  his  dead  wife  was  propagated  in  England  by  some 
of  the  deserters ;  but  when  it  was  examined  afterward  by  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  it 
proved  to  be  no  more  than  this:  One  of  the  colonists,  who  hated  his  wife,  secretly 
killed  her;  then,  to  conceal  ths  murder,  cut  her  body  in  pieces,  and  hid  them  in 
different  parts  of  the  house.  When  the  woman  was  missed,  the  man  was  suspected  ; 
his  house  was  searched,  and  the  pieces  were  found.  To  excuse  his  guilt,  he  pleaded 
that  his  wife  died  of  hunger,  and  that  he  daily  fed  on  her  remains.  His  house  was 
again  searched,  and  other  food  was  found  ;  on  which  he  was  arraigned,  confessed  the 
murder,  and  was  put  to  death — being  burned,  according  to  law. 

Though  calumniated  both  in  England  and  America,  Sir  Thomas  Smith  did  not 
want  advocates;  and  his  character  for  integrity  was  so  well  established  in  England, 
that  when  some  of  the  company  who  had  refused  to  advance  their  quotas,  pleaded 
his  negligence  and  avarice  in  their  excuse,  the  Court  of  Chancery,  before  whom  the 
affair  was  carried,  gave  a  decree  against  them,  and  they  were  compelled  to  pay  the 
sums  which  they  had  subscribed. 

The  charges  against  him  were  equally  leveled  against  the  council  and  company ; 
and  by  their  order  a  declaration  was  published,  in  which  the  misfortunes  of  the 
colony  are  thus  summarily  represented  :  "Cast  up  the  reckoning  together,  want  of 
government,  store  of  idleness,  their  expectations  frustrated  by  the  traitors,  their 
market  spoiled  by  the  mariners,  their  nets  broken,  the  deer  chased,  their  boats  lost, 
their  hogs  killed,  their  trade  with  the  Indians  forbidden,  some  of  their  men  fled, 
some  murdered,  and  most  by  drinking  the  brackish  water  of  James  Fort,  weakened 
and  endangered  ;  famine  and  sickness  by  all  these  means  increased.  Here  at  home 
the  monies  came  in  so  slowly,  that  the  Lord  Delaware  could  not  be  despatched  till 
the  colony  was  worn  and  spent  with  difficulties.  Above  all,  having  neither  ruler  nor 
preacher,  they  feared  neither  God  nor  man,  which  provoked  the  Lord,  and  pulled 
down  His  judgments  upon  them." 

Sir  Thomas  Smith  continued  in  his  office  of  treasurer  till  1619;  when  the  preju- 
16 


122  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

dice  against  him  became  so  strong,  that  by  the  interest  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who 
hated  him,  his  removal  was  in  contemplation.  At  the  same  time,  Sir  Thomas,  be 
ing  advanced  in  years  and  infirmities,  having  grown  rich,  and  having  a  Sufficiency  of 
business  as  Governor  of  the  East  India  Company,  thought  it  prudent  to  retire  from 
an  office  of  so  great  a  responsibility,  attended  with  so  much  trouble  and  so  little  ad 
vantage,  and  accordingly  sent  in  his  resignation  to  the  Council  of  Virginia.  His  friends 
would  have  dissuaded  him  from  this  measure,  but  he  was  inflexible.  Sir  Edwin 
Sandys  was  elected  his  successor ;  a  gentleman  of  good  understanding  and  great  ap 
plication  to  business.  At  his  motion,  a  gratuity  of  2,000  acres  of  land  in  Virginia 
was  granted  to  Sir  Thomas.  He  had  been  in  office  upwards  of  twelve  years,  in  which 
time  the  expenses  of  the  plantation  had  amounted  to  £80,000;  and  though  he  had 
declared  that  he  left  £4,000  for  his  successor  to  begin  with,  yet  it  was  found,  on 
examination,  that  the  company  was  in  debt  to  a  greater  amount  than  that  sum. 

Several  ways  were  used  for  the  raising  of  supplies  to  carry  on  the  colonization  of 
Virginia.  One  was  by  the  subscriptions  of  the  members  of  the  company  ;  another 
was  by  the  voluntary  donations  of  other  people ;  and  a  third  was  by  lotteries. 
Subscriptions,  if  not  voluntarily  paid,  were  recoverable  by  law ;  but  this  method  was 
tedious  and  expensive.  Donations  were  precarious,  and  though  liberal  and  well  in 
tended,  yet  they  sometimes  consisted  only  of  books  and  furniture  for  churches  and 
colleges,  and  appropriations  for  the  education  of  Indian  children.  Lotteries  were  be 
fore  this  time  unknown  in  England  ;  but  so  great  was  the  rage  for  this  mode  of  raising 
money,  that  within  the  space  of  six  years  the  sum  of  £29,000  was  brought  into  the 
treasury.  This  was  "  the  real  and  substantial  food  with  which  Virginia  was  nour 
ished."  The  authority  on  which  the  lotteries  were  grounded  was  the  charter  of 
King  James  (1609),  and  so  tenacious  was  this  monarch  of  his  prerogative,  that  in 
a  subsequent  proclamation  he  vainly  interdicted  the  "  speaking  against  the  Virginian 
Lottery."  Yet  when  the  House  of  Commons  (1621)  began  to  call  in  question  some 
of  the  supposed  rights  of  royalty,  these  lotteries  and  the  proclamation  which  en 
forced  them  were  complained  of  and  presented  among  the  grievances  of  the  nation. 
On  that  occasion  an  apology  was  made  by  the  King's  friends,  "  that  he  never  liked 
the  lotteries,  but  gave  way  to  tliem  because  he  was  told  that  Virginia  could  not  sub 
sist  without  them,"  and  when  the  Commons  insisted  on  their  complaint,  the  mon 
arch  revoked  the  license  by  an  order  of  council,  in  consequence  of  which  the  treas 
ury  of  the  company  was  almost  without  resources. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  123 

THOMAS  LORD  DELAWARE,  SIR  THOMAS  GATES,  SIR  GEO. 
SOMERS,  CAPTAIN  CHRISTOPHER  NEWPORT,  SIR  THOS. 
DALE,  SIR  FERDINANDO  WAINMAN. 

LORD  DELAWARE  —  ARRIVES  IN  VIRGINIA  —  HE  BUILDS  TWO  FORTS  ON  JAMES  RIVER  —  HE 
LEAVES  VIRGINIA — ARRIVES  AT  THE  WESTERN  ISLANDS — DANIEL  GOOK1N  SETTLES  IN  VIR 
GINIA — HE  REMOVES  TO  NEW  ENGLAND— SIR  THOMAS  DALE,  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA — HIS 
ENERGETIC  PROCEEDINGS — HIS  CHARACTER  AS  GOVERNOR — SIR  THOMAS  GATES— HIS  ARRI 
VAL  IN  VIRGINIA  AS  GOVERNOR — HIS  RETURN  TO  ENGLAND— SIR  GEORGE  SOMERS,  ADMIRAL 
OF  VIRGINIA — DISPUTE  WITH  GATES  ABOUT  RANK — HE  IS  WRECKED  ON  BERMUDA  ISLAND — 
HE  ARRIVES  IN  VIRGINIA — HIS  DEATH,  BURIAL,  AND  MONUMENT— CHRISTOPHER  NEWPORT, 
COMMANDER  IN  THE  NAVY  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH — NEW  YORK  FIRST  SETTLED — SIR  FER 
DINANDO  WAINMAN— HIS  ARRIVAL  IN  VIRGINIA— HIS  DEATH— DEATH  OF  LORD  DELAWARE. 

THE  history  of  these  persons  is  so  blended  that  a  separate  account  of  each  can 
not  be  written  from  any  materials  in  my  possession.  Their  characters,  however,  may 
be  distinguished  in  a  few  words,  before  I  proceed  to  the  history  of  their  united  trans 
actions  in  the  employment  of  the  company  and  colony  of  Virginia. 

Lord  DELAWARE  is  said  to  have  been  a  worthy  peer  of  an  ancient  family,  a  man 
of  fine  parts  and  of  a  generous  disposition,  who  took  much  pains,  and  was  at  a  great 
expense  to  establish  the  colony,  in  the  service  of  which  he  suffered  much  in  his 
health,  and  finally  died  at  sea  (1618),  in  his  second  voyage  to  America,  in  or  near  the 
mouth  of  the  bay  which  bears  his  name. 

Sir  THOMAS  GATES  was  probably  a  land  officer;  between  him  and  Sir  George 
Somers  there  was  not  that  cordial  harmony  which  is  always  desirable  between  men 
who  are  engaged  in  the  same  business.  Excepting  this,  nothing  is  said  to  his 
disadvantage. 

Sir  GEORGE  SOMERS  was  a  gentleman  of  rank  and  fortune,  of  approved  fidelity 
and  indefatigable  industry  ;  an  excellent  sea  commander,  having  been  employed  in 
the  navy  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  having  distinguished  himself  in  several  actions 
against  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies.  At  the  time  of  his  appointment  "to  be 
Admiral  of  Virginia,  he  was  above  sixty  years  of  age.  His  scat  in  Parliament  was 
vacated  by  his  acceptance  of  a  colonial  commission.  He  died  in  the  service  of  the 
colony  (1610)  at  Bermuda,  highly  esteemed  and  greatly  regretted. 

CHRISTOPHER  NEWPORT  was  a  mariner  of  ability  and  experience  in  the  Amer 
ican  seas.  He  had  been  a  commander  in  the  navy  of  Elizabeth,  and,  in  1595,  had 
conducted  an  expedition  against  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies,  where,  with  three 
or  four  ships,  he  plundered  and  burned  some  towns,  and  took  several  prizes,  with  a 
considerable  booty.  He  was  a  vain,  empty,  conceited  man,  and  very  fond  of  parade. 
By  the  advantage  of  going  to  and  fro  he  gained  the  confidence  of  the  council  and 
company  in  England  ;  and  whatever  he  proposed  was  adopted  by  them.  Some 
traits  of  his  character  have  been  given  in  the  life  of  Captain  John  Smith.  In  1651 
he  imported  fifty  men,  and  seated  them  on  a  plantation,  which  he  called  Newport's 
News.  Daniel  Gookin  came  with  a  cargo  of  cattle  from  Ireland,  and  settled  first  on 
this  plantation.  He  afterward  removed  to  New  England. 

Sir  THOMAS  DALE  is  said  to  have  been  a  gentleman  of  much  honor,  wisdom,  and 


THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

experience.  To  him  was  entrusted  the  execution  of  the  laws  sent  over  by  Sir 
Thomas  Smith  ;  which,  though  perhaps  necessary  at  that  time  (1611),  when  so  many 
turbulent  and  refractory  persons  were  to  be  governed,  yet  were  subversive  of  that 
freedom  which  Englishmen  claimed  as  their  birthright,  and  gave  too  much  power 
into  the  hands  of  a  governor.  Though  his  administration  was  marked  with  rigor 
and  severity,  yet  he  did  much  toward  advancing  the  settlements.  -On  a  high  neck 
of  land  in  James  River,  named  Vnrina,  he  built  a  town,  which  he  called  Henrico,  in 
honor  of  Prince  Henry,  the  remains  of  which  were  visible  when  Mr.  Stith  wrote  his 
history  (1/46).  On  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  he  made  a  plantation  on  lands 
from  which  he  expelled  the  Indians,  and  called  it  New  Bermuda.  He  stayed  in  Vir 
ginia  about  five  years,  and  returned  to  England  (1616),  after  which  there  is  no  farther 
account  of  him. 

Of  Sir  FERDIXAXDO  WAIXMAN  nothing  is  said,  but  that  he  died  soon  after  his 
arrival  in  Virginia  with  Lord  Delaware,  in  the  summer  of  1610. 

When  the  new  charter  of  Virginia  was  obtained,  the  council  and  company  imme 
diately  equipped  a  fleet,  to  carry  supplies  of  men  and  women,  with  provisions  and 
other  necessaries,  to  the  colony.  The  fleet  consisted  of  seven  ships,  in  each  of 
which,  beside  the  captain,  went  one  or  more  of  the  counselors  or  other  officers  of  the 
colony;  and  though  there  was  a  dispute  about  rank  between  two  officers,  Sorr.ers 
and  Gates,  they  were  placed  in  one  bhip  with  Newport,  the  third  in  command.  The 
Governor-General,  Lord  Delaware,  did  not  sail  with  this  fleet ;  but  waited  till  the 
next  year,  to  go  with  a  further  supply.  The  names  of  the  ships  and  their  com 
manders  were  as  follows : 

The  Sea- Advent urc,  Admiral  Sir  George  Somers,  with  Sir  Thomas  Gates  and  Cap 
tain  Christopher  Newport;  the  Diamond,  Captain  Radcliffc  and  Captain  King;  the 
Falcon,  Captain  Martin  and  Master  Nelson  ;  the  Blessing,  Gabriel  Archer  and  Captain 
Adams;  the  Unity,  Captain  Wood  and  Master  Pctt ;  the  Lion,  Captain  Webb;  the 
Sivalloiu,  Captain  Moone  and  Master  Somers. 

The  fleet  was  attended  by  two  smaller  vessels,  one  of  which  was  a  ketch,  com 
manded  by  Matthew  Fitch ;  the  other  a  pinnace,  in  which  went  Captain  Davies  and 
Master  Davies. 

This  fleet  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  the  2<\  day  of  June,  1609.  Though  their 
orders  were  not  to  go  by  the  old  route  of  the  Canaries  and  the  West  Indies,  but  to 
steer  directly  for  Virginia,  yet  they  went  as  far  southward  as  the  twenty-sixth  degree 
of  latitude ;  where  the  heat  was  so  excessive  that  many  of  the  people  were  taken 
with  calentures.  In  two  ships  thirty-two  persons  died ;  others  suffered  severely,  and 
one  vessel  only  was  free  from  sickness. 

The  whole  fleet  kept  company  till  the  24th  of  July,  when  they  supposed  them 
selves  to  be  within  eight  days'  sail  of  Virginia,  stretching  to  the  north-west,  and 
crossing  the  Gulf  Stream.  On  that  day  began  a  violent  tempest  from  the  north 
east,  accompanied  with  a  horrid  darkness,  which  continued  forty-four  hours.  In  this 
gale  the  fleet  was  scattered.  The  Admiral's  ship,  on  board  of  which  was  the  com 
mission  for  the  new  government,  with  the  three'  principal  officers,  was  wrecked  on 
the  Island  of  Bermuda.  The  ketch  foundered  at  sea.  The  remainder,  much  dam 
aged  and  distressed,  arrived  one  after  another  in  James  River,  about  the  middle  of 
August. 

The  provisions  brought  by  these  ships  were  insufficient  for  the  colony  and  the 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  125 

passengers.  This  deficiency  proved  very  detrimental,  and  occasioned  the  miseries 
and  reproaches  which  have  been  already  mentioned.  The  space  of  ten  months,  from 
August,  1609,  to  the  arrival  of  Lord  Delaware,  in  June,  1610,  was  known  in  Virginia 
for  many  years  after  by  the  name  of  "  the  starving  time."  But  the  want  of  provision 
was  not  the  only  deficiency  ;  there  was  a  total  want  of  principle  and  of  order. 

Of  the  company  who  arrived  at  this  time  the  following  description  is  given  by  a 
native  Virginian :  "  A  great  part  of  them  consisted  of  unruly  sparks,  packed  off  by 
their  friends,  to  escape  a  worse  destiny  at  home.  The  rest  were  chiefly  made  up  of 
poor  gentlemen,  broken  tradesmen,  rakes  and  libertines,  footmen,  and  such  others  as 
were  much  fitter  to  ruin  a  commonwealth  than  to  help  to  raise  or  maintain  one.  This 
lewd  company  were  led  by  their  seditious  captains  into  many  mischiefs  and  extrava 
gancies.  They  assumed  the  power  of  disposing  of  the  government ;  and  conferred 
it  sometimes  on  one  and  sometimes  on  another.  To-day  the  old  commission 
must  rule,  to-morrow  the  new,  and  the  next  day  neither.  All  was  anarchy  and 
distraction." 

Such  being  the  character  of  the  people,  there  could  not  have  been  any  great 
hope  of  success,  if  the  whole  fleet  had  arrived  in  safety. 

The  Admiral's  ship  had  on  board  a  great  quantity  of  provision.  She  was  sepa 
rated  from  the  fleet  in  the  storm,  and  sprang  aleak  at  sea,  so  that  with  constant 
pumping  and  baling  they  could  scarcely  keep  her  above  water  for  three  days  and 
four  nights ;  during  which  time  Sir  George  Somers  did  not  once  leave  the  quarter 
deck.  The  crew,  worn  out  with  fatigue  and  despairing  of  life,  broached  the  strong 
liquors,  and  took  leave  of  each  other  with  an  inebriating  draught,  till  many  of  them 
fell  asleep.  In  this  dreadful  extremity  Sir  George  discovered  land  ;  the  news  of 
which  awoke  and  revived  them,  and  every  man  exerted  himself  to  do  his  duty.  At 
length  the  ship  struck  ground  in  such  a  position  between  two  rocks,  at  the  distance  of 
half  a  mile  from  the  shore,  that  the  people  and  a  great  part  of  the  cargo  were  safely 
landed. 

The  Bermuda  Islands  were  uninhabited,  and  had  the  reputation  of  being  en 
chanted.  But  when  the  people  were  on  shore  they  found  the  air  pure  and  salubrious, 
and  fruits  of  various  kinds  growing  in  luxuriant  plenty  and  perfection.  The  shore 
was  covered  with  tortoises,  the  sea  abounded  with  fish,  and  in  the  woods  they  found 
wild  hogs,  which,  it  is  supposed,  had  escaped  from  some  vessel  wrecked  on  the 
island. 

Here  they  remained  nine  months.  The  two  senior  officers  lived  apart,  and  each, 
with  the  assistance  of  the  men,  built  a  vessel  of  the  cedars  which  grew  on  the  island, 
and  the  iron  and  cordage  saved  from  the  wreck.  Sir  George  Somers  labored  with 
his  own  hands  every  day  till  his  vessel  was  completed.  One  of  these  vessels  was 
called  the  Patience,  the  other  the  Deliverance. 

It  is  remarked  that  during  their  abode  on  this  island  they  had  morning  and 
evening  prayers  daily ;  divine  service  was  performed  and  two  sermons  were  preached 
every  Lord's  day,  by  their  chaplain,  Mr.  Bucke.  One  marriage  was  celebrated,  and 
two  children  were  born  and  baptized.  Five  of  the  company  died,  one  of  whom  was 
murdered.  The  murderer  was  put  under  confinement,  but  escaped,  and  hid  himself 
among  the  woods  and  rocks,  with  another  offender,  till  the  departure  of  the  com 
pany,  when  they  were  left  behind.  Many  of  the  people  were  so  well  pleased  with 
the  place  that  they  were  with  difficulty  prevailed  on  to  quit  these  pleasant  islands. 


126  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

The  lower  seams  of  the  vessel  were  caulked  with  the  remains  of  the  useless 
cables  and  a  small  quantity  of  tar  saved  from  the  wreck.  The  upper  seams  were 
secured  with  lime  made  of  calcined  stones  and  shells,  slaked  with  fresh  water  and 
softened  with  the  oil  of  tortoises.  This  cement  soon  became  dry  and  firm.  The 
wild  hogs  served  for  sea-stores,  being  preserved  with  salt  crystallized  on  the  rocks. 

On  the  loth  of  May,  1610,  the  company,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
persons,  embarked,  and,  after  encountering  some  difficulty  among  the  rocks,  the  next 
day  got  clear  of  the  land,  and  shaped  their  course  for  Virginia;  where  they  arrived 
on  the  2 1st,  at  Point  Comfort,  and  two  days  after  at  Jamestown.  The  colony, 
reduced  to  sixty  persons,  in  a  sickly,  mutinous,  and  starving  condition,  gave  them  a 
mournful  welcome.  The  new  governor,  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  caused  the  bell  to  be 
rung,  and  summoned  the  whole  company  to  the  church  ;  where,  after  an  affectionate 
prayer  by  Mr.  Bucke,  the  new  commission  was  read,  and  the  former  president,  Mr. 
Percy,  then  scarcely  able  to  stand,  delivered  up  the  old  patent,  with  his  commission. 

On  a  strict  examination  it  was  found  that  the  provisions  brought  by  the  two  pin 
naces  would  serve  the  people  not  more  than  sixteen  days,  and  that  what  they  had  in 
the  town  would  be  spent  in  ten.  It  being  seed-time,  the  Indians  had  no  corn  to 
spare;  and  they  were  so  hostile  that  no  treaty  could  be  holden  with  them.  The 
sturgeon  had  not  yet  come  into  the  river,  and  many  of  the  nets  were  useless.  No 
hope  remained  of  preserving  the  colony,  and,  after  mature  deliberation,  it  was  deter 
mined  to  abandon  the  country.  The  nearest  place  where  any  relief  could  be  ob 
tained  was  Newfoundland ;  thither  they  proposed  to  sail,  and  there  they  expected  to 
meet  the  fishing-vessels  from  England,  on  board  of  which  the  people  might  be  dis 
tributed  and  get  passages  home,  when  the  season  of  fishing  should  be  completed. 

Having  taken  this  resolution  and  buried  their  ordnance  at  the  gate  of  the  fort, 
on  the  7th  of  June  at  beat  of  drum  the  whole  company  embarked  in  four  pinnaces. 
It  was  with  difficulty  that  some  of  the  people  were  restrained  from  setting  fire  to  the 
town  ;  but  the  Governor,  with  a  select  company,  remained  on  shore  till  the  others 
had  embarked,  and  he  was  the  last  that  stepped  into  the  boat.  About  noon  they 
came  to  sail,  and  fell  down  with  the  ebb  that  evening  to  Hog  Island.  The  next 
morning's  tide  brought  them  to  Mulberry  Island  Point,  where,  lying  at  anchor,  they 
discovered  a  boat  coming  up  the  river  with  the  flood.  In  an  hour's  time  the  boat 
came  alongside  the  Governor's  pinnace  and  proved  to  be  an  express  from  the  Lord 
Delaware,  who  had  arrived  with  three  ships  and  a  supply  of  provisions  two  days  be 
fore  at  Point  Comfort,  where  the  captain  of  the  fort  had  informed  him  of  the  intended 
evacuation,  and  his  lordship  immediately  dispatched  his  skiff"  with  letters  by  Captain 
Edward  Brewster  to  prevent  their  departure.  On  receiving  these  letters  the  Gover 
nor  ordered  the  anchors  to  be  weighed,  and  the  wind  being  easterly,  brought  them 
back  in  the  night  to  their  old  quarters  at  Jamestown. 

On  the  Lord's  day,  June  loth,  the  ships  came  to  anchor  before  the  town.  As 
soon  as  Lord  Delaware  came  on  shore,  he  fell  down  on  his  knees  and  continued  some 
time  in  silent  devotion.  He  then  went  to  church,  and,  after  service,  his  commission 
was  read,  which  constituted  him  "  Governor  and  Captain-General,  during  his  life,  of 
the  colony  and  plantation  of  Virginia."  Sir  Thomas  Gates  delivered  up  his  commis 
sion  and  the  colony  seal.  On  this  occasion  Lord  Delaware  made  a  public  address  to 
the  people,  blaming  them  for  their  former  idleness  and  misconduct,  and  exhorting 
them  to  a  contrary  behavior,  lest  he  should  be  obliged  to  draw  the  sword  of  justice 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  127 

against  delinquents  and  cut  them  off;  adding  that  he  had  rather  spill  his  own  blood 
to  protect  them  from  injuries. 

Having  displaced  such  men  as  had  abused  their  power  and  appointed  proper  per 
sons  to  office,  he  assigned  to  every  man  his  portion  of  labor  according  to  his  capac 
ity,  among  which  the  culture  of  vines  was  not  forgotten,  some  Frenchmen  having 
been  Imported  for  the  purpose.  There  had  been  no  division  of  the  lands,  but  all 
was  common  property,  and  the  colony  was  considered  as  one  great  family,  fed  daily 
out  of  the  public  store.  Their  employments  were  under  the  direction  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  the  produce  of  their  labors  was  brought  into  the  common  stock.  The 
Indians  were  so  troublesome  that  it  would  not  have  been  prudent  for  the  people  to 
disperse  till  they  should  be  better  able  to  defend  themselves,  or  till  the  savages 
should  be  more  friendly.  They  were,  therefore,  lodged  within  the  fortifications  of 
Jamestown  ;  their  working  and  fishing  parties  when  abroad  were  well  armed  or 
guarded ;  their  situation  was  hazardous ;  and  the  prospect  of  improvement,  consid 
ering  the  character  of  the  majority,  was  not  very  flattering.  "The  most  honest  and 
industrious  would  scarcely  take  so  much  pains  in  a  week  as  they  would  have  done 
for  themselves  in  a  day;  presuming  that  however  the  harvest  prospered,  the  general 
store  must  maintain  them ;  by  v/hich  means  they  reaped  not  so  much  corn  from  the 
labors  of  thirty  men  as  three  men  could  have  produced  on  their  own  lands." 

No  dependence  could  be  placed  on  any  supply  of  provisions  from  this  mode 
of  exertion.  The  stores  brought  over  in  the  fleet  might  have  kept  them  alive,  with 
prudent  management,  for  the  greater  part  of  a  year;  but  within  that  time  it  would 
be  necessary  to  provide  more.  The  Bermuda  Islands  were  full  of  hogs,  and  Sir 
George  Somers  offered  to  go  thither  with  a  party  to  kill  and  salt  them.  This  offer 
was  readily  accepted,  and  he  embarked  in  his  own  cedar  vessel  of  thirty  tons,  accom 
panied  by  Captain  Samuel  Argal,  in  another. 

They  sailed  together,  till  by  contrary  winds  they  were  driven  among  the  shoals 
of  Nantucket  and  Cape  Cod,  whence  Argal  found  his  way  back  to  Virginia,  and  was 
dispatched  to  the  Potowmack  for  corn.  There  he  found  Henry  Spelman,  an  English 
youth,  who  had  been  preserved  from  the  fury  of  Powhatan  by  his  daughter  Pocahon- 
tas.  By  his  assistance  Argal  procured  a  supply  of  corn,  which  he  carried  to 
Jamestown. 

Sir  George  Somers,  after  long  struggling  with  contrary  winds,  was  driven  to  the 
north-eastern  shore  of  America,  where  he  refreshed  his  men,  then  pursued  the  main 
object  of  his  voyage,  and  arrived  safely  at  Bermuda.  There  he  began  to  collect  the 
swine,  and  prepare  their  flesh  for  food  ;  but  the  fatigues  to  which  he  had  been  ex 
posed  by  sea  and  land,  proved  too  severe  for  his  advanced  age,  and  he  sunk  under 
the  burden.  Finding  his  time  short,  he  made  a  proper  disposition  of  his  estate,  and. 
charged  his  nephew,  Matthew  Somers,  who  commanded  under  him,  to  return  with 
the  provision-  to  Virginia.  But  the  love  of  his  native  country  prevailed.  Having 
buried  the  entrails  at  Bermuda,  he  carried  the  corpse  of  his  uncle  to  England,  and 
deposited  it  at  Whitchurch,  in  Dorsetshire.  A  monument  was  afterward  erected  at 
Bermuda  to  the  memory  of  this  excellent  man.  The  town  of  St.  George  was  named 
for  him,  and  the  islands  were  called  Somer  Islands.  The  return  of  this  vessel  gave 
the  first  account  in  England  of  the  discovery  of  those  islands. 

Virginia,  thus  left  destitute  of  so  able  and  virtuous  a  friend,  was  soon  after  de 
prived  of  the  presence  of  its  Governor,  Lord  Delaware.  Having  built  two  forts  at 


128  THE    AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

the  mouth  of  James  River,  and  another  at  the  falls;  and  having  rendered  his  government 
respectable  in  the  view  both  of  the  English  and  Indians,  he  found  his  health  so  much 
impaired,  that  he  was  obliged  in  nine  months  to  quit  the  country,  intending  to  go  to 
Nevis  for  the  benefit  of  the  warm  baths.  By  contrary  winds  he  was  forced  to  the 
Western  Islands,  where  he  obtained  great  relief  from  the  fresh  fruits  of  the  country  ; 
but  he  was  advised  not  to  hazard  himself  again  in  Virginia  till  his  health  should  be  more 
perfectly  restored  by  a  voyage  to  England.  Sir  Thomas  Dale  and  Sir  Thomas  Gates 
having  previously  gone  at  different  times  to  England,  the  government  was  again  left 
in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Percy,  a  gentleman  of  a  noble  family  and  a  good  heart,  but  of 
very  moderate  abilities. 

At  the  time  of  Lord  Delaware's  departure  (March  28,  1611)  the  colony  consisted 
of  above  two  hundred  people,  most  of  whom  were  in  good  health  and  well  provided  ; 
but  when  Sir  Thomas  Dale  arrived,  in  less  than  two  months  (May  10),  with  three 
ships,  bringing  an  addition  of  three  hundred  people,  he  found  the  old  colonists  again 
relapsing  into  their  former  state  of  indolence  and  penury.  Depending  on  the  public 
store,  they  had  neglected  planting,  and  were  amusing  themselves  with  bowling  and 
other  diversions  in  the  streets  of  Jamestown.  Nothing  but  the  presence  of  a  spirited 
governor  and  a  severe  execution  of  his  orders  could  induce  these  people  to  labor. 
The  severities  exercised  upon  them  were  such  as  could  not  be  warranted  by  the  laws 
of  England.  The  consequences  were  discontent  and  insurrection  in  some,  and  ser 
vile  acquiescence  in  others.  Sir  Thomas  Dale  was  esteemed  as  a  man  who  might 
safely  be  entrusted  with  power  ;  but  the  laws  by  which  he  governed,  and  his  rigor 
ous  administration  of  them,  were  the  subject  of  bitter  remonstrance  and  com 
plaint. 

The  adventurers  in  England  were  still  in  a  state  of  disappointment ;  and  when 
Sir  Thomas  Gates  arrived  without  bringing  any  returns  adequate  to  their  expecta 
tions,  the  council  entered  into  a  serious  deliberation  whether  to  proceed  in  their  ad 
venture  or  abandon  the  enterprise.  Lord  Delaware's  arrival  in  England  cast  a  deeper 
gloom  on  the  melancholy  prospect.  But  the  representations  of  these  gentlemen,  de 
livered  in  council  and  confirmed  by  oath,  served  to  keep  up  their  spirits,  and  induce 
them  still  to  renew  their  exertions. 

The  substance  of  these  representations  was,  that  the  country  was  rich  in  itself, 
but  that  time  and  industry  were  necessary  to  make  its  wealth  profitable  to  the  ad 
venturers  ;  that  it  yielded  abundance  of  valuable  woods,  as  oak,  walnut,  ash,  sassafras, 
mulberry  trees  for  silk-worms,  live  oak,  cedar  and  fir  for  shipping,  and  that  on  the 
banks  of  the  Potowmack  there  were  trees  large  enough  for  masts;  th^t  it  produced  a 
species  of  wild  hemp  for  cordage,  pines  which  yielded  tar,  and  a  vast  quantity  of  iron 
ore  ;  besides  lead,  antimony,  and  other  minerals,  and  several  kinds  of  colored  earths ; 
that  in  the  woods  were  found  various  balsams  and  other  medicinal  drugs,  with  an  im 
mense  quantity  of  myrtle-berries  for  wax  ;  that  the  forests  and  rivers  harbored  bea 
vers,  otters,  foxes,  and  deer,  whose  skins  were  valuable  articles  of  commerce ;  that 
sturgeon  might  be  taken  in  the  greatest  plenty  in  five  noble  rivers;  and  that  without 
the  bay,  to  the  northward,  was  an  excellent  fishing  bank  for  cod  of  the  best  quality  ; 
that  the  soil  was  favorable  to  the  cultivation  of  vines,  sugar-canes,  oranges,  lemons, 
almonds,  and  rice  ;  that  the  winters  were  so  mild  that  cattle  could  get  their  food 
abroad,  and  that  swine  could  be  fatted  on  wild  fruits ;  that  the  Indian  corn  yielded 
a  most  luxuriant  harvest ;  and,  in  a  word,  that  it  was  "  one  of  the  goodliest  countries 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  129 

(says  Purchas),  promising  as  rich  entrails  as  any  kingdom  of  the  earth,  to  which  the 
sun  is  no  nearer  a  neighbor." 

Lord  Delaware  further  assured  them,  that  notwithstanding  the  ill  ctatc  of  his 
health,  he  was  so  far  from  shrinking  or  giving  over  the  enterprise,  that  he  was  willing 
to  lay  all  he  was  worth  on  its  success,  and  to  return  to  Virginia  with  all  convenient 
expedition. 

Sir  Thomas  Gates  was  again  sent  out  with  six  ships,  three  hundred  men,  one  hun 
dred  cattle,  two  hundred  swine,  and  large  supplies  of  every  kind.  He  arrived  in  the 
beginning  of  August,  i6n,  and  received  the  command  from  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  who 
retired  to  Varina,  and  employed  himself  in  erecting  a  town,  Henrico,  and  improving 
his  plantation  at  New  Bermuda. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  next  year  (1612),  Captain  Argal,  who  had  carried  home 
Lord  Delaware,  came  again  to  Virginia  with  two  ships,  and  was  again  sent  to  the 
Potowmack  for  corn,  of  which  he  procured  fourteen  hundred  bushels.  There  he  en 
tered  into  an  acquaintance  with  Japazaws,  the  sachem,  an  old  friend  of  Captain  Smith, 
and  of  all  the  English  who  had  come  to  America.  In  his  territory  Pocahontas,  the 
daughter  of  Powhatan,  was  concealed.  The  reason  of  her  quitting  the  dominion  of 
her  father  is  unknown.  Certain  it  is,  that  he  had  been  in  a  state  of  hostility  with  the 
colony  ever  since  the  departure  of  Smith  ;  and  that  the  frequent  depredations  and 
murders  committed  by  the  Indians  on  the  English  were  in  the  highest  degree  painful 
to  this  tender-hearted  princess.  Argal  contrived  a  plan  to  get  her  into  his  possession. 
He  bargained  with  Japazaws  to  bring  her  on  board  the  ship,  under  pretense  of 
a  visit,  in  company  with  his  own  wife  ;  then  dismissing  the  sachem  and  his  wife  with 
the  promised  reward,  he  carried  Pocahontas  to  Jamestown,  where  she  had  not  been 
since  Captain  Smith  had  left  the  colony. 

A  message  was  sent  to  Powhatan  to  inform  him  that  his  daughter  was  in  their 
hands,  and  that  she  might  be  restored  to  him  on  condition  that  he  would  deliver  up 
all  the  English  whom  he  held  as  captives,  with  all  the  arms,  tools,  and  utensils  which 
the  Indians  had  stolen,  and  furnish  the  colony  with  a  large  quantity  of  corn.  This 
proposal  threw  him  into  much  perplexity,  for  though  he  loved  his  daughter,  he  was 
loth  to  give  so  much  for  her  redemption.  After  three  months  he  sent  back  seven  of 
the  captives,  with  three  unserviceable  muskets,  an  axe,  a  saw,  and  one  canoe,  loaded 
with  corn.  He  also  sent  word,  that  when  they  should  deliver  his  daughter  he  would 
send  them  five  hundred  bushels  of  corn,  and  make  fullsatisfaction  for  all  past  injuries. 
No  reliance  could  be  placed  on  such  a  promise.  The  negotiation  was  broken,  and 
the  King  was  offended.  The  next  spring  (1613)  another  attempt  was  made,  accom 
panied  with  threatening  on  the  part  of  the  English,  and  stratagem  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians.  This  proved  equally  ineffectual.  At  length  it  was  announced  to  Powhatan 
that  John  Rolfe,  an  English  gentleman,  was  in  love  with  Pocahontas,  and  had  ob 
tained  her  consent,  and  the  license  of  the  governor  to  marry  her.  The  prince  was 
softened  by  this  intelligence,  and  sent  one  of  his  chiefs  to  attend  the  nuptial  solem 
nity.  After  this  event  Powhatan  was  friendly  to  the  colony  as  long  as  he  lived  ;  and 
a  free  trade  was  carried  on  between  them  and  his  people. 

The  visit  which   this  lady  made  to    England  with  her  husband,  and  her  death, 

which   happened  there  in  the   bloom  of  her  youth,  have  been  related  in  the  life  of 

Captain   Smith.     It   is  there  observed  that  "several  families  of  note  in  Virginia  are 

descended   from  her."     The  descent   is  thus  traced  by  Mr.  Stith  :   Her  son,  Thomas 

17 


130  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

Rolfe,  was  educated  in  England  and  came  over  to  Virginia,  where  he  became  a  man 
of  fortune  and  distinction,  and  inherited  a  large  tract  of  land,  which  had  been  the 
property  of  his  grandfather — Po  what  an.  He  left  an  only  daughter,  who  was  mar 
ried  to  Colonel  Robert  Boiling.  His  son,  Major  John  Boiling,  was  father  to  Colonel 
John  Boiling,  whose  five  daughters  were  married  to  Colonel  Richard  Randolph, 
Colonel  John  Fleming,  Dr.  William  Gay,  Mr.  Thomas  Eldridge,  and  Mr.  James 
Murray.  Such  was  the  state  of  the  family  in  1747. 

The  reconciliation  between  Powhatan  and  the  English  awakened  the  fears  of  the 
Indians  of  Chickahominy — a  formidable  and  free  people.  They  were  governed 
by  an  assembly  of  their  elders  or  wise  men,  who  also  bore  the  character  of  priests. 
They  hated  Powhatan  as  a  tyrant,  and  were  always  jealous  of  his  design  to  subject 
them.  They  had  taken  advantage  of  the  dissension  between  him  and  the  English 
to  assert  their  liberty ;  but,  on  the  reconciliation,  they  apprehended  that  he  might 
make  use  of  the  friendship  of  the  colony  to  reduce  them  under  his  yoke.  To  pre 
vent  this,  they  sent  a  deputation  to  Sir  Thomas  Dale  to  excuse  their  former  ill-con 
duct  and  submit  themselves  to  the  English  Government.  Sir  Thomas  was  pleased 
with  the  offer,  and,  on  a  day  appointed,  went  with  Captain  Argal  and  fifty  men  to 
their  village,  where  a  peace  was  concluded  on  the  following  conditions: 

1.  That  they  should  forever  be  called  [Tossentessas]  New  Englishmen,  and  be 
true  subjects  of  King  James  and  his  deputies. 

2.  That  they  should  neither  kill  nor  destroy  any  of  the  English  nor  their  stray 
cattle,  but  bring  them  home. 

3.  That  they  should  always  be  ready  to  furnish  the  English  with  three  hundred 
men  against  the  Spaniards  or  any  other  enemy. 

4.  That  they  should  not  enter  any  of  the  English  settlements  without  previously 
sending  in  word  that  they  were  New  Englishmen. 

5.  That  every  bow-man  at  harvest  should  bring  into  the  store  two  measures  [two 
one-half  bushels]  of  corn  as  a  tribute,  for  which  he  should  receive  a  hatchet. 

6.  That  eight  elders  or  chiefs  should  see  all  this  performed  or  receive  punishment 
themselves ;  and  that,  for  their  fidelity,  each  one  should  receive  a  red  coat,  a  copper 
chain,  and  a  picture  of  King  James,  and  should  be  accounted  his  noblemen. 

Though  this  transaction  passed  whilst  Sir  Thomas  Gates  was  at  the  head 
of  the  government  and  residing  within  the  colony,  yet  nothing  is  said  of  his 
assenting  to  it  or  giving  any  orders  about  it.  Dale  appears  to  have  been  the  most 
active  and  enterprising  man  ;  and,  on  Gates'  return  to  England  in  the  spring  of  1614, 
the  chief  command  devolved  on  him. 

The  experience  of  five  years  had  now  convinced  all  thinking  men  among  the  En 
glish  that  the  colony  would  never  thrive  whilst  their  lands  were  held  in  common,  and 
the  people  were  maintained  out  of  the  public  stores.  In  such  a  case  there  is  no 
spur  to  exertion — the  industrious  person  and  the  drone  fare  alike,  and  the  former 
has  no  inducement  to  work  for  the  latter.  The  time  prescribed  in  the  King's  in 
structions  for  their  trading  in  a  common  stock  and  bringing  all  the  fruits  of  their 
labor  into  a  common  store  was  expired.  An  alteration  was  then  contemplated,  but 
the  first  measure  adopted  did  not  much  mend  the  matter.  Three  acres  only  were 
allotted  to  each  man  as  a  farm,  on  which  he  was  to  work  eleven  months  for  the  store 
and  one  month  for  himself,  and  to  receive  his  proportion  out  of  the  common  stock. 
Those  who  were  employed  on  Sir  Thomas  Dale's  plantation  had  better  terms.  One 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  131 

month's  labor  only  was  required,  and  they  were  exempted  from  all  further  service  : 
and,  for  this  exemption,  they  paid  a  yearly  tribute  of  three  barrels  and  a  half  of  corn 
to  the  public  store.  These  farms  were  not  held  by  a  tenure  of  common  soccage, 
which  carries  with  it  freedom  and  property,  but  merely  by  tenancy  at  will,  which 
produces  dependence.  It  is,  however,  observed,  that  this  small  encouragement  gave 
some  present  content,  and  the  fear  of  coming  to  want  gradually  disappeared. 

About  two  years  after  (1616),  a  method  of  granting  lands  in  freeholds  and  in  lots 
of  fifty  acres,  was  introduced  into  Virginia.  This  quantity  was  allowed  to  each  per 
son  who  came  to  reside,  or  brought  others  to  reside  there.  The  design  of  it  was  to 
encourage  emigration.  Besides  this,  there  were  two  other  methods  of  granting  lands. 
One  was  a  grant  of  merit.  When  any  person  had  conferred  a  benefit,  or  done  a  serv 
ice  to  the  colony,  it  was  requited  by  a  grant  of  land  which  could  not  exceed  two 
thousand  acres.  The  other  was  called  the  adventure  of  the  purse.  Every  person 
who  paid  twelve  guineas  into  the  company's  treasury  was  entitled  to  one  hundred 
acres. 

After  some  time,  this  liberty  of  taking  grants  was  abused  ;  partly  by  the  ignorance 
and  knavery  of  surveyors,  who  often  gave  draughts  of  land  without  ever  actually  sur 
veying  them,  but  describing  them  by  natural  boundaries,  and  allowing  large  meas 
ure,  and  partly  by  the  indulgence  of  courts,  in  a  lavish  admittance  of  claims.  When 
a  master  of  a  ship  came  into  court  and  made  oath  that  he  had  imported  himself  with 
so  many  seamen  and  passengers,  an  order  was  issued  granting  him  as  many  rights  of 
fifty  acres,  and  the  clerk  had  a  fee  for  each  right.  The  seamen  at  another  court 
would  make  oath  that  they  had  adventured  themselves  so  many  times  into  the  coun 
try,  and  would  obtain  an  order  for  as  many  rights,  toties  quoties.  The  planter  who 
brought  the  imported  servants  would  do  the  same,  and  procure  an  order  for  as  many 
times  fifty  acres.  These  grants,  after  being  described  by  the  surveyors  in  the  above 
vague  and  careless  manner,  were  sold  at  a  small  price,  and  whoever  was  able  to  pur 
chase  any  considerable  number  of  them,  became  entitled  to  a  vast  quantity  of  land. 
By  such  means  the  original  intention  of  allotting  a  small  freehold  to  each  emigrant 
was  frustrated,  and  the  settlement  of  the  country  in  convenient  districts  was  pre 
cluded.  Land  speculators  became  possessed  of  immense  tracts,  too  large  for  cultiva 
tion,  and  the  inhabitants  were  scattered  over  a  great  extent  of  territory  in  remote 
and  hazardous  situations.  The  ill  effects  of  this  dispersion  were  :  insecurity  from  the 
savages;  a  habit  of  indolence;  an  imperfect' mode  of  cultivation;  the  introduction 
of  convicts  from  England,  and  of  slaves  from  Africa. 

The  same  year  (1616)  Sir  Thomas  Dale  returned  to  England,  carrying  with  him 
Pocahontas,  the  wife  of  Mr.  Rolfe,  and  several  other  Indians.  •  The  motive  of  his  re 
turn  was  to  visit  his  family  and  settle  his  private  affairs,  after  having  spent  five  or 
six  years  in  the  service  of  the  colony.  He  is  characterized  as  an  active,  faithful  gov 
ernor,  very  careful  to  provide  supplies  of  corn,  rather  by  planting  than  by  purchase. 
So  much  had  these  supplies  increased  under  his  direction,  that  the  colony  was  able 
to  lend  to  the  Indian  princes  several  hundred  bushels  of  corn,  and  take  mortgages  of 
their  land  in  payment.  He  would  allow  no  tobacco  to  be  planted  till  a  sufficiency 
of  seed-corn  was  in  the  ground.  He  was  also  very  assiduous  in  ranging  and  explor 
ing  the  country,  and  became  extremely  delighted  with  its  pleasant  and  fertile  ap 
pearance.  He  had  so  high  an  opinion  of  it  that  he  declared  it  equal  to  the  best  parts 
of  Europe  if  it  were  cultivated  and  inhabited  by  an  industrious  people. 


132  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

SIR   SAMUEL   ARGAL    AND    SIR    GEORGE 

YEARDLEY. 

SAMUEL  ARGAL— EXPEDITION  TO  THE  NORTHERN  PART  OF  VIRGINIA— ATTACKS  THE  FRENCH  AT 
MOUNT  DESART — TAKES  POSSESSION  OF  THEIR  FORT — TAKES  AND  DESTROYS  PORT  ROYAL — 
HIS  CONFERENCE  WITH  BIENCOURT — VISITS  THE  DUTCH  AT  HUDSON'S  RIVER — DUTCH  GOV 
ERNOR  SURRENDERS  TO  HIM — HIS  VOYAGE  TO  ENGLAND — APPOINTED  DEPUTY  GOVERNOR 
OF  VIRGINIA — ARRIVES  IN  VIRGINIA  — REVIVES  DISCIPLINE— BECOMES  ODIOUS  BY  HIS  RIGOR — 
CHARGED  WITH  PECULATION  —  HE  IS  SUPERSEDED — ESCAPES  BY  AID  OF  THE  EARL  OF 
WARWICK— COMMANDS  A  SHIP  AGAINST  THE  ALGERINES— KNIGHTED  BY  KING  JAMES— HIS 
CHARACTER — GEORGE  YEARDLEY,  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA — ENCOURAGES  THE  CULVIVATION 
OF  TOBACCO— ATTACKS  THE  CHICKAHOMINY  INDIANS— SUPERSEDED  BY  ARGAL— APPOINTED 
GOVERNOR-GENERAL  OF  VIRGINIA— RESIGNS— RESUMES  THE  GOVERNMENT— HIS  DEATH. 

WE  have  no  account  of  Captain  ARGAL  before  the  year  1609,  when  he  came  to 
Virginia  to  fish  for  sturgeon  and  trade  with  the  colony.  This  trade  was  then  pro 
hibited,  but  being  a  kinsman  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  his  voyage  was  connived  at,  and 
the  provisions  and  wine  which  he  brought  were  a  welcome  relief  to  the  colony.  He 
was  there  when  the  shattered  fleet,  escaped  from  the  tempest,  arrived  without  their 
commanders ;  and  he  continued  to  make  voyages  in  the  service  of  the  colony,  and  for 
his  own  advantage,  till  he  was  made  Deputy  Governor,  under  Lord  Delaware. 

The  principal  exploit  in  which  he  was  engaged  was  an  expedition  to  the  northern 
part  of  Virginia.  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  having  received  some  information  of  the  intru 
sion  of  the  French  and  Dutch  within  the  chartered  limits  of  Virginia,  sent  Argal, 
ostensibly  on  a  trading  and  fishing  voyage,  to  the  northward  ;  but  with  orders  to 
seek  for  and  dispossess  intruders.  No  account  of  this  force  is  mentioned  by  any 
writer.  Having  visited  several  parts  of  the  coast  of  North  Virginia,  and  ob 
tained  the  best  information  in  his  power,  he  arrived  at  the  island  now  called  Mount 
Desart,  in  the  District  of  Maine ;  where  two  Jesuits,  who  had  been  expelled  from 
Port  Royal,  by  the  governor,  Biencourt,  for  their  insolence,  had  made  a  plantation 
and  built  a  fort.  A  French  ship  and  bark  were  then  lying  in  the  harbor.  Most  of 
the  people  were  dispersed  at  their  various  employments,  and  were  unprepared  to 
receive  an  enemy.  Argal  at  once  attacked  the  vessels  with  musketry,  and  made  an 
easy  conquest  of  them.  One  of  the  Jesuits  was  killed  in  attempting  to  level  one  of 
the  ship's  guns  against  the  assailants.  Argal  then  landed,  and  summoned  the  fort. 
The  commander  requested  time  for  consultation,  but  it  was  denied ;  on  which  the 
garrison  abandoned  the  fort,  and,  by  a  private  passage,  escaped  to  the  woods.  Argal 
took  possession  in  the  name  of  the  Crown  of  England,  and  the  next  day  the  people 
came  in,  and  surrendered  themselves  and  their  commission,  or  patent.  He  treated 
them  with  politeness,  giving  them  leave  to  go  either  to  France  in  the  fishing  vessels 
which  resorted  to  the  coast,  or  with  him  to  Virginia. 

The  other  Jesuit,  Father  Biard,  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  be  revenged  on  Bien 
court,  gave  information  of  his  settlement  at  Port  Royal,  and  offered  to  pilot  the 
vessel  thither.  Argal  sailed  across  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  and,  entering  the  harbor, 
landed  forty  men.  A  gun  was  fired  from  the  fort,  as  a  signal  to  the  people  aboard  ; 
but  Argal  advanced  with  such  rapidity  that  he  found  the  fort  abandoned,  and  took 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  133 

possession.  He  then  sailed  up  the  river  with  his  boats;  where  he  viewed  their  fields, 
their  barns,  and  mill ;  these  he  spared  ;  but  at  his  return  he  destroyed  the  fort,  and 
defaced  the  arms  of  the  King  of  France. 

Biencourt  was  at  this  time  surveying  the  country  at  a  distance,  but  was  called 
home  suddenly,  and  requested  a  conference  with  the  English  commander.  They 
met  in  a  meadow  with  a  few  of  their  followers.  After  an  ineffectual  assertion  of 
rights,  equally  claimed  by  both,  Biencourt  proposed,  if  he  could  obtain  a  protection 
from  the  Crown  of  England,  and  get  the  obnoxious  Jesuit  into  his  possession,  to 
divide  the  fur  trade  and  disclose  the  mines  of  the  country ;  but  Argal  refused  to 
make  any  treaty,  alleging  that  his  orders  were  only  to  dispossess  him  ;  and  threaten 
ing,  if  he  should  find  him  there  again,  to  use  him  as  an  enemy.  Whilst  they  were 
in  conference  one  of  the  natives  came  up  to  them,  and  in  broken  French,  with  suit 
able  gestures,  endeavored  to  mediate  a  peace  ;  wondering  that  persons  who  seemed 
to  him  to  be  of  one  nation  should  make  war  on  each  other.  This  affecting  incident 
served  to  put  them  both  into  good  humor. 

As  it  was  a  time  of  peace  between  the  two  Crowns,  the  only  pretext  for  this 
expedition  was  the  intrusion  of  the  French  into  limits  claimed  by  the  English,  in 
virtue  of  prior  discovery.  This  mode  of  dispossessing  them  has  been  censured, 
as  "contrary  to  the  law  of  nations,  because  inconsistent  with  their  peace."  It  was, 
however,  agreeable  to  the  powers  granted  in  the  charter  of  1609  ;  and  even  the  seizure 
of  the  French  vessels,  on  board  of  which  was  a  large  quantity  of  provision,  clothing, 
furniture,  and  trading  goods,  was  also  warranted  by  the  same  charter.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  this  transaction  was  either  approved  by  the  Court  of  England  or 
resented  by  the  Crown  of  France ;  certain  it  is,  however,  that  it  made  way  for  a 
patent,  which  King  James  gave  to  Sir  William  Alexander,  in  1621,  by  which  he 
granted  him  the  whole  territory  of  Acadia,  by  the  name  of  Nova  Scotia ;  and  yet 
the  French  continued  their  occupancy. 

On  his  return  toward  Virginia  with  his  prizes,  Argal  visited  the  settlement  which 
the  Dutch  had  made  at  Hudson's  River,  near  the  spot  where  Albany  is  now  built, 
and  demanded  possession  ;  alleging  that  Hudson  being  an  English  subject,  though 
in  the  service  of  Holland,  could  not  alienate  the  lands  which  he  had  discovered  ; 
which  were  claimed  by  the  Crown  of  England,  and  granted  by  charter  to  the  com 
pany  of  Virginia.  The  Dutch  Governor,  Hendrick  Christiaens,  being  unable  to  make 
any  resistance,  quietly  submitted  himself  and  his  colony  to  the  Crown  of  England, 
and  was  permitted  to  remain  there.  But  on  the  arrival  of  a  reinforcement  the  next 
year,  they  built  another  fort,  on  the  south  end  of  the  Island  Manhattan,  where  the 
city  of  New  York  now  stands,  and  held  the  country  for  many  years,  under  a  grant 
from  the  States-General,  by  the  name  of  New  Netherlands. 

The  next  spring  (1614)  Argal  went  to  England,  and  two  years  after,  Sir  Thomas 
Dale  followed  him,  leaving  George  Yeardley  to  govern  the  colony  in  his  absence.  It 
had  been  a  grand  object  with  Dale  to  discourage  the  planting  of  tobacco ;  but  his 
successor,  in  compliance  with  the  humor  of  the  people,  indulged  them  in  cultivating 
it,  in  preference  to  corn.  When  the  colony  was  in  want  of  bread,  Yeardley  sent  to 
the  Indians  of  Chickahominy  for  their  tribute,  as  promised  by  the  treaty  made  with 
Dale.  They  answered,  that  they  had  paid  his  master ;  but  that  they  had  no  orders, 
nor  any  inclination  to  obey  him.  Yeardley  drew  out  one  hundred  of  his  best  men, 
and  went  against  them.  They  received  him  in  a  warlike  posture ;  and  after  much 


134  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

threatening  on  both  sides,  Ycardley  ordered  his  men  to  fire.  Twelve  of  the  natives 
were  killed,  and  as  many  were  made  prisoners,  of  whom  two  were  Elders  of  Senators. 
For  their  ransom,  one  hundred  bushels  of  corn  were  paid,  in  addition  to  the  tribute. 
Three  boats  were  loaded  for  Jamestown,  one  of  which  was  overset  in  the  passage, 
and  eleven  men,  with  her  whole  cargo,  were  lost.  The  natives  were  so  awed  by  this 
chastisement,  that  they  supplied  the  colony  with  such  provisions  as  they  could  spare 
from  their  own  stock,  or  procure  by  hunting;  and  being  thus  supplied,  the  colonists 
gave  themselves  chiefly  to  the  planting  of  tobacco. 

In  1617  Captain  Argal  was  appointed  deputy  governor  of  the  colony  under  Lord 
Delaware,  and  Admiral  of  the  adjacent  seas.  When  he  arrived,  in  May,  he  found 
the  palisades  broken,  the  church  fallen  down,  and  the  well  of  fresh  water  spoiled ; 
but  the  market-square  and  the  streets  of  Jamestown  were  planted  with  tobacco,  and 
the  people  were  dispersed,  wherever  they  could  find  room  to  cultivate  that  precious 
weed ;  the  value  of  which  was  supposed  to  be  much  augmented  by  a  new  mode  of 
cure,  drying  it  on  lines,  rather  than  fermenting  it  in  heaps.  The  author  of  this  dis-  ' 
covery  was  a  Mr.  Lambert ;  and  the  effect  of  it  was  a  great  demand  from  England 
for  lines,  which  afterward  became  a  capital  article  of  traffic. 

To  counteract  the  ill  effects  of  Yeardlcy's  indulgence,  Argal  revived  the  severe 
discipline  which  was  grounded  on  the  martial  laws  framed  by  his  patron,  Sir  Thomas 
Smith  ;  a  specimen  of  which  may  be  seen  in  the  following  edicts.  He  fixed  the 
advance  on  goods  imported  from  England,  at  twenty-five  per  cent.,  and  the  price  of 
tobacco  at  three  shillings  per  pound  ;  the  penalty  for  transgressing  this  regulation 
was  three  years'  slavery.  No  person  was  allowed  to  fire  a  gun,  except  in  his  own 
defense,  against  an  enemy,  till  a  new  supply  of  ammunition  should  arrive;  on  pen 
alty  of  one  year's  slavery.  Absence  from  church  on  Sundays  and  holidays  was 
punished  by  laying  the  offender  neck  and  heels,  for  one  whole  night,  or  by  one 
week's  slavery ;  the  second  offense,  by  one  month's  and  the  third  by  one  year's 
slavery.  Private  trade  with  the  savages,  or  teaching  them  to  use  the  arms,  was  pun 
ishable  by  death. 

These  and  similar  laws  were  executed  with  such  rigor,  as  to  render  the  deputy 
governor  odious  to  the  colony.  They  had  entertained  a  hope  of  deliverance,  by  the 
expected  arrival  of  Lord  Delaware,  who  sailed  from  England  for  Virginia  (Arril, 
1618)  in  a  large  ship,  containing  two  hundred  people.  After  touching  at  the  West 
ern  Islands,  a  succession  of  contrary  winds  and  bad  weather  protracted  the  voyage 
for  sixteen  weeks,  during  which  time  many  of  the  people  fell  sick,  and  about  thirty 
died,  among  whom  was  Lord  Delaware.  This  fatal  news  was  known  first  in  Virginia  ; 
but  the  report  of  Argal's  injurious  conduct  had  gone  to  England,  and  made  a  deep 
impression  to  his  disadvantage  on  the  minds  of  his  best  friends.  Besides  a  great 
number  of  wrongs  to  particular  persons,  he  was  charged  with  converting  to  his  own 
use  what  remained  of  the  public  stores ;  with  depredation  and  waste  of  the  revenues 
of  the  company ;  and  with  many  offenses  in  matters  of  State  and  government.  At 
first  the  company  were  so  alarmed  as  to  think  of  an  application  to  the  Crown  for 
redress;  but  on  further  consideration,  they  wrote  a  letter  of  reprehension  to  him, 
and  another  of  complaint  to  Lord  Delaware,  whom  they  supposed  to  be  at  the  head 
of  the  colony,  requesting  that  Argal  might  be  sent  to  England,  to  answer  the  charges 
laid  against  him. 

Both  these  letters  fell  into  Argal's  hands.     Convinced  that  his  time  was  short,  he 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  135 

determined  to  make  the  most  of  it  for  his  own  interest.  Having  assumed  the  care 
of  his  lordship's  estate  in  Virginia,  he  converted  the  labor  of  the  tenants  and  the 
produce  of  the  land  to  his  own  use.  But  Edward  Brewster,  who  had  been  appointed 
overseer  of  the  plantation,  by  his  lordship's  orders  before  his  death,  endeavored  to 
withdraw  them  from  Argal's  service,  and  employ  them  for  the  benefit  of  the  estate. 
When  he  threatened  one  who  refused  to  obey  him,  the  fellow  made  his  complaint  to 
the  governor ;  Brewster  was  arrested,  tried  by  a  court-martial,  and  sentenced  to 
death,  in  consequence  of  the  aforesaid  law  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith.  Sensible  of  the 
extreme  severity  of  these  laws,  the  court  which  had  passed  the  sentence,  accom 
panied  by  the  clergy,  went  in  a  body  to  the  governor,  to  intercede  for  Brewster's  life, 
which,  with  much  difficulty,  they  obtained,  on  this  condition,  that  he  should  quit 
Virginia,  never  more  to  return ;  and  should  give  his  oath  that  he  would,  neither  in 
England  nor  elsewhere,  say  or  do  anything  to  the  dishonor  of  the  governor.  On  his 
going  to  England  he  was  advised  to  appeal  to  the  company ;  and  the  prosecution  of 
this  appeal,  added  to  the  odium  which  Argal  had  incurred,  determined  them  to  send 
over  a  new  governor,  to  examine  the  complaints  and  accusations  on  the  spot. 

The  person  chosen  to  execute  this  commission  was  Yeardley,  his  rival,  who,  on 
this  occasion,  was  knighted,  and  appointed  governor-general  of  the  colony,  where  he 
arrived  in  the  spring  of  1619. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  was  Argal's  friend  and  partner  in  trade,  had  taken 
care  to  give  him  information  of  what  was  doing,  and  to  dispatch  a  small  vessel,  which 
arrived  before  the  new  governor,  and  carried  off  Argal  with  all  his  effects.  By  this 
maneuver,  and  by  virtue  of  his  partnership  with  the  Earl,  he  not  only  escaped  the 
intended  examination  in  Virginia,  but  secured  the  greater  part  of  his  property,  and 
defrauded  the  company  of  that  restitution  which  they  had  a  right  to  expect. 

The  character  of  Captain  Argal,  like  that  of  most  who  were  concerned  in  the 
colonization  and  government  of  Virginia,  is  differently  drawn.  On  the  one  hand,  he 
is  spoken  of  as  a  good  mariner,  a  civil  gentleman,  a  man  of  public  spirit,  active, 
industrious,  and  careful  to  provide  for  the  people,  and  keep  them  constantly  em 
ployed.  On  the  other  hand,  he  is  described  as  negligent  of  the  public  business, 
seeking  only  his  own  interest,  rapacious,  passionate,  arbitrary,  and  cruel;  pushing 
his  unrighteous  gains  by  all  means  of  extortion  and  oppression.  Mr.  Stith,  who,  from 
the  best  information  which  he  could  obtain,  at  the  distance  of  more  than  a  century, 
by  searching  the  public  records  of  the  colony,  and  the  journals  of  the  company,  pro 
nounces  him  "  a  man  of  good  sense,  of  great  industry  and  resolution,"  and  says  that 
"  when  the  company  warned  him  peremptorily  to  exhibit  his  accounts,  and  make 
answer  to  such  things  as  they  had  charged  against  him,  he  so  foiled  and  perplexed 
all  their  proceedings,  and  gave  them  so  much  trouble  and  annoyance,  that  they  were 
never  able  to  bring  him  to  any  account  or  punishment." 

Nothing  more  is  known  of  him,  but  that,  after  quitting  Virginia,  he  was  employed 
in  1620  to  command  a  ship  of  war  in  an  expedition  against  the  Algerines  ;  and  that 
in  1623  he  was  knighted  by  King  James. 

About  the  same  time  that  Lord  Delaware  died  at  sea,  the  great  Indian  prince,  Pow- 
hatan,  died  at  his  seat  in  Virginia  (April,  1618).  He  was  a  person  of  excellent 
natural  talents,  penetrating  and  crafty,  and  a  complete  master  of  all  the  arts  of 
savage  policy  ;  but  totally  void  of  truth,  justice,  and  magnanimity.  He  was  suc 
ceeded  by  his  second  brother,  Opitchapan ;  who,  being  decrepit  and  inactive,  was 


136  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

soon  obscured  by  the  superior  abilities  and  ambition  of  his  younger  brother,  Ope- 
chancanough.  Both  of  them  renewed  and  confirmed  the  peace  which  Powhatan  had 
made  with  the  colony ;  Opechancanough  finally  engrossed  the  whole  power  of 
government;  for  the  Indians  do  not  so  much  regard  the  order  of  succession  as 
brilliancy  of  talents  and  intrepidity  of  mind  in  their  chiefs. 

To  ingratiate  themselves  with  the  prince  and  attach  him  more  closely  to  their  in 
terest,  the  colony  built  a  house  for  him  after  the  English  mode.  With  this  he  was 
so  much  pleased  that  he  kept  the  keys  continually  in  his  hands,  opening  and  shut 
ting  the  doors  many  times  in  a  day,  and  showing  the  machinery  of  the  locks  to  his 
own  people  and  strangers.  In  return  for  this  favor  he  gave  liberty  to  the  English  to 
seat  themselves  at  any  place  on  the  shores  of  the  rivers  where  the  natives  had  no 
villages,  and  entered  into  a  further  treaty  with  them  for  the  discovery  of  mines  and 
for  mutual  friendship  and  defense.  This  treaty  was  at  the  request  of  Opechanca 
nough  engraven  on  a  brass  plate  and  fastened  to  one  of  the  largest  oaks,  that  it  might 
be  always  in  view  and  held  in  perpetual  remembrance. 

Yeardley,  being  rid  of  the  trouble  of  calling  Argal  to  account,  applied  himself  to 
the  business  of  his  government.  The  first  thing  he  did  was  to  add  six  new  mem 
bers  to  the  council — Francis  West,  Nathaniel  Powel,  John  Pory,  John  Rolfe,  William 
Wickham,  and  Samuel  Maycock.  The  next  was  to  publish  his  intention  to  call  a 
General  Assembly,  the  privileges  and  powers  of  which  were  defined  in  his  commis 
sion.  He  also  granted  to  the  oldest  planters  a  discharge  from  all  service  to  the  colony, 
but  such  as  was  voluntary  or  obligatory  by  the  laws  and  customs  of  nations,  with  a  con 
firmation  of  all  their  estates,  real  and  personal,  to  be  holden  in  the  same  manner  as 
by  English  subjects.  Finding  a  great  scarcity  of  corn,  he  made  some  amends  for 
his  former  error  by  promoting  the  cultivation  of  it.  The  first  year  of  his  adminis 
tration  (1619)  was  remarkable  for  very  great  crops  of  wheat  and  Indian  corn,  and  for 
a  great  mortality  of  the  people,  not  less  than  300  of  whom  died. 

In  the  month  of  July  of  this  year  the  first  General  Assembly  of  the  colony  of 
Virginia  met  at  Jamestown.  The  deputies  were  chosen  by  the  townships  or  bor 
oughs,  no  counties  being  at  that  time  formed.  From  this  circumstance  the  lower 
House  of  Assembly  was  always  afterward  called  the  House  of  Burgesses  till  the  Rev 
olution  in  1776.  In  this  assembly  the  governor,  council,  and  burgesses  sat  in  one 
house  and  jointly  "  debated  all  matters  thought  expedient  for  the  good  of  the  col 
ony."  The  laws  then  enacted  were  of  the  nature  of  local  regulations,  and  were 
transmitted  to  England  for  the  approbation  of  the  treasurer  and  company.  It  is 
said  that  they  were  judiciously  drawn  up,  but  no  vestige  of  them  now  remains. 

Thus,  at  the  expiration  of  twelve  years  from  their  settlement,  the  Virginians  first 
enjoyed  the  privilege  of  a  Colonial  Legislature,  in  which  they  were  represented  by 
persons  of  their  own  election.  They  received  as  a  favor  what  they  might  have 
claimed  as  a  right,  and,  with  minds  depressed  by  the  arbitrary  system  under  which 
they  had  been  held,  thanked  the  company  for  this  favor,  and  begged  them  to  reduce 
a  compendium,  with  his  Majesty's  approbation,  the  laws  of  England  suitable  for  Vir 
ginia;  giving  this  as  a  reason,  that  it  was  not  fit  for  subjects  to  be  governed  by  any 
laws  but  those  which  received  an  authority  from  their  sovereign. 

It  seems  to  have  been  a  general  sentiment  among  these  colonists  not  to  make 
Virginia  the  place  of  their  permanent  residence,  but,  after  having  acquired  a  fortune 
by  planting  and  trade,  to  return  to  England.  For  this  reason  most  of  them  were 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  137 

destitute  of  families,  and  had  no  natural  attachment  to  the  country.  To  remedy 
this  material  defect,  Sir. Edwin  Sandys,  the  new  treasurer,  proposed  to  the  company 
to  send  over  a  freight  of  young  women  to  make  wives  for  the  planters.  This  pro 
posal,  with  several  others  made  by  that  eminent  statesman,  was  received  with  uni 
versal  applause  ;  and  the  success  answered  their  expectations.  Ninety  girls,  "  young 
and  uncorrupt,"  were  sent  over  at  one  time  (1620) ;  and  sixty  more,  "  handsome  and 
well  recommended,"  at  another  (1621).  These  were  soon  blessed  with  the  object  of 
their  wishes.  The  price  of  a  wife  at  first  was  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds  of 
tobacco ;  but,  as  the  number  became  scarce,  the  price  was  increased  to  one  hundred 
and  fifty  pounds— the  value  of  which  in  money  was  three  shillings  per  pound.  By 
a  subsequent  act  of  Assembly,  it  was  ordained  that  "  the  price  of  a  wife  should  have 
the  precedence  of  all  other  debts  of  recovery  and  payment,  because,  of  all  kinds  of 
merchandise,  this  was  the  most  desirable." 

To  this  salutary  project  of  the  company,  King  James  was  pleased  to  add  another, 
which  he  signified  to  the  treasurer  by  a  letter,  commanding  them  to  send  to  Virginia 
one  hundred  dissolute  persons,  convicted  of  crimes,  who  should  be  delivered  to  them 
by  the  knight-marshal.  The  season  of  the  year  (November)  was  unfavorable  for 
transportation  ;  but  so  peremptory  was  the  King's  command,  and  so  submissive  the 
temper  of  the  company,  that  they  became  bound  for  the  subsistence  of  these  wretches 
till  they  could  sail,  which  was  not  till  February.  The  expense  of  this  equipment 
was  ,£4,000. 

On  this  transaction,  Mr.  Stith,  who  takes  every  opportunity  to  expose  the  weak 
and  arbitrary  government  of  King  James,  makes  the  following  remarks  : 

"Those  who  know  with  how  high  a  hand  this  King  carried  it,  even  with  his  Par 
liaments,  will  not  be  surprised  to  find  him  thus  unmercifully  insult  a  private  com 
pany,  and  load  them  against  all  law,  with  the  maintenance  and  extraordinary  expense 
of  transporting  such  persons  as  he  thought  proper  to  banish.  And  I  can  not  but  re 
mark,  how  early  that  custom  arose  of  transporting  loose  and  dissolute  persons  to  Vir 
ginia,  as  a  place  of  punishment  and  disgrace,  which  though  originally  designed  for  the 
advancement  and  increase  of  the  colony,  yet  has  certainly  proved  a  great  hindrance 
to  its  growth.  For  it  hath  laid  one  of  the  finest  countries  in  America  under  the  un 
just  scandal  of  being  another  Siberia,  fit  only  for  the  reception  of  malefactors,  and 
the  vilest  of  the  people.  So  that  few  have  been  induced  willingly  to  transport  them 
selves  to  such  a  place,  and  our  younger  sisters,  the  northern  colonies,  have  accord 
ingly  profited  thereby.  For  this  is  one  cause  that  they  have  outstripped  us  so  much 
in  the  number  of  their  inhabitants,  and  in  the  goodness  and  frequency  of  their  towns 
and  cities." 

In  the  same  year  (1620)  the  merchandise  of  human  flesh  was  further  augmented 
by  the  introduction  of  negroes  from  Africa.  A  Dutch  ship  brought  twenty  of  them 
for  sale,  and  the  Virginians,  who  had  but  just  emerged  from  a  state  of  vassalage 
themselves,  began  to  be  the  owners  and  masters  of  slaves. 

The  principal  commodity  produced  in  Virginia  besides  corn  was  tobacco,  an  arti 
cle  of  luxury  much  in  demand  in  the  north  of  Europe.  Great  had  been  the  difficul 
ties  attending  this  trade,  partly  from  the  jealousy  of  the  Spaniards,  who  cultivated  it 
in  their  American  colonies  ;  partly  from  the  obsequiousness  of  James  to  that  nation  ; 
and  partly  from  his  own  squeamish  aversion  to  tobacco,  against  the  use  of  which,  in 
his  princely  wisdom,  he  had  written  a  book. 
18 


138  THE    AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

The  Virginia  Company  themselves  were  opposed  to  its  cultivation,  and  readily 
admitted  various  projects  for  encouraging  other  productions  of  more  immediate  use 
and  benefit  to  mankind.  As  the  country  naturally  yielded  mulberry  trees  and  vines, 
it  was  thought  that  silk  and  wine  might  be  manufactured  to  advantage.  To  facili 
tate  these  projects,  eggs  of  the  silk-worm  were  procured  from  the  southern  countries 
of  Europe;  books  on  the  subject  were  translated  from  foreign  languages.  Persons 
skilled  in  the  management  of  silk-worms  and  the  cultivation  of  vines  were  engaged  ; 
and  to  crown  all,  a  royal  order  from  King  James,  inclosed  in  a  letter  from  the  treas 
urer  and  council,  was  sent  over  to  Virginia,  with  high  expectations  of  success.  But 
no  etcertions  nor  authority  could  prevail  to  make  the  cultivation  of  tobacco  yield  to 
that  of  silk  and  wine  ;  and  after  the  trade  of  the  colony  was  laid  open,  and  the 
Dutch  had  free  access  to  their  ports,  the  growth  of  tobacco  received  such  encourage 
ment  ar,  to  become  the  grand  staple  of  the  colony. 

At  this  time  the  company  in  England  was  divided  into  two  parties :  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  was  at  the  head  of  one,  and  the  Earl  of  Southampton  of  the  other.  The 
former  was  the  least  in  number,  but  had  the  ear  and  support  of  the  King ;  and  their 
virulence  was  directed  against  Yeardley,  who  had  intercepted  a  packet  from  his  own 
secretary,  Pory,  containing  the  proofs  of  Argal's  misconduct,  which  had  been  pre 
pared  to  be  used  against  him  at  his  trial,  but  which  the  secretary  had  been  bribed  to 
convey  to  his  close  friend,  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  The  governor  being  a  man  of  mild 
and  gentle  temper,  was  so  overcome  with  the  opposition  and  menaces  of  the  faction, 
which  were  publicly  known  in  the  colony,  that  his  authority  was  weakened,  his 
spirits  dejected,  and  his  health  impaired  to  that  degree  that  he  became  unfit  for 
business,  and  requested  a  dismission  from  the  cares  of  government.  His  commission 
expired  in  November,  1621,  but  he  continued  in  the  colony,  was  a  member  of  the 
council,  and  enjoyed  the  respect  and  esteem  of  the  people. 

During  this  short  administration  many  new  settlements  were  made  on  James  and 
York  Rivers,  and  the  planters  being  supplied  with  wives  and  servants,  began  to  think 
themselves  at  home,  and  to  take  pleasure  in  cultivating  their  lands  ;  but  they  neg 
lected  to  provide  for  their  defense,  placing  too  great  confidence  in  the  continuance 
of  that  tranquillity  which  they  had  long  enjoyed  by  their  treaty  with  the  Indians. 


SIR    FRANCIS   WYAT. 

SIR  FRANCIS  WYAT — SUCCEEDS  YEARDLEY  IN  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  VIRGINIA — DECEIVED  BY 
THE  INDIAN  CHIEFS — MASSACRE  OF  THE  COLONISTS— HE  OPPOSES  THE  CHANGE  OF  GOV 
ERNMENT  ATTEMPTED  BY  THE  CROWN — HE  RETURNS  TO  IRELAND. 

WHEN  Sir  George  Yeardley  requested  a  dismission  from  the  burden  of  govern 
ment,  the  Earl  of  Southampton  recommended  to  the  company  Sir  Francis  Wyat  as 
his  successor.  He  was  a  young  gentleman  of  a  good  family  in  Ireland,  who,  on  ac 
count  of  his  education,  fortune,  and  integrity,  was  every  way  equal  to  the  place,  and 
was  accordingly  chosen. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  139 

He  received  from  the  company  a  set  of  instructions,  which  were  intended  to  be  a 
permanent  directory  for  the  governor  and  council  of  the  colony.  In  these  it  was  rec 
ommended  to  them  to  provide  for  the  service  of  God,  according  to  the  form  and  dis 
cipline  of  the  Church  of  England  ;  to  administer  justice  according  to  the  laws  of  En 
gland  ;  to  protect  the  natives  and  cultivate  peace  with  them ;  to  educate  their  chil 
dren,  and  to  endeavor  their  civilization  and  conversion  ;  to  encourage  industry ;  to 
suppress  gaming,  intemperance,  and  excess  in  apparel ;  to  give  no  offense  to  any 
other  Prince,  State,  or  people;  to  harbor  no  pirates;  to  build  fortifications;  to  culti 
vate  corn,  wine,  and  silk ;  to  search  for  minerals,  dyes,  gums,  medical  drugs  ;  and  to 
"  draw  off  the  people  from  the  excessive  planting  of  tobacco." 

Immediately  on  Wyat's  arrival  (October,  1621)  he  sent  a  special  message  to  Opit- 
chapan  and  Opechancanough  by  Mr.  George  Thorpe,  a  gentleman  of  note  in  the  col 
ony,  and  a  great  friend  to  the  Indians,  to  confirm  the  former  treaties  of  peace  and 
friendship.  They  both  expressed  great  satisfaction  at  the  arrival  of  the  new  gov 
ernor,  and  Mr.  Thorpe  imagined  that  he  could  perceive  an  uncommon  degree  of  re 
ligious  sensibility  in  Opechancanough.  That  artful  chief  so  far  imposed  on  the  cre 
dulity  of  this  good  gentleman,  as  to  persuade  him  that  he  acknowledged  his  own  re 
ligion  to  be  wrong,  that  he  desired  to  be  instructed  in  the  Christian  doctrine,  and 
that  he  wished  for  a  more  friendly  and  familiar  intercourse  with  the  English.  He 
also  confirmed  a  former  promise  of  sending  a  guide  to  show  them  some  mines  above 
the  falls.  But  all  these  pretenses  served  only  to  conceal  a  design  which  he  had  long 
meditated,  to  destroy  the  whole  English  colony. 

The  peace  which  had  subsisted  since  the  marriage  of  Pocahontas  had  lulled  the 
English  into  security,  and  disposed  them  to  extend  their  plantations  along  the  banks 
of  the  rivers,  as  far  as  the  Potowmack,  in  situations  too  remote  from  each  other. 
Their  houses  were  open  and  free  to  the  natives,  who  became  acquainted  with  their 
manner  of  living,  their  hours  of  eating,  of  labor  and  repose,  the  use  of  their  arms  and 
tools,  and  frequently  borrowed  their  boats  for  the  convenience  of  fishing  and  fowling, 
and  to  pass  the  rivers.  This  familiarity  was  pleasing  to  the  English,  as  it  indicated 
a  spirit  of  moderation,  which  had  been  always  recommended  by  the  company  in  En 
gland  to  the  planters ;  and,  as  it  afforded  a  favorable  symptom  of  the  civilization  and 
conversion  of  the  natives ;  but,  by  them,  or  their  leaders,  it  was  designed  to.  conceal 
the  most  sanguinary  intentions. 

In  the  spring  of  the  next  year  (1622)  an  opportunity  offered  to  throw  off  the  mask 
of  friendship,  and  kindle  their  secret  enmity  into  a  blaze.  Among  the  natives  who 
frequently  visited  the  English,  was  a  tall,  handsome  young  chief,  renowned  for  cour 
age  and  success  in  war,  and  excessively  fond  of  finery  in  dress.  His  Indian  name  was 
Nematanow ;  but  by  the  English  he  was  called  Jack  of  the  Feather.  Coming  to  the 
store  of  one  Morgan,  he  there  viewed  several  toys  and  ornaments,  which  were  very 
agreeable  to  the  Indian  taste,  and  persuaded  Morgan  to  carry  them  to  Pamunky, 
where  he  assured  him  of  an  advantageous  traffic.  Morgan  consented  to  go  with 
him,  but  was  murdered  by  the  way. 

In  a  few  days  Nematanow  came  again  to  the  store  with  Morgan's  cap  on  his 
head,  and  being  interrogated  by  two  stout  lads  who  attended  there,  what  was  be 
come  of  their  master,  he  answered  that  he  was  dead.  The  boys  seized  him  and  en 
deavored  to  carry  him  before  a  magistrate;  but  his  violent  resistance  and  the  inso 
lence  of  his  language  so  provoked  them,  that  they  shot  him.  The  wound  proved 


140  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

mortal;  and  when  dying,  he  earnestly  requested  of  the  boys,  that  the  manner  of  his 
death  might  be  concealed  from  his  countrymen,  and  that  he  might  be  privately  buried 
among  the  English. 

As  soon  as  this  transaction  was  known,  Opechancanough  demanded  satisfaction  ; 
but  being  answered  that  the  retaliation  was  just,  he  formed  a  plan  for  a  general  mas 
sacre  of  the  English,  and  appointed  Friday,  the  22d  day  of  March,  for  its  execution ; 
but  he  dissembled  his  resentment  to  the  last  moment.  Parties  of  Indians  were  dis 
tributed  through  the  colony,  to  attack  every  plantation,  at  the  same  hour  of  the  day, 
when  the  men  should  be  abroad  and  at  work.  On  the  evening  before,  and  on  the 
morning  of  that  fatal  day,  the  Indians  came  as  usual  to  the  houses  of  the  English, 
bringing  game  and  fish  to  sell,  and  sat  down  with  them  to  breakfast.  So  general  was 
the  combination,  and  so  deep  the  plot,  that  about  one  hour  before  noon,  they  fell  on 
the  people  in  the  fields  and  houses,  and,  with  their  own  tools  and  weapons,  killed  in 
discriminately,  persons  of  all  ages,  sexes,  and  characters ;  inhumanly  mangling  their 
dead  bodies,  and  triumphing  over  them,  with  all  the  expressions  of  frantic  joy. 

Where  any  resistance  was  made  it  was  generally  successful.  Several  houses  were 
defended,  and  some  few  of  the  assailants  slain.  One  of  Captain  Smith's  old  soldiers, 
Nathaniel  Causie,  though  wounded,  split  the  skull  of  an  Indian,  and  put  his  whole 
party  to  flight.  Several  other  parties  were  dispersed  by  the  firing  of  a  single  gun,  or 
by  the  presenting  of  a  gun,  even  in  the  hand  of  a  woman. 

Jamestown  was  preserved  by  the  fidelity  of  Chanco,  a  young  Indian  convert,  who 
lived  with  Richard  Pace,  and  was  treated  by  him  as  a  son.  The  brother  of  this  In 
dian  came  to  lie  with  him  the  night  before  the  massacre,  and  revealed  to  him  the 
plot,  urging  him  to  kill  his  master,  as  he  intended  to  do  by  his  own.  As  soon  as  he 
was  gone  in  the  morning,  Chanco  gave  notice  of  what  was  intended  to  his  master, 
who,  having  secured  his  own  house,  gave  the  alarm  to  his  neighbors,  and  sent  an 
express  to  Jamestown. 

Three  hundred  and  forty-nine  people  fell  at  this  general  massacre,  of  which  num 
ber  six  were  members  of  the  council.  None  of  these  were  more  lamented  than  Mr. 
George  Thorpe.  This  gentleman  was  one  of  the  best  friends  of  the  Indians,  and  had 
been  earnestly  concerned  in  the  business  of  instructing  and  evangelizing  them.  He 
had  left  a  handsome  estate,  and  an  honorable  employment  in  England,  and  was 
appointed  chief  manager  of  a  plantation  and  a  seminary,  designed  for  the  maintenance 
and  education  of  young  Indians  in  Virginia.  He  had  been  remarkably  kind  and  gen 
erous  to  them,  and  it  was  by  his  exertion  that  the  house  was  built  in  which  Opechan 
canough  took  so  much  pleasure.  Just  before  his  death,  he  was  warned  of  his  danger 
by  one  of  his  servants,  who  immediately  made  his  escape  ;  but  Mr.  Thorpe  would  not 
believe  that  they  intended  him  any  harm,  and  thus  fell  a  victim  to  their  fury.  His 
corpse  was  mangled  and  abused  in  a  manner  too  shocking  to  be  related. 

One  effect  of  this  massacre  was  the  ruin  of  the  iron-works  at  Falling  Creek, 
where  the  destruction  was  so  complete  that,  of  twenty-four  people,  only  a  boy  and 
girl  escaped,  by  hiding  themselves.  The  superintendent  of  this  work  had  discovered 
a  vein  of  lead  ore,  which  he  kept  to  himself;  but  made  use  of  it,  to  supply  himself 
and  his  friends  with  shot.  The  knowledge  of  this  was  lost,  by  his  death,  for  many 
years.  It  was  again  found  by  Colonel  Byrd,  and  again  lost.  The  place  was  a  third 
time  found  by  John  Chiswcll ;  and  the  mine  is  now,  or  has  been  lately,  wrought  tt; 
advantage. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  141 

Another  consequence  of  this  fatal  event  was  an  order  of  the  government  to  draw 
together  the  remnant  of  the  people  into  a  narrow  compass.  Of  eighty  plantations, 
all  were  abandoned  but  six,  which  lay  contiguous,  at  the  lower  part  of  James  River. 
The  owners  or  overseers  of  three  or  four  others  refused  to  obey  the  order,  and 
intrenched  themselves,  mounting  cannon  for  their  defense. 

The  next  effect  was  a  ferocious  war.  The  Indians  were  hunted  like  beasts  of 
prey,  and  as  many  as  could  be  found  were  destroyed.  But  as  they  were  very  expert 
in  hiding  themselves  and  escaping  the  pursuit,  the  English  resolved  to  dissemble 
with  them  in  their  own  way.  To  this  they  were  further  impelled  by  the  fear  of 
famine.  As  seed-time  came  on,  both  sides  thought  it  necessary  to  relax  their 
hostile  operations  and  attend  to  the  business  of  planting.  Peace  was  then  offered 
by  the  English,  and  accepted  by  the  Indians  ;  but  when  the  corn  began  to  grow  the 
English  suddenly  attacked  the  Indians  in  their  fields,  killed  many  of  them,  and 
destroyed  their  corn.  The  summer  was  such  a  scene  of  confusion  that  a  sufficiency 
of  food  could  not  be  obtained,  and  the  people  were  reduced  to  great  straits. 

The  unrelenting  severity  with  which  this  war  was  prosecuted  by  the  Virginians 
against  the  Indians  transmitted  mutual  abhorrence  to  the  posterity  of  both  ;  and 
procured  to  the  former  the  name  of  "the  long  knife,"  by  which  they  are  still  distin 
guished  in  the  hieroglyphic  language  of  the  natives. 

Though  a  general  permission  of  residence  had  been  given  by  Powhatan  and  his 
successors  to  the  colonists,  yet  they  rather  affected  to  consider  the  country  as 
acquired  by  discovery  or  conquest;  and  both  these  ideas  were  much  favored  by  the 
English  Court.  The  civilization  of  the  natives  was  a  very  desirable  object ;  but 
those  who  knew  them  best  thought  that  they  could  not  be  civilized  till  they  were 
first  subdued,  or  till  their  priests  were  destroyed. 

It  is  certain  that  many  pious  and  charitable  persons  in  England  were  very  warmly 
interested  in  their  conversion.  Money  and  books,  church  plate  and  other  furniture 
were  liberally  contributed.  A  college  was  in  a  fair  way  of  being  founded  ;  to  the 
support  of  which  lands  were  appropriated  and  brought  into  a  state  of  cultivation. 
Some  few  instances  of  the  influence  of  Gospel  principles  on  the  savage  mind,  partic 
ularly  Pocahontas  and  Chanco,  gave  sanguine  hope  of  success  ;  and  even  the  massacre 
did  not  abate  the  ardor  of  that  hope,  in  the  minds  of  those  who  had  indulged  it.  The 
experience  of  almost  two  centuries  has  not  extinguished  it ;  and,  however  discour 
aging  the  prospect,  it  is  best  for  the  cause  of  virtue  that  it  never  should  be  aban 
doned.  There  may  be  some  fruit,  which,  though  not  splendid  nor  extensive,  yet 
may  correspond  with  the  genius  of  a  religion  which  is  compared  by  its  Author  to 
"leaven  hid  in  the  meal."  The  power  of  evangelical  truth  on  the  human  mind 
must  not  be  considered  as  void  of  reality  because  not  exposed  to  public  observation. 

When  the  news  of  the  massacre  was  carried  to  England  the  governor  and  colony 
were  considered  as  subjects  of  blame  by  those  very  persons  who  had  always  enjoined 
them  to  treat  the  Indians  with  mildness.  However,  ships  were  dispatched  with  a 
supply  of  provisions,  to  which  the  corporation  of  London,  as  well  as  several  persons 
of  fortune,  largely  contributed.  The  King  lent  them  twenty  barrels  of  powder,  and 
a  quantity  of  unserviceable  arms  from  the  Tower,  and  promised  to  levy  four  hundred 
soldiers,  in  the  several  counties  of  England,  for  their  protection;  but  though  fre 
quently  solicited  by  the  company  in  England,  and  the  colony  in  Virginia,  he  never 
could  be  induced  to  fulfill  this  promise. 


142  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

The  calamities  which  had  befallen  the  colony,  and  the  dissensions  which  had  agi 
tated  the  company,  became  such  topics  of  complaint,  and  were  so  represented  to  the 
King  and  his  privy  council,  that  a  commission  was  issued,  under  the  great  seal,  to 
Sir  William  Jones,  Sir  Nicholas  Fortescue,  Sir  Francis  Gofton,  Sir  Richard  Sutton, 
Sir  William  Pitt,  Sir  Henry  Bouchier,  and  Sir  Henry  Spilm.in,  or  any  four  of  them, 
to  inquire  into  all  matters  respecting  Virginia,  from  the  beginning  of  its  settlement. 
To  enable  them  to  carry  on  this  inquiry,  all  the  books  and  papers  of  the  company 
were  ordered  into  the  custody  of  the  commissioners ;  their  deputy  treasurer  was 
arrested  and  confined  ;  and  all  letters  which  should  arrive  from  the  colony,  were,  by 
the  King's  command,  to  be  intercepted.  This  was  a  very  discouraging  introduction 
to  the  business,  and  plainly  showed  not  only  the  arbitrary  disposition  of  the  King, 
but  the  turn  which  would  be  given  to  the  inquiry.  On  the  arrival  of  a  ship  from 
Virginia,  her  packets  were  seized,  and  laid  before  the  privy  council. 

The  transactions  of  these  commissioners  were  always  kept  concealed;  but  the 
result  of  them  was  made  known  by  an  order  of  council  (October,  1623),  which  set 
forth,  "  That  his  Majesty  having  taken  into  his  princely  consideration  the  distressed 
state  of  Virginia,  occasioned  by  the  ill  government  of  the  company,  had  resolved  by 
a  new  charter,  to  appoint  a  Governor  and  twelve  assistants  to  reside  in  England  ; 
and  a  Governor  with  twelve  assistants  to  reside  in  Virginia ;  the  former  to  be  nomi 
nated  by  his  Majesty  in  council;  the  latter  to  be  nominated  by  the  Governor  and 
assistants  in  England,  and  to  be  approved  by  the  King  in  council ;  and  that  all  pro 
ceedings  should  be  subject  to  the  royal  direction."  The  company  was  ordered  to 
assemble  and  resolve  whether  they  would  submit,  and  resign  their  charter;  and  in 
default  of  such  submission,  the  King  signified  his  determination  to  proceed  for 
recalling  their  charter,  in  such  manner  as  to  him  should  seem  meet. 

This  arbitrary  mandate  so  astonished  the  company,  that  when  they  met,  it  was 
read  over  three  times,  as  if  they  had  distrusted  their  own  cars.  Then  a  long  silence 
ensued ;  and  when  the  question  was  called  for,  twenty-six  only  voted  for  a  surrender, 
and  one  hundred  and  twelve  declared  against  it. 

These  proceedings  gave  such  an  alarm  to  all  who  were  concerned  in  the  planta 
tion  or  trade  of  the  colony,  that  some  ships  which  were  preparing  to  sail  were  stop 
ped  ;  but  the  King  ordered  them  to  proceed;  declaring  that  the  change  of  govern 
ment  would  injure  no  man's  property.  At  the  same  time  he  thought  it  proper  to 
appoint  commissioners  to  go  to  Virginia,  and  inquire  into  the  state  of  the  colony. 
These  were  Sir  John  Harvey,  afterward  Governor;  John  Pory,  who  had  been  secre 
tary;  Abraham  Percy,  Samuel  Matthews,  and  John  Jefferson.  The  subjects  of  their 
inquiry  were  :  "  How  many  plantations  there  be  ;  which  of  them  be  public  and  which 
private ;  what  people,  men,  women,  and  children,  there  be  in  each  plantation  ;  what 
fortifications,  or  what  place  is  best  to  be  fortified  ;  what  houses  and  how  many ;  what 
cattle,  arms,  ammunition,  and  ordnance;  what  boats  and  barges,  what  bridges  and 
public  works ;  how  the  colony  standeth  in  respect  of  the  savages ;  what  hopes  may 
be  truly  conceived  of  the  plantation  and  the  means  to  attain  these  hopes."  The 
Governor  and  council  of  Virginia  were  ordered  to  afford  their  best  assistance  to  the 
commissioners;  but  no  copy  of  their  instructions  was  delivered  to  them. 

After  the  departure  of  the  commissioners,  a  writ  of  quo  warranto  was  issued  by 
the  Court  of  King's  Bench  against  the  company  (November  10,  1623),  and  upon  the 
representation  of  the  Attorney-General  that  no  defense  could  be  made  by  the  com- 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  143 

v 

pany  without  thuir  books  and  their  deputy  treasurer,  the  latter  was  liberated  and 
the  former  were  restored.  The  re-delivery  of  them  to  the  privy  council  was  pro 
tracted,  till  the  clerks  of  the  company  had  taken  copies  of  them. 

In  the  beginning  of  1624  the  commissioners  arrived  in  Virginia  and  a  General 
Assembly  was  called— not  at  their  request,  for  they  kept  all  their  designs  as  secret 
as  possible.  But  notwithstanding  all  the  precautions  which  had  been  taken  to  pre 
vent  the  colony  from  getting  any  knowledge  of  the  proceedings  in  England,  they 
were  by  this  time  well  informed  of  the  whole,  and  had  copies  of  several  papers 
which  had  been  exhibited  against  them. 

The  Assembly,  which  met  on  the  I4th  of  February,  drew  up  answers  to  what 
had  been  alleged  in  a  spirited  and  masterly  style ;  and  appointed  John  Porentis,  one 
of  the  council,  to  go  to  England  as  their  agent,  to  solicit  the  cause  of  the  colony. 
This  gentleman,  unhappily,  died  on  his  passage,  but  their  petition  to  the  King  and 
their  address  to  the  Privy  Council  were  delivered,  in  which  they  requested  that  in 
case  of  a  change  of  the  government  they  might  not  again  fall  into  the  power  of  Sir 
Thomas  Smith  or  his  confidants  ;  that  the  governors  sent  over  to  them  might  not 
have  absolute  authority,  but  be  restrained  to  act  by  advice  of  council ;  and,  above 
all,  that  they  might  "  have  the  liberty  of  General  Assemblies,  than  which  nothing 
could  more  conduce  to  the  public  satisfaction  and  utility."  They  complained  that 
the  short  continuance  of  their  governors  had  been  very  disadvantageous.  "  The 
first  year  they  were  raw  and  inexperienced,  and  generally  in  ill-health  through  a 
change  of  climate ;  the  second,  they  began  to  understand  something  of  the  affairs 
of  the  colony;  and  the  third,  they  were  preparing  to  return." 

To  the  honor  of  Governor  Wyat  it  is  observed  that  he  was  very  active  and 
joined  most  cordially  in  preparing  these  petitions,  and  was  very  far  from  desiring 
absolute  and  inordinate  power,  either  in  himself  or  in  future  governors. 

The  Assembly  was  very  unanimous  in  their  proceedings,  and  intended,  like  the 
commissions,  to  keep  them  secret.  But  Pory,  who  had  long  been  versed  in  the  arts 
of  corruption,  found  means  to  obtain  copies  of  all  their  acts.  Edward  Sharpies, 
clerk  of  the  council,  was  afterward  convicted  of  bribery  and  breach  of  trust,  for 
which  he  was  sentenced  to  the  pillory  and  lost  one  of  his  ears. 

The  commissioners,  finding  that  things  were  going  in  the  Assembly  contrary  to 
their  wishes,  resolved  to  open  some  of  their  powers  with  a  view  to  intimidate  them, 
and  then. endeavored  to  draw  them  into  an  explicit  submission  to  the  revocation  of 
their  charter.  But  the  Assembly  had  the  wisdom  and  firmness  to  evade  the  pro 
posal  by  requesting  to  see  the  whole  extent  of  their  commission.  This  being  denied, 
they  answered  that  when  the  surrender  of  their  charter  should  be  demanded  by  au 
thority,  it  would  be  time  enough  to  make  a  reply. 

The  laws  enacted  by  this  Assembly  are  the  oldest  which  are  to  be  found  in  the 
records  of  the  colony.  They  contain  many  wise  and  good  provisions.  One  of  them 
is  equivalent  to  a  Bill  of  Rig/its,  defining  the  powers  of  the  Governor,  Council,  and 
Assembly  and  the  privileges  of  the  people,  with  regard  to  taxes,  burdens,  and  per 
sonal  service.  The  22d  of  March,  the  day  of  the  massacre,  was  ordered  to  be  sol 
emnized  as  a  day  of  devotion. 

Whilst  these  things  were  doing  in  the  colony,  its  enemies  in  England  were  en 
deavoring,  by  means  of  some  persons  who  had  returned  from  Virginia,  to  injure  the 
character  of  the  Governor;  but  he  was  sufficiently  vindicated  by  the  testimony  of 


144  TUP;    AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

0 

other  persons,  who  asserted  on  their  own  knowledge  the  uprightness  of  his  proceed 
ings,  and  declared  upon  their  honor  and  conscience  that  they  esteemed  him  just  and 
sincere,  free  from  all  corruption  and  private  views.  As  he  had  requested  leave  to 
quit  the  government  at  the  expiration  of  his  commission,  the  company  took  up  the 
matter ;  and,  when  Sir  Samuel  Argal  was  nominated  as  a  candidate  in  competition 
with  him,  there  appeared  but  eight  votes  in  his  favor  and  sixty-nine  for  the  continu 
ance  of  Wyat. 

The  Parliament  assembled  in  February,  1624,  and  the  company  finding  them 
selves  too  weak  to  resist  the  encroachments  of  a  prince  who  had  engrossed  almost 
the  whole  power  of  the  State,  applied  to  the  House  of  Commons  for  protection. 
The  King  was  highly  offended  at  this  attempt,  and  sent  a  prohibitory  letter  to  the 
speaker,  which  was  no  sooner  read  than  the  company's  petition  was  ordered  to  be 
withdrawn. 

However  singular  this  interference  on  the  one  hand,  and  compliance  on  the  other, 
may  now  appear,  it  was  usual  at  that  time  for  the  King  to  impose  his  mandates,  and 
for  the  Commons,  who  knew  not  the  extent  of  their  own  rights,  to  obey;  though  not 
without  the  animadversions  of  the  most  intelligent  and  zealous  members.  The  royal 
prerogative  was  held  inviolably  sacred,  till  the  indiscretions  of  a  subsequent  reign  re 
duced  it  to  an  object  of  contempt.  In  this  instance,  the  Commons,  however  passive 
in  their  submission  to  the  Crown,  yet  showed  their  regard  to  the  interest  of  the  com 
plainants  as  well  as  of  the  nation,  by  petitioning  the  King  that  no  tobacco  should 
be  imported  but  of  the  growth  of  the  colonies.  To  this  James  consented,  and  a 
proclamation  was  issued  accordingly. 

The  commissioners,  on  their  return  from  Virginia,  reported  to  the  King,  "that 
the  people  sent  to  inhabit  there  were  most  of  them,  by  sickness,  famine,  and  massa 
cre  of  the  savages,  dead  ;  that  those  who  were  living  were  in  necessity  and  want,  and 
in  continual  danger  from  the  savages  ;  but  that  the  country  itself  appeared  to  be  fruit 
ful,  and  to  those  who  had  resided  there  some  time,  healthy ;  that  if  industry  were  used,  it 
would  produce  divers  staple  commodities,  though  for  sixteen  years  past  it  had  yielded 
few  or  none ;  that  this  neglect  must  fall  on  the  governors  and  company,  who  had 
power  to  direct  the  plantations ;  that  the  said  plantations  were  of  great  importance, 
and  would  remain  a  lasting  monument  to  posterity  of  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  and 
happy  government,  if  the  same  were  prosecuted  to  those  ends  for  which  they  were 
first  undertaken;  that  if  the  provisions  and  instructions  of  the  first  chanter  (1606) 
had  been  pursued,  much  better  effect  had  been  produced  than  by  the  alteration 
thereof  into  so  popular  a  course,  and  among  so  many  hands  as  it  then  was,  which 
caused  much  confusion  and  contention." 

On  this  report,  the  King,  by  a  proclamation  (July  15),  suppressed  the  meetings 
of  the  company,,  and,  till  a  more  perfect  settlement  could  be  made,  ordered  a  privy 
council  to  sit  every  Thursday,  at  the  house  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  for  conducting  the 
affairs  of  the  colony.  Soon  after,  viz,  in  Trinity  term,  the  quo  warranto  was  brought 
to  trial  in  the  Court  of  King's  Bench  ;  judgment  was  brought  against  the  company, 
and  the  charter  was  vacated. 

This  was  the  end  of  the  Virginia  Company,  one  of  the  most  public-spirited  socie 
ties  which  had  ever  been  engaged  in  such  an  undertaking.  Mr.  Stith,  who  had 
searched  all  their  records  and  papers,  concludes  his  history  by  observing  that  they 
were  "  gentlemen  of  very  noble,  clear,  and  disinterested  views,  willing  to  spend  much 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  145 

of  their  time  and  money,  and  did  actually  expend  more  than  £100,000  of  their  own 
fortunes,  without  any  prospect  of  present  gain  or  retribution,  in  advancing  an  enter 
prise  which  they  conceived  to  be  of  very  great  consequence  fo  their  country." 

No  sooner  was  the  company  dissolved  than  James  issued  a  iv.-w  commission 
(August  26)  for  the  government  of  the  colony.  In  it  the  history  of  the  plantation 
was  briefly  recited.  Sir  Francis  Wyat  was  continued  governor,  with  eleven  assistants 
or  counselors,  Francis  West,  Sir  George  Yeardley,  George  Sandys,  Roger  Smith, 
Ralph  Hamor,  who  had  been  of  the  former  council,  with  the  addition  of  John  Mar 
tin,  John  Harvey,  Samuel  Matthews,  Abraham  Percy,  Isaac  Madison,  and  William 
Clayborne.  The  governor  and  council  were  appointed  during  the  King's  pleasure, 
with  authority  to  rule  the  colony  and  punish  offenders,  as  fully  as  any  governor  and 
council  might  have  done.  No  assembly  was  mentioned  or  allowed,  because  the 
King  supposed,  agreeable  to  the  report  of  the  commissioners,  that  "  so  popular  a 
course"  was  one  cause  of  the  late  calamities,  and  he  hated  the  existence  of  such  a 
body  within  any  part  of  his  dominions,  especially  when  they  were  disposed  to  inquire 
into  their  own  rights,  and  redress  the  grievances  of  the  people. 

After  the  death  of  James,  which  happened  on  the  2/th  of  March,  1625,  his  son 
and  successor,  Charles,  issued  a  proclamation,  expressing  his  resolution,  that  the 
colony  and  government  of  Virginia  should  depend  immediately  on  himself,  without 
the  intervention  of  any  commercial  company.  He  also  followed  the  example  of  his 
father  in  making  no  mention  of  a  representative  assembly  in  any  of  his  subsequent 
commissions. 

Governor  Wyat,  on  the  death  of  his  father,  Sir  George  Wyat,  having  returned  to 
Ireland,  the  government  of  Virginia  fell  again  into  the  hands  of  Sir  George  Yeardley. 
But,  his  death  happening  within  the  year  1626,  he  was  succeeded  by  Sir  John  Harvey. 


BARTHOLOMEW   GOSNOLD,    MARTIN    PRING,    BARTHOLO 
MEW  GILBERT,  GEORGE  WEYMOUTH. 

BARTHOLOMEW  GOSNOLD — HIS  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA — DISCOVERS  CAPE  COD  —HIS  INTERVIEW 
AND  TRAFFIC  WITH  THE  NATIVES— SAILS  FOR  ENGLAND— ACCOMPANIES  JOHN  SMITH  TO 
VIRGINIA— HIS  DEATH— MARTIN  PRING — SAILS  FOR  NORTH  VIRGINIA— DISCOVERS  FOX 
ISLANDS— ENTERS  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY— INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  NATIVES — RETURNS  TO 
ENGLAND— HIS  SECOND  VOYAGE — BARTHOLOMEW  GILBERT  — HIS  VOYAGE  TO  VIRGINIA — HE 
IS  KILLED  BY  THE  NATIVES  —  GEORGE  WEYMOUTH  —  SAILS  FOR  AMERICA  —  DISCOVERS 
GEORGE'S  ISLANDS  AND  PENTECOST  HARBOR — KIDNAPS  SOME  OF  THE  NATIVES. 

THE  voyages  made  to  America  by  these  navigators,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  may  be  considered  as  the  leading  steps  to  the  colonization  of 
New  England.  Excepting  the  fishery  at  Newfoundland,  the  Europeans  were  at  that 
time  in  actual  possession  of  no  part  of  North  America ;  though  the  English  claimed 
a  right  to  the  whole,  by  virtue  of  prior  discovery.  The  attempts  which  Raleigh  had 
made  to  colonize  the  southern  part  of  the  territory,  called  Virginia,  had  failed;  but 
19 


THE    AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

he  and  his  associates  enjoyed  an  exclusive  patent  from  the  Crown  of  England  for  the 
whole  coast ;  and  these  adventurers  obtained  a  license,  under  this  authority,  to  make 
their  voyages  and  settlements. 

BARTHOLOMEW  GOSNOLD  was  an  active,  intrepid,  and  experienced  mariner,  in 
the  west  of  England.  He  had  sailed  in  one  of  the  ships  employed  by  Raleigh,  to 
Virginia ;  and  was  convinced  that  there  must  be  a  shorter  and  safer  way  across  the 
Atlantic  than  the  usual  route  by  the  Canaries  and  the  West  India  Islands.  At 
whose  expense  he  undertook  his  voyage  to  the  northern  part  of  Virginia  does  not 
appear;  but  that  it  was  with  the  approbation  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  and  his  associates 
is  evident  from  an  account  of  the  voyage  which  was  presented  to  him. 

On  the  26th  of  March,  1602,  Gosnold  sailed  from  Falmouth,  in  a  small  bark,  the 
tonnage  of  which  is  not  mentioned,  carrying  thirty-two  persons,  of  whom  eight  were 
mariners.  The  design  of  the  voyage  was  to  find  a  direct  and  short  course  to  Vir 
ginia  ;  and,  upon  the  discovery  of  a  proper  seat  for  a  plantation,  twelve  of  the  company 
were  to  return  to  England,  and  twenty  to  ren.ain  in  America,  till  further  assistance 
and  supplies  could  be  sent  to  them. 

The  former  part  of  this  design  was  accomplished,  as  far  as  the  winds  and  other 
circumstances  would  permit.  They  went  no  farther  southward  than  the  thirty- 
seventh  degree  of  latitude,  within  sight  of  St.  Mary,  one  of  the  Western  Islands.  In 
the  forty-third  degree  they  approached  the  continent  of  America,  which  they  first 
discovered  on  the  I4th  of  May,  after  a  passage  of  seven  weeks.  The  weakness  of 
their  bark,  and  their  ignorance  of  the  route,  made  them  carry  but  little  sail,  or  they 
might  have  arrived  some  days  sooner.  They  judged  that  they  had  shortened  the 
distance  500  leagues. 

It  is  not  easy  to  determine  from  the  journal  what  part  of  the  coast  they  first  saw. 
Oldmixon  says  it  was  the  north  side  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  The  description  in  the 
journal  does,  in  some  respects,  agree  with  the  coast,  extending  from  Cape  Ann  to 
Marblehead,  or  to  the  rocky  point  of  Nahant. 

From  a  rock,  which  they  called  Savage  Rock,  a  shallop  of  European  fabric  came 
off  to  them,  in  which  were  eight  savages;  two  or  three  of  whom  were  dressed  in 
European  habits.  From  these  circumstances  they  concluded  that  some  fishing  vessel 
of  Biscay  had  been  there,  and  that  the  crew  were  destroyed  by  the  natives.  These 
people,  by  signs,  invited  them  to  stay,  but  "the  harbor  being  naught,  and  doubting 
the  weather,"  they  did  not  think  proper  to  accept  the  invitation. 

In  the  night  they  stood  to  the  southward,  and  the  next  morning  found  them 
selves  "  embayed  with  a  mighty  headland,"  which  at  first  appeared  "  like  an  island, 
by  reason  of  a  large  sound  which  lay  between  it  and  the  main."  Within  a  league 
of  this  land  they  came  to  anchor  in  fifteen  fathoms,  and  took  a  very  great  quantity 
of  cod.  From  this  circumstance  the  land  was  named  Cape  Cod.  It  is  described  as  a 
low,  sandy  shore,  but  without  danger,  and  lying  in  the  latitude  cf  42°.  Captain 
Gosnold,  with  Mr.  Bricrton  and  three  men,  went  to  it  and  found  the  shore  bold  and 
the  sand  very  deep.  A  young  Indian,  with  copper  pendants  in  his  ears,  a  bow  in  his 
hand,  and  arrows  at  his  back,  came  to  them,  and  in  a  friendly  manner  offered  his 
service;  but  as  they  were  in  haste  to  return  to  the  ship,  they  had  little  conference, 
with  him. 

On  the  i6th  they  sailed  by  the  shore  southerly;  and,  at  the  end  of  twelve 
leagues,  saw  a  point  of  land,  with  breakers  at  a  distance.  In  attempting  to  double 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  147 

this  point,  they  came  suddenly  into  shoal  water;  from  which  they  extricated  them 
selves  by  standing  off  to  sea.  This  point  they  named  Point  Care,  and  the  breakers, 
Tucker  s  Terror,  from  the  person  who  first  discovered  the  danger.  In  the  night  they 
bore  up  toward  the  land,  and  came  to  anchor  in  eight  fathoms.  The  next  day 
(i/th),  seeing  many  breakers  about  them,  and  the  weather  being  foul,  they  lay  at 
anchor. 

On  the  1 8th,  the  weather  being  clear,  they  sent  their  boat  to  sound  a  beach, 
which  lay  off  another  point,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Gilbert' s  Point.  The 
ship  remained  at  anchor  the  whole  of  this  day  ;  and  some  of  the  natives  came  from 
the  shore  in  their  canoes  to  visit  them.  These  people  were  dressed  in  skins,  and 
furnished  with  pipes  and  tobacco  ;  one  of  them  had  a  breast-plate  of  copper.  They 
appeared  more  timorous  than  those  of  Savage  Rock,  but  were  very  thievish. 

When  the  people  in  the  boat  returned  from  sounding,  they  reported  a  depth  of 
water  from  four  to  seven  fathoms,  over  the  breach  ;  which  the  ship  passed  the  next 
day  (igth)  and  came  to  anchor  again  above  a  league  beyond  it.  Here  they  remained 
two  days  surrounded  by  schools  of  fish  and  flocks  of  aquatic  birds.  To  the  north 
ward  of  west,  they  saw  several  hummocks,  which  they  imagined  were  distinct  islands  ; 
but  when  they  sailed  toward  them  (on  the  2 1st),  they  found  them  to  be  small  hills 
within  the  land.  They  discovered  also  an  opening,  into  which  they  endeavored  to 
enter,  supposing  it  to  be  the  southern  extremity  of  the  sound  between  Cape  Cod 
and  the  mainland.  But  on  examination,  the  water  proving  very  shoal,  they  called 
it  Shoal  Hope,  and  proceeded  to  the  westward.  The  coast  was  full  of  people,  who 
ran  along  the  shore,  accompanying  the  ship  as  she  sailed  ;  and  many  smokes  ap 
peared  within  the  land. 

In  coasting  along  to  the  westward,  they  discovered  an  island,  on  which  the  next 
day  (22d)  they  landed.  The  description  of  it  in  the  journal  is  this:  "  A  disinhabited 
island;  from  Shoal  Hope  it  is  eight  leagues;  in  circuit  it  is  five  miles,  and  hath 
forty-one  degrees  and  one  quarter  of  latitude.  The  place  most  pleasant ;  for  we 
found  it  full  of  wood,  vines,  gooseberry  bushes,  hurtberries,  raspices,  eglantine 
[sweet-brier],  etc.  Here  we  had  cranes,  herns,  shoulers,  geese,  and  divers  other 
birds ;  which  there,  at  that  time,  upon  the  cliffs,  being  sandy  with  some  rocky  stones, 
did  breed  and  had  young.  In  this  place  we  saw  deer.  Here  we  rode  in  eight  fath 
oms,  near  the  shore ;  where  we  took  great  store  of  cod,  as  before  at  Cape  Cod,  but 
much  better.  The  island  is  sound,  and  hath  no  danger  about  it."  They  gave  it  the 
name  of  Martha's  Vineyard,  from  the  great  number  of  vines  which  they  found  on  it. 

From  this  island,  they  passed  (on  the  24th)  round  a  very  high  and  distinguished 
promontory;  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Dover  Cliff;  and  came  to  anchor  "in 
a  fair  sound,  where  they  rode  all  night." 

Between  them  and  the  main,  which  was  then  in  sight,  lay  a  "  ledge  of  rocks,  ex 
tending  a  mile  into  the  sea,  but  all  above  water,  and  without  danger."  They  went 
round  the  western  extremity  of  this  ledge,  and  came  to  in  eight  fathoms  of  water,  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  shore,  in  one  of  the  stateliest  sounds  that  ever  they  had 
seen."  This  they  called  Gosnold's  Hope.  The  north  side  of  it  was  the  mainland 
stretching  east  and  west,  distant  four  leagues  from  the  island,  where  they  came  to 
anchor,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Elisabeth,  in  honor  of  their  Queen. 

On  the  28th  of  May,  they  held  a  council  respecting  the  place  of  their  abode, 
which  they  determined  to  be  "  in  the  west  part  of  Elizabeth  Island,  the  north-east 


148  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

part  running  out  of  their  ken."  The  island  is  thus  described  :  "  In  the  western  side, 
it  admitteth  some  creeks  or  sandy  coves,  so  girded,  as  the  water  in  some  places 
meeteth ;  to  which  the  Indians  from  the  main,  do  often  resort  for  fishing  crabs. 
There  is  eight  fathom  very  near  the  shore,  and  the  latitude  is  41°  10'.  The  breadth 
of  the  island  from  sound  to  sound,  in  the  western  part,  is  not  passing  a  mile,  at  most ; 
altogether  unpeopled  and  disinhabited. 

"  It  is  overgrown  with  wood  and  rubbish.  The  woods  are  oak,  ash,  beech,  wal 
nut,  witch-hazel,  sassafrage,  and  cedars,  with  divers  others  of  unknown  names.  The 
rubbish  is  wild-peas,  young  sassafrage,  cherry  trees,  vines,  eglantine  (or  sweet-brier), 
gooseberry  bushes,  hawthorn,  honeysuckles,  with  others  of  the  like  quality.  The 
herbs  and  roots  are  strawberries,  rasps,  ground  nuts,  alexander,  surrin,  tansy,  etc., 
without  count.  Touching  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  by  our  own  experience,  we  found 
it  to  be  excellent ;  for,  sowing  some  English  pulse,  it  sprouted  out  in  one  fortnight 
almost  half  a  foot. 

"  In  this  island  is  a  pond  of  fresh  water,  in  circuit  two  miles ;  on  one  side  not  dis 
tant  from  the  sea  thirty  yards.  In  the  centre  of  it  is  a  rocky  islet,  containing  near 
an  acre  of  ground,  full  of  wood  and  rubbish,  on  which  we  began  our  fort  and  place 
of  abode,  and  made  a  punt  or  flat-bottomed  boat  to  pass  to  and  fro  over  the  fresh 
water. 

"  On  the  north  side,  near  adjoining  to  Elizabeth,  is  an  islet,  in  compass  half  a 
mile,  full  of  cedars,  by  me  called  Hill's  Hap  ;  to  the  northward  of  which,  in  the  mid 
dle  of  an  opening  on  the  main,  appeared  another  like  it,  which  I  called  Hap's  Hill." 
When  Captain  Gosnold,  with  divers  of  the  company,  "  went  in  the  shallop  toward 
Hill's  Hap,  to  view  it  and  the  sandy  cove,  they  found  a  baik  canoe  which  rhe  Indians 
had  quitted  for  fear  of  them.  This  they  took  and  brought  to  England.  It  is  not 
said  that  they  made  any  acknowledgment  or  recompense  for  it." 

Before  I  proceed  in  the  account  of  Gosnold's  transactions,  it  is  necessary  to  make 
some  remarks  on  the  preceding  detail,  which  is  either  abridged  or  extracted  from  the 
journal  written  by  Gabriel  Archer.  This  journal  contains  some  inaccuracies  which 
may  be  corrected  by  carefully  comparing  its  several  parts,  and  by  actual  observations 
of  the  places  described.  I  have  taken  much  pains  to  obtain  information  by  consult 
ing  the  best  maps  and  conversing  or  corresponding  with  pilots  and  other  persons. 
But,  for  my  greater  satisfaction,  I  have  visited  the  island  on  which  Gosnold  built  his 
house  and  fort,  the  ruins  of  which  are  still  visible,  though  at  the  distance  of  nearly 
two  centuries. 

That  Gosnold's  Cape  Cod  is  the  promontory  which  now  bears  that  name,  is  evi 
dent  from  his  description.  The  point  which  he  denominated  Care,  at  the  distance  ol 
twelve  leagues  southward  of  Cape  Cod,  agrees  very  well  with  Malebarre,  or  Sandy 
Point,  the  south-eastern  extremity  of  the  county  of  Barnstable.  The  shoal  water 
and  breach,  which  he  called  Tucker ' s  Terror,  correspond  with  the  shoal  and  breakers 
commonly  called  the  Pollock  Rip,  which  extends  to  the  south-east  of  this  remark 
able  point. 

To  avoid  this  danger,  it  being  late  in  the  day,  he  stood  so  far  out  to  sea  as  to 
overshoot  the  eastern  entrance  of  what  is  now  called  the  Vineyard  Sound.  The  land 
which  he  made  in  the  night  was  a  white  cliff  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Nantucket,  now 
called  Sankoty  Head.  The  breach  which  lay  off  Gilbert's  Point  I  take  to  be  at  the 
Bass  Rip  and  the  Pollock  Rip,  with  the  cross  ripplings  which  extend  from  the  south- 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  149 

east  extremity  of  that  island.  Over  these  ripplings  there  is  a  depth  of  water  from  four 
to  seven  fathoms,  according  to  a  late  map  of  Nantucket,  published  by  Peleg  Coffin, 
Esq.,  and  others.  That  Gosnold  did  not  enter  the  Vineyard  Sound,  but  overshot  it 
in  the  night,  is  demonstrated  by  comparing  his  journal  with  that  of  Martin  Pring, 
the  next  year;  a  passage  from  which  shall  be  cited  in  its  proper  place. 

The  large  opening  which  he  saw,  but  did  not  enter,  and  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  Shoal  Hope,  agrees  very  well  with  the  open  shore  to  the  westward  of  the 
little  island  of  Muskeget. 

The  island  which  he  called  Martha's  Vineyard  now  bears  the  name  of  No-Man's 
Land.  This  is  clear  from  his  account  of  its  size,  five  miles  in  circuit ;  its  distance 
from  Shoal  Hope,  eight  leagues,  and  from  Elizabeth  Island,  five  leagues ;  the  safety 
of  approaching  it  on  all  sides ;  and  trie  small,  but  excellent  cod  which  are  always 
taken  near  it  in  the  spring  months.  The  only  material  objection  is,  that  he  found 
deer  upon  the  island  ;  but  this  is  removed  by  comparing  his  account  with  the  journal 
of  Martin  Pring,  who,  the  next  year,  found  deer  in  abundance  on  the  large  island, 
now  called  the  Vineyard.  I  have  had  credible  testimony  that  deer  have  been  seen 
swimming  across  the  Vineyard  Sound  when  pursued  by  hunters.  This  island  was  a 
sequestered  spot,  where  those  deer  who  took  refuge  upon  it  would  probably  remain 
undisturbed  and  multiply. 

The  lofty  promontory,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Dover  Cliff,  is  Gay  Head  ; 
an  object  too  singular  and  entertaining  to  pass  unobserved,  and  far  superior  in  mag 
nitude  to  any  other  cliff  on  any  of  these  islands.  The  "  fair  sound,"  into  which  he 
entered  after  doubling  this  cliff,  is  the  western  extremity  of  the  Vineyard  Sound, 
and  his  anchoring-place  was  probably  in  or  near  Menemsha  Bight. 

For  what  reason  and  at  what  time  the  name  of  Martha's  Vineyard  was  trans 
ferred  from  the  small  island  so  called  by  Gosnold  to  the  large  island  which  now  bears 
it,  are  questions  which  remain  in  obscurity.  That  Gosnold  at  first  took  the  southern 
side  of  this  large  island  to  be  the  main,  is  evident.  When  he  doubled  the  cliff  at  its 
western  end  he  knew  it  to  be  an  island,  but  gave  no  name  to  any  part  of  it  except 
the  Cliff. 

"The  ledge  of  rocks  extending  a  mile  into  the  sea,"  between  his  anchoring- 
ground  and  the  main,  is  that  remarkable  ledge  distinguished  by  the  name  of  the  Sow 
and  Pigs.  The  "  stately  sound  "  which  he  entered  after  passing  round  these  rocks 
is  the  mouth  of  Buzzard's  Bay,  and  the  island  (Elisabet/i)  is  the  westernmost  of  the 
islands  which  now  go  by  the  name  of  Elizabeth's  Islands.  Its  Indian  name  is  Cut- 
tyhunk,  a  contraction  of  Poo-cut-oh-hunk-un-noh,  which  signifies  a  thing  that  lies 
out  of  the  water.  The  names  of  the  others  are  Nashawena,  Pasque,  Naushon,  Ne- 
nimisset,  and  Peniquese,  besides  some  of  less  note. 

In  this  island  at  the  west  end  on  the  north  side  is  a  pond  of  fresh  water  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  in  length  and  of  unequal  breadth  ;  but  if  measured  in  all  its  sinu 
osities,  would  amount  to  two  miles  in  circuit.  *  In  the  middle  of  its  breadth  near  the 
west  end  is  a  "  rocky  islet,  containing  near  an  acre  of  ground." 

To  this  spot  I  went  on  the  2Oth  day  of  June,  1797,  in  company  with  several  gen 
tleman,  whose  curiosity  and  obliging  kindness  induced  them  to  accompany  me.  The 
protecting  hand  of  Nature  has  reserved  this  favorite  spot  to  herself.  Its  fertility 
and  its  productions  are  exactly  the  same  as  in  Gosnold's  time,  excepting  the  wood, 
of  which  there  is  none.  Every  species  of  what  he  calls  "  rubbish,"  with  strawber- 


150  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

ries,  peas,  tansy,  and  other  fruits  and  herbs,  appear  in  rich  abundance,  unmolested 
by  any  animal  but  aquatic  birds.  We  had  the  supreme  satisfaction  to  find  the  cel 
lar  of  Gosnold's  storehouse,  the  stones  of  which  were  evidently  taken  from  the  neigh 
boring  beach,  the  rocks  of  the  islet  being  less  movable  and  lying  in  ledges. 

The  whole  island  of  Cuttyhunk  has  been  for  many  years  stripped  of  its  wood, 
but  I  was  informed  by  Mr.  Greenill,  an  old  resident  farmer,  that  the  trees  which  for 
merly  grew  on  it  were  such  as  are  described  in  Gosnold's  journal.  The  soil  is  a  very 
fine  garden  mold,  from  the  bottom  of  the  valleys  to  the  top  of  the  hills,  and  affords 
rich  pasture. 

The  length  of  the  island  is  rather  more  than  two  miles  and  its  breadth  about  one 
mile.  The  beach  between  the  pond  and  the  sea  is  twenty-seven  yards  wide.  It  is 
so  high  and  firm  a  barrier,. that  the  sea  neveV  flows  into  the  pond  but  when  agitated 
by  a  violent  gale  from  the  north-west.  The  pond  is  deep  in  the  middle.  It  has  no 
visible  outlet.  Its  fish  are  perch,  eels,  and  turtles:  and  it  is  frequented  by  aquatic 
birds,  both  wild  and  domestic. 

On  the  north  side  of  the  island,  connected  with  it  by  a  beach,  is  an  elevation,  the 
Indian  name  of  which  is  Copicut.  E-'ther  this  hill  or  the  little  island  of  Peniquese, 
which  lies  a  mile  to  the  northward,  is  the  place  which  Gosnold  called  Hill's  Hap. 
Between  Copicut  and  Cuttyhunk  is  a  circular  sandy  cove  with  a  narrow  entrance. 
Pfap's  Hill,  on  the  opposite  shore  of  the  main,  distant  four  leagues,  is  a  round  eleva 
tion,  on  a  point  of  land  near  the  Dumplin  Rocks,  between  the  rivers  of  Apoone- 
ganset  and  Pascamanset,  in  the  township  of  Dartmouth. 

From  the  south  side  of  Cuttyhunk,  the  promontory  of  Gay  Head,  which  Gosnold 
called  Dover  Cliff,  and  the  island  which  he  named  Martha's  Vineyard,  lie  in  full  view, 
and  appear  to  great  advantage.  No  other  objects  in  that  region  bear  any  resem 
blance  to  them,  or  to  the  description  given  of  them  ;  nor  is  there  a  ledge  of  rocks 
projecting  from  any  other  island  a  mile  into  the  sea. 

Whilst  Gabriel  Archer  and  a  party,  generally  consisting  of  ten,  labored  in  clearing 
the  "  rocky  islet  "  of  wood,  and  building  a  storehouse  and  fort,  Captain  Gosnold  and 
the  rest  of  the  company  were  employed  either  in  making  discoveries,  or  fishing,  or 
collecting  sassafras.  On  the  3 1st  of  May  he  went  to  the  mainland,  on  the  shore  of 
which  he  was  met  by  a  company  of  the  natives,  "men,  women,  and  children,  who, 
with  all  courteous  kindness,  entertained  him,  giving  him  skins  of  wild  beasts,  to 
bacco,  turtles,  hemp,  artificial  strings,  colored  [wampum],  and  such  like  things  as 
they  had  about  them."  The  stately  groves,  flowery  meadows,  and  running  brooks 
afforded  delightful  entertainment  to  the  adventurers.  The  principal  discovery  which 
they  made  was  of  two  good  harbors ;  one  of  which  I  take  to  be  Apooneganset,  and 
the  other  Pascamanset,  between  which  lies  the  round  hill,  which  they  called  Hap' s 
Hill.  They  observed  the  coast  to  extend  five  leagues  further  to  the  south-west,  as 
it  does  to  Seconnet  Point.  As  they  spent  but  one  day  in  this  excursion,  they  did 
not  fully  explore  the  main,  though  frcffn  what  they  observed,  the  land  being  broken, 
and  the  shore  rocky,  they  were  convinced  of  the  existence  of  other  harbors  on  that 
coast. 

On  the  5th  of  June  an  Indian  chief  and  fifty  men,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows, 
landed  on  the  island.  Archer  and  his  men  left  their  work  and  met  them  on  the 
beach.  After  mutual  salutations  they  sat  do.vn  and  began  a  traffic,  exchanging  such 
things  as  they,  had  to  mutual  satisfaction.  The  ship  then  lay  at  anchor  a  league  off. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  151 

Gosnold  seeing  the  Indians  approach  the  island,  came  on  shore  with  twelve  men,  and 
was  received  by  Archer's  party  with  military  ceremony,  as  their  commander.  The 
captain  gave  the  chief  a  straw  hat  and  two  knives.  The  former  he  little  regarded ; 
the  latter  he  received  with  great  admiration. 

In  a  subsequent  visit  they  became  better  acquainted,  and  had  a  larger  trade  for 
furs.  At  dinner  they  entertained  the  savages  with  fish  and  mustard,  and  gave  them 
beer  to  drink.  The  effect  of  the  mustard  on  the  noses  of  the  Indians  afforded  them 
much  diversion.  One  of  them  stole  a  target  and  conveyed  it  on  board  of  his  canoe ; 
when  it  was  demanded  of  the  chief  it  was  immediately  restored.  No  demand  was 
made  of  the  birch  canoe  which  Gosnold  had  a  few  days  before  taken  from  the  Indians. 
When  the  chief  and  his  retinue  took  their  leave,  four  or  five  of  the  Indians  stayed 
and  helped  the  adventurers  to  dig  the  roots  of  sassafras,  with  which,  as  well  as  furs 
and  othe.r  productions  of  the  country,  the  ship  was  loaded  for  her  homeward  voyage. 
Having  performed  this  service,  the  Indians  were  invited  on  board  the  ship,  but  they 
declined  the  invitation  and  returned  to  the  main.  This  island  had  no  fixed  inhab 
itants  ;  the  natives  of  the  opposite  shore  frequently  visited  it  for  the  purpose  of  gath 
ering  shell-fish,  with  which  its  creeks  and  coves  abounded. 

All  these  Indians  had  ornaments  of  copper.  When  the  adventurers  asked  them, 
by  signs,  whence  they  obtained  this  metal,  one  of  them  made  answer  by  digging  a 
hole  in  the  ground  and  pointing  to  the  main  ;  from  which  circumstance  it  was  under 
stood  th:.t  the  adjacent  country  contained  mines  of  copper.  In  the  course  of  al 
most  two  centuries,  no  copper  has  been  there  discovered  ;  though  iron,  a  much  more 
useful  metal,  wholly  unknown  to  the  natives,  is  found  in  great  plenty.  The  question, 
whence  did  they  obtain  copper  ?  is  yet  without  an  answer. 

Three  weeks  were  spent  in  clearing  the  islet,  digging  and  stoning  a  cellar,  build 
ing  a  house,  fortifying  it  with  palisades,  and  covering  it  with  sedge,  which  then  grew 
in  great  plenty  on  the  sides  of  the  pond.  During  this  time  a  survey  was  made  of 
their  provisions.  After  reserving  enough  to  victual  twelve  men,  who  were  to  go 
home  in  the  bark,  no  more  could  be  left  with  the  remaining  twenty  than  would  suf 
fice  them  for  six  weeks,  and  the  ship  could  not  return  till  the  end  of  the  next  autumn. 
This  was  a  very  discouraging  circumstance. 

A  jealousy  also  arose  respecting  the  profits  of  the  ship's  lading ;  those  who  stayed 
behind  claiming  a  share  as  well  as  those  who  should  return  to  England.  Whilst  these 
subjects  were  in  debate,  a  single  Indian  came  on  board,  from  whose  apparently  grave 
and  sober  deportment  they- suspected  him  to  have  been  sent  as  a  spy.  In  a  few  days 
after,  the  ship  went  to  Hill's  Hap,  out  of  sight  of  the  fort,  to  take  in  a  load  of  cedar, 
and  was  there  detained  so  much  longer  than  they  expected,  that  the  party  at  the  fort 
had  expended  their  provision.  Four  of  them  went  in  search  of  shell-fish,  and  divided 
themeslves,  two  and  two,  going  different  ways.  One  of  these  small  parties  was  sud 
denly  attacked  by  four  Indians  in  a  canoe,  who  wounded  one  of  them  in  the  arm  with 
an  arrow.  His  companion  seized  the  canoe  and  cut  their  bow-strings,  on  which  they 
fled.  It  being  late  in  the  day,  and  the  weather  stormy,  this  couple  were  obliged  to 
pi.ss  the  night  in  the  woods,  and  did  not  reach  the  fort  till  the  next  day.  The  whole 
party  subsisted  on  shell-fish,  ground  nuts,  and  herbs  till  the  ship  came  and  took 
them  on  board.  A  new  consultation  was  then  holden.  Those  who  had  been  most 
resolute  to  remain,  were  discouraged,  and  the  unanimous  voice  was  in  favor  of  re 
turning  to  England. 


152  THE  AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

On  the  I7th  of  June  they  doubled  the  rocky  ledge  of  Elizabeth,  passed  by  Dover 
Cliff,  sailed  to  the  island  which  they  had  called  Martha's  Vineyard,  and  employed 
themselves  in  taking  young  geese,  cranes,  and  herns.  The  next  day  they  set  sail 
for  England  ;  and,  after  a  pleasant  passage  of  five  weeks,  arrived  at  Exmouth,  in 
Devonshire. 

Thus  failed  the  first  attempt  to  plant  a  colony  in  North  Virginia,  the  causes  of 
which  are  obvious.  The  loss  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  company,  in  South  Virginia, 
was  then  recent  in  memory,  and  the  same  causes  might  have  operated  here  to  pro 
duce  the  same  effect.  Twenty  men,  situated  on  an  island,  surrounded  by  other 
islands  and  the  main,  and  furnished  with  six  weeks'  provisions  only,  could  not  main 
tain  possession  of  a  territory  to  which  they  had  no  right  against  the  force  of  its 
native  proprietors.  They  might  easily  have  been  cut  off  when  seeking  food  abroad, 
or  their  fort  might  have  been  invested,  and  they  must  have  surrendered  at  dis 
cretion,  or  have  been  starved  to  death,  had  no  direct  assault  been  made  upon  them. 
The  prudence  of  their  retreat  is  unquestionable  to  any  person  who  considers  their 
hazardous  situation. 

During  this  voyage,  and  especially  whilst  on  shore,  the  whole  company  enjoyed 
remarkably  good  health.  They  were  highly  pleased  with  the  salubrity,  fertility,  and 
apparent  advantages  of  the  country.  Gosnold  was  so  enthusiastic  an  admirer  of  it, 
that  he  was  indefatigable  in  his  endeavors  to  forward  the  settlement  of  a  colony  in 
conjunction  with  Captain  John  Smith.  With  him,  in  1607,  he  embarked  in  the 
expedition  to  South  Virginia,  where  he  had  the  rank  of  a  counselor.  Soon  after  his 
arrival,  by  excessive  fatigue  in  the  extremity  of  the  summer  heat,  he  fell  a  sacrifice, 
\\  ith  fifty  others,  to  the  insalubrity  of  that  climate  and  the  scanty  measure  and  bad 
quality  of  the  provisions  with  which  that  unfortunate  colony  was  furnished. 

The  discovery  made  by  Gosnold,  and  especially  the  shortness  of  the  time  in 
which  his  voyage  was  performed,  induced  Richard  Hakluyt,  then  Prebendary  of  St. 
Augustine's  Church  in  Bristol,  to  use  his  influence  with  the  mayor,  aldermen,  and 
merchants  of  that  opulent  mercantile  city,  to  prosecute  the  discovery  of  the  northern 
parts  of  Virginia.  The  first  step  was  to  obtain  permission  of  Raleigh  and  his  asso 
ciates.  This  was  undertaken  and  accomplished  by  Hakluyt,  in  conjunction  with 
John  Angel  and  Robert  Salterne,  both  of  whom  had  been  with  Gosnold  to  Amer 
ica.  The  next  was  to  equip  two  vessels;  one  a  ship  of  fifty  tons,  called  the  Speedwell, 
carrying  thirty  men  ;  the  other  a  bark  of  twenty-six  tons,  called  the  Discoverer, 
carrying  thirteen  men.  The  commander  of  the  ship  was  Martin  Pring  and  his  mate 
Edmund  Jones.  The  bark  was  commanded  by  William  Browne,  whose  mate  was 
Samuel  Kirkland.  Salterne  was  the  principal  agent,  or  supercargo  ;  and  was  fur 
nished  with  various  kinds  of  clothing,  hardware,  and  trinkets,  to  trade  with  the 
natives.  The  vessels  were  victualed  for  eight  months,  and  sailed  on  the  loth  of 
April,  1603,  a  few  days  after  the  death  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

They  went  so  far  to  the  southward  as  to  be  within  sight  of  the  Azores;  and  in  the 
beginning  of  June  fell  in  with  the  American  coast,  between  the  forty-third  and  forty- 
fourth  degrees  of  latitude,  among  those  numerous  islands  which  cover  the  district  of 
Maine.  One  of  these  they  named  Fox  Island,  from  some  of  that  species  of  animal 
which  they  saw  upon  it.  Among  these  islands,  in  the  mouth  of  Penobscot  Bay,  they 
found  good  anchorage  and  fishing.  The  land  being  rocky,  they  judged  it  proper  for 
the  drying  of  cod,  which  they  took  in  great  plenty,  and  esteemed  better  than  those 
usually  taken  at  Newfoundland. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  153 

Having  passed  all  the  islands,  they  ranged  the  coast  to  the  south-west  and  en 
tered  four  inlets,  which  are  thus  described :  "  The  most  easterly  was  barred  at  the 
mouth ;  but,  having  passed  over  the  bar,  we  ran  up  it  for  five  miles,  and  for  a  certain 
space  found  very  good  depth.  Coming  out  again,  as  we  sailed  south-west,  we 
lighted  on  two  other  inlets,  which  we  found  to  pierce  not  far  into  the  land.  The 
fourth  and  most  westerly  was  the  best,  which  we  rowed  up  ten  or  twelve  miles.  In 
all  these  places  we  found  no  people,  but  signs  of  fires,  where  they  had  been.  How- 
beit,  we  beheld  very  goodly  groves  and  woods,  and  sundry  sorts  of  beasts.  But 
meeting  with  no  sassafras,  we  left  these  places,  with  all  the  aforesaid  islands,  shap 
ing  our  course  for  Savage  Rock,  discovered  the  year  before  by  Captain  Gosnold." 

From  this  description,  I  conclude  that  after  they  had  passed  the  islands  as  far 
westward  as  Casco  Bay,  the  easternmost  of  the  four  inlets  which  they  entered,  was  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Saco.  The  next  two  were  Kennebunk  and  York  Rivers ;  the 
westernmost,  and  the  best,  was  the  river  Piscataqua.  The  reason  of  their  finding  no 
people  was,  that  the  natives  were  at  that  season  (June)  fishing  at  the  falls  of  the 
rivers  ;  and  the  vestiges  of  fires  marked  the  places  at  or  near  the  mouths  of  the  rivers 
where  they  had  resided  and  taken  fish  in  the  earlier  months  of  the  spring.  In  steer 
ing  for  Savage  Rock,  they  must  have  doubled  Cape  Ann,  which  brought  them  into 
the  bay  of  Massachusetts,  on  the  northern  shore  of  which  I  suppose  Savage  Rock  to 
be  situated. 

It  seems  that  one  principal  object  of  their  voyage  was  to  collect  sassafras,  which 
was  esteemed  a  highly  medicinal  vegetable.  In  several  parts  of  these  journals,  and 
in  other  books  of  the  same  date,  it  is  celebrated  as  a  sovereign  remedy  for  the  plague, 
the  venereal  disease,  the  stone,  strangury,  and  other  maladies.  One  of  Gosnold's 
men  had  been  cured  by  it,  in  twelve  hours,  of  a  surfeit,  occasioned  by  eating  greedily 
of  the  bellies  of  dog-fish,  which  is  called  a  "  delicious  meat." 

The  journal  then  proceeds :  "  Going  on  the  main  at  Savage  Rock,  we  found 
people,  with  whom  we  had  no  long  conversation,  because  here  also  we  could  find  no 
sassafras.  Departing  hence,  we  bare  into  that  great  gulf  which  Capt.  Gosnold  overshot 
the  year  before ;  coasting  and  finding  people  on  the  north  side  thereof.  Not  yet 
satisfied  in  our  expectation,  we  left  them  and  sailed  over,  and  came  to  anchor  on  the 
south  side,  in  the  latitude  of  forty-one  degrees  and  odd  minutes;  where  we  went  on 
land,  in  a  certain  bay,  which  was  called  Wliitson  Bay,  by  the  name  of  the  worshipful 
master,  John  Whitson,  then  mayor  of  the  city  of  Bristol,  and  one  of  the  chief  ad 
venturers.  Finding  a  pleasant  hill  adjoining,  we  called  it  Mount  Aldworth,  for  master 
Robert  Aldsworth's  sake,  a  chief  furtherer  of  the  voyage,  as  well  with  his  purse  as 
with  his  travel.  Here  we  had  sufficient  quantity  of  sassafras." 

In  another  part  of  this  journal,  Whitson  Bay  is  thus  described  :  "  At  the  entrance- 
of  this  excellent  haven  we  found  twenty  fathoms  of  water,  and  rode  at  our  ease  in 
seven  fathoms,  being  land-locked  ;  the  haven  winding  in  compass  like  the  shell  of  a 
snail;  and  it  is  in  latitude  of  41°  20'.  We  also  observed  that  we  could  find  no  sassa 
fras  but  in  sandy  ground." 

Though  this  company  had  no  design  to  make  a  settlement  in  America,  yet,  con 
sidering  that  the  place  where  they  found  it  convenient  to  reside  was  full  of  inhabit 
ants,  they  built  a  temporary  hut,  and  inclosed  it  with  a  barricade,  in  which  they 
kept  constant  guard  by  day  and  night,  whilst  others  were  .employed  in  collecting 
sassafras  in  the  woods.  The  Indians  frequently  visited  them  in  parties  of  various 
20 


154  THE   AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

numbers,  from  ten  to  a  hundred.  They  were  used  kindly,  had  trinkets  presented  to 
them,  and  were  fed  with  English  pulse  ;  their  own  food  being  chiefly  fish.  They 
were  adorned  with  plates  of  copper ;  their  bows,  arrows,  and  quivers  were  very  neatly 
made  ;  and  their  birchen  canoes  -.verc  considered  as  great  curiosities,  one  of  which, 
of  seventeen  feet  in  length  and  four  in  breadth,  was  carried  home  to  Bristol  as  a 
specimen  of  their  ingenuity.  Whether  it  was  bought  or  stolen  from  them  is  uncer 
tain. 

The  natives  were  excessively  fond  of  music,  and  would  dance  in  a  ring  round  an 
English  youth,  who  played  on  an  instrument  called  a  gitterne.  But  they  were  greatly 
terrified  at  the  barking  of  two  English  mastiffs,  which  always  kept  them  at  a  dis 
tance,  when  the  people  were  tired  of  their  company. 

The  growth  of  the  place  consisted  of  sassafras,  vines,  cedar,  oak,  ash,  beech, 
birch,  cherry,  hazel,  walnut,  maple,  holly,  and  wild  plum.  The  land  animals  were 
stags  and  fallow  deer  in  abundance,  bears,  wolves,  foxes,  luscrnes,  porcupines,  and 
dogs  with  short  noses.  The  waters  and  shores  abounded  with  fish  and  shell-fish  of 
various  kinds,  and  aquatic  birds  in  great  plenty. 

By  the  end  of  July  they  had  loaded  their  bark  with  sassafras,  and  sent  her  to 
England.  After  v/hich  they  made  as  much  dispatch  as  possible  in  lading  their  ship, 
the  departure  of  which  was  accelerated  by  the  following  incident : 

The  Indians  had  hitherto  been  on  friendly  terms  with  the  adventurers;  but  see 
ing  their  number  lessened  and  one  of  their  vessels  gone,  and  those  who  remained 
dispersed  at  their  several  employments,  they  came  one  day,  about  noon,  to  the  num 
ber  of  one  hundred  and  forty,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  to  the  barricado,  where 
four  men  were  on  guard  with  their  muskets.  The  Indians  called  to  them  to  come 
out,  which  they  refused,  and  stood  on  their  defense.  Captain  Pring,  with  two  men 
only,  were  on  board  the  ship;  as  soon  as  he  perceived  the  danger,  he  secured  the 
ship  as  well  as  he  could,  and  fired  one  of  his  great  guns,  as  a  signal  to  the  laborers 
in  the  woods,  who  were  reposing  after  their  fatigue,  depending  on  the  mastiffs  for 
protection.  The  dogs  hearing  the  gun,  awoke  their  masters,  who,  then  hearing  a 
second  gun,  took  to  their  arms,  and  came  to  the  relief  of  the  guard.  At  the  sight 
of  the  men  and  dogs,  the  Indians  desisted  from  their  purpose,  and  affecting  to  turn 
the  whole  into  a  jest,  went  off  laughing  without  any  damage  on  either  side. 

In  a  few  days  after,  they  set  fire  to  the  woods  where  the  sassafras  grew,  to  the 
extent  of  a  mile.  These  alarming  circumstances  determined  Pring  to  retire.  After 
the  people  had  embarked,  and  were  weighing  the  anchors,  a  larger  number  than  ever 
they  had  seen,  about  two  hundred,  came  down  to  the  shore,  and  some  in  their  canoes 
came  off  to  the  ship,  apparently  to  invite  the  adventurers  to  a  longer  continuance. 
It  was  not  easy  to  believe  the  invitation  friendly,  nor  prudent  to  accept  it.  They 
therefore  came  to  sail,  it  being  the  gth  of  August.  After  a  passage  of  five  weeks, 
by  the  route  of  the  Azores,  they  came  into  soundings ;  and  on  the  2d  of  October 
arrived  at  King  Road,  below  Bristol,  where  the  bark  arrived  about  a  fortnight  before 
them.  This  whole  voyage  was  completed  in  six  months.  Its  objects  were  to  make 
discoveries,  and  to  collect  furs  and  sassafras.  No  instance  of  aggression  on  the  part 
of  the  adventurers  is  mentioned,  nor  on  the  part  of  the  natives,  till  after  the  sailing 
of  the  bark. 

At  the  same  time  that  Martin  Pring  was  employed  in  his  yoyage,  BARTHOLOMEW 
GILBERT  went  on  a  farther  discovery  to  the  southern  part  of  Virginia,  having  it  also 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  155 

in  view  to  look  for  the  lost  colony  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh.  He  sailed  from  Plymouth, 
May  10,  1603,  in  the  bark  Elizabeth,  of  fifty  tons,  and  went  by  the  way  of  Madeira 
to  the  West  Indies,  where  he  touched  at  several  of  the  islands,  taking  in  lignumvitas, 
tortoise,  and  tobacco. 

On  the  6th  of  July  he  quitted  the  islands  and  steered  for  Virginia.  In  four  days 
he  got  into  the  Gulf  Stream  and  was  becalmed  five  days.  After  which  the  wind 
sprang  up,  and  on  the  2oth  he  saw  land  in  the  4Oth  degree  of  latitude.  His  object 
was  to  fetch  the  mouth  of  Chesapeake  Bay ;  but  the  wind  being  adverse,  after  beat 
ing  against  it  for  several  days,  the  necessity  of  wood  and  water  obliged  them  to 
come  to  anchor  about  a  mile  from  the  shore,  where  there  was  an  appearance  of  the 
entrance  of  a  river. 

On  Friday,  the  2Qth  of  July,  Captain  Gilbert,  accompanied  by  Thomas  Canner, 
a  gentleman  of  Bernard's  Inn  ;  Richard  Harrison,  mate  ;  Henry  Kcnton,  surgeon  ; 
and  Derrick,  a  Dutchman,  went  on  shore,  leaving  two  boys  to  keep  the  boat.  Im 
mediately  after  they  had  entered  the  wood  the  savages  attacked,  pursued,  and  killed 
every  one  of  them.  Two  of  them  fell  in  sight  of  the  boys,  who  had  much  difficulty 
to  prevent  the  Indians  from  hauling  the  boat  on  shore. 

With  heavy  hearts  they  got  back  to  the  ship,  whose  crew,  reduced  to  eleven,  in 
cluding  the  boys,  durst  not  make  any  further  attempt,  but  steered  for  the  western 
islands.  After  passing  them  they  arrived  in  the  River  Thames  about  the  end  of  Sep 
tember,  when  the  city  of  London  was  "  most  grievously  infected  with  the  plague." 

After  the  peace  which  King  James  made  with  Spain  in  1604,  when  the  passion 
for  the  discovery  of  a  north-west  passage  was  in  full  vigor,  a  ship  was  sent  from  En 
gland  by  the  Earl  of  Southampton  and  Lord  Arundel  of  Wardor  with  a  view  to  this 
object.  The  commander  of  the  ship  was  GEORGE  WEYMOUTH.  He  sailed  from  the 
Downs  on  the  last  day  of  March,  1605,  and  came  in  sight  of  the  American  coast  on 
the  1 3th  of  May,  in  the  latitude  of  41  degrees,  30  minutes. 

Being  there  entangled  among  shoals  and  breakers,  he  quitted  this  land,  and,  at 
the  distance  of  fifty  leagues,  discovered  several  islands,  to  one  of  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  St.  George.  Within  three  leagues  of  this  island  he  came  into  a  harbor, 
which  he  called  Pentecost  Harbor,  and  sailed  up  a  noble  river,  to  which  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  gave  any  name,  nor  does  he  mention  any  name  by  which  it  was  called 
by  the  natives. 

The  conjectures  of  historians  respecting  this  river  have  been  various.  Oldmixon 
supposes  it  to  have  been  James  River  in  Virginia,  whilst  Beverly,  who  aims  to  cor 
rect  him,  affirms  it  to  have  been  Hudson's  River  in  New  York.  Neither  of  them 
could  have  made  these  mistakes  if  they  had  read  the  original  account  in  Purchas 
with  any  attention.  In  Smith's  History  of  Virginia  an  abridgment  of  the  voyage  is 
given,  but  in  so  slight  and  indefinite  a  manner  as  to  afford  no  satisfaction  respecting 
the  situation  of  the  river,  whether  it  were  northward  or  southward  from  the  land 
first  discovered. 

To  ascertain  this  matter  I  have  carefully  examined  Weymouth's  journal  and 
compared  it  with  the  best  maps;  but,  for  more  perfect  satisfaction,  I  gave  an  ab 
stract  of  the  voyage  with  a  number  of  queries  to  Captain  John  Foster  Williams,  an 
experienced  manner  and  commander  of  the  revenue  cutter  belonging  to  this  port, 
who  has  very  obligingly  communicated  to  me  his  observations  made  in  a  late  cruise. 
Both  of  these  papers  are  here  subjoined. 


156  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

Abstract  of  the  Voyage  of  Captain  George  Weymoutli  to  tlic  Coast  of  America,  from 
the  Printed  Journal  extant  in  Purchas  Pilgrims,  Part  IV.,  Page  1659. 

A.D.  1605,  March  31. — Captain  George  Weymouth  sailed  from  England  in  the 
Archangel  for  the  northern  part  of  Virginia,  as  the  whole  coast  of  North  America 
was  then  called. 

May  13. — Arrived  in  soundings — 160  fathoms. 

14. — In  five  or  six  leagues  distance  shoaled  the  water  from  one  hundred  to  five 
fathoms.  Saw  from  the  mast-head  a  whitish,  sandy  cliff,  N.N.W.  six  leagues.  Many 
breaches  nearer  the  land,  the  ground  foul,  and  depth  varying  from  six  to  fifteen 
fathoms.  Parted  from  the  land.  Latitude  41  degrees,  30  minutes. 

15. — Wind  between  W.S.VV.  and  S.S.W.  In  want  of  wood  and  water.  Land 
much  desired,  and,  therefore,  sought  for  it  where  tlic  wind  would  best  suffer  us. 

QUERY  i. — As  the  wind  then  blew,  must  not  the  course  be  to  the  north  and 
east  ? 

16. — In  almost  fifty  leagues  run,  found  no  land  ;  the  charts  being  erroneous. 

17. — Saw  land  which  bore  N.N.E.  a  great  gale  of  wind  and  the  sea  high.  Stood 
off  till  two  in  the  morning,  then  stood  in  again.  At  eight  A.M.  saw  land  again  bear 
ing  N.E.  It  appeared  a  mean  high  land  ;  being,  as  we  afterward  found  it,  an  island 
of  no  great  compass.  About  noon  came  to  anchor  on  the  north  side  in  forty  fath 
oms  about  a  league  from  shore.  Named  the  island  St.  George. 

QUERY  2. — Could  this  island  be  Segwin  or  Monttegan  ?  or  if  neither,  what  island 
was  it  ? 

Whilst  we  were  on  shore  on  the  island  our  men  on  board  caught  thirty  large  cod 
and  haddock.  From  hence  we  discerned  many  islands,  and  the  main  land  extending 
from  W.S.W.  to  E.N.E.  A  great  way  up  into  the  main,  as  it  then  seemed,  we  dis 
cerned  very  high  mountains ;  though  the  main  seemed  but  low  land.  The  mountains 
bore  N.N.E.  from  us. 

QUERY  3. — What  mountains  were  these? 

19.  Being  Wliitsunday,  weighed  anchor  at  twelve  o'clock,  and  came  along  to  the 
other  islands  more  adjoining  to  the  main,  and  in  the  road  directly  to  the  mountains, 
about  three  leagues  from  the  first  island  found  a  safe  harbor,  defended  from  all  winds, 
in  an  excellent  depth  of  water  for  ships  of  any  burthen  in  six,  seven,  eight,  nine,  ten 
fathoms,  upon  a  clay  ooze,  very  tough,  where  is  good  mooring  even  on  the  rocks,  by 
the  cliff  side.     Named  it  Pentecost  Harbor. 

QUERY  4. — Do  these  marks  agree  with  Sagadahock  or  Musquito  Harbor  or  St. 
George's  Island  ;  or,  if  not,  with  what  harbor  do  they  agree  ? 

20.  Went  ashore,  found  water  issuing  from  springs  down  the  rocky  cliffs,  and  dug 
pits  to  receive  it.     Found,  at  no  great  depth,  clay — blue,  red,  and  white  ;   good  lob 
sters,  rock-fish,  plaise,  and  lumps.     With  two  or  three  hooks  caught  cod  and  haddock 
enough  for  the  ship's  company  three  days. 

24.  The  captain,  with  fourteen  men  armed,  marched  through  two*  of  the  islands, 
one  of  which  we  guessed  to  be  four  or  five  miles  in  compass,  and  one  broad.  Abun 
dance  of  great  muscles,  some  of  which  contained  pearls.  One  had  fourteen  pearls  in  it. 

30.  The  captain,  with  thirteen  men,  departed  in  the  shallop,  leaving  the  ship  in 
harbor. 

31.  The  shallop   returned,  having  discovered  a  great  river  trending  far  up  into 
the  main. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  157 

QUERY  5. — What  river  was  this? 

June  i.  Indians  came  and  traded  with  us.  Pointing  to  one  part  of  the  main, 
eastward,  they  signified  to  us  that  the  Bashabe,  their  king,  had  plenty  of  furs,  and 
much  tobacco. 

N.B. — Here  Weymouth  kidnapped  five  of  the  natives. 

11.  Passed  up  into  the  river  with  our  ship  about  twenty-six  miles. 

Observations  by  tlie  A  ntlwr  of  the  Voyc.gc,  James  Rosier. 

"  The  first  and  chief  thing  required  for  a  plantation  is  a  bold  coast,  and  a  fair 
land  to  fall  in  with.  The  next  is  a  safe  harbor  for  ships  to  ride  in. 

"  The  first  is  a  special  attribute  of  this  shore,  being  free  from  sands  or  dan 
gerous  rocks,  in  a  continual  good  depth,  with  a  most  excellent  land-fall  as  can  be 
desired,  which  is  the  first  island,  named  Si.  George. 

"  For  the  second,  here  are  more  good  harbors  for  ships  of  all  burthens  than  all 
England  can  afford.  The  river,  as  it  runneth  jjp  into  the  main  very  nigh  forty  miles, 
toward  the  Great  Mountains,  beareth  in  breadth  a  mile,  sometimes  three-fourths,  and 
a  half  a  mile  is  the  narrowest,  where  you  shall  never  have  less  than  four  or  five 
fathoms,  hard  by  the  shore  ;  but  six,  seven,  eight,  nine,  ten,  at  low  water.  On  both 
sides,  every  half  mile,  very  gallant  coves,  some  able  to  contain  almost  one  hundred 
sail  of  ships ;  the  ground  is  an  excellent  soft  ooze,  with  tough  clay  for  anchor  hold  ; 
and  ships  may  lie  without  anchor,  only  moored  to  the  shore  with  a  hawser. 

"  It  floweth  fifteen  or  eighteen  feet  at  high  water. 

"  Here  are  made  by  nature  most  excellent  places,  as  docks  to  grave  and  careen 
ships  of  all  burthens,  secure  from  all  winds. 

"  The  river  yieldeth  plenty  of  salmon  and  other  fishes  of  great  bigness. 

"The  bordering  land  is  most  rich,  trending  all  along  on  both  sides,  in  an  equal 
plain,  neither  mountainous  nor  rocky,  but  verged  with  a  green  border  of  grass ; 
which  may  be  made  good  feeding  ground,  being  plentiful,  like  the  outward  islands, 
with  fresh  water,  which  streameth  down  in  many  places. 

"  As  we  passed  with  a  gentle  wind,  in  our  ship,  up  this  river,  any  man  may  con 
ceive  with  what  admiration  we  all  consented  in  joy  ;  many  who  had  been  travelers 
in  sundry  countries,  and  in  the  most  famous  rivers,  affirmed  them  not  comparable  to 
this.  I  will  not  prefer  it  before  our  river  of  Thames,  because  it  is  England's  richest 
treasure ;  but  we  did  all  wish  those  excellent  harbors,  good  depths,  continual  con 
venient  breadth,  and  small  tide-gates,  to  be  as  well  therein,  for  our  country's  good, 
as  we  found  them  here ;  then  I  would  boldly  affirm  it  to  be  the  most  rich,  beautiful, 
large,  secure,  harboring  river  that  the  world  affordeth." 

12.  "  Our  captain  manned  his  shallop  with  seventeen  men,  and  ran  up  to  ihccoddeot 
the  river,  where  we  landed,  leaving  six  to  keep  the  shallop.     Ten  of  us,  with  our  shot, 
and  some  armed,  with  a  boy  to  carry  powder  and  match,  marched  up  the  country 
toivard  the  mountains,  which  were  described  at  our  first  falling  in  with  the  land,  and 
were  continually  in  our  view.     To  some  of  them  the  river  brought  us  so  near,  as  we 
judged  ourselves,  when  we  landed,  to  be  within  a  league  of  them  ;  but  we  found  them 
not,  having  marched  well-nigh  four  miles,  and  passed  three  great  hills.     Wherefore, 
because  the  weather  was  hot,  and  our  men  in  their  armor,  not  able  to  travel  far  and 
return  to  our  pinnace  at  night,  we  resolved  not  to  travel  further. 

"We  no  sooner  came  aboard  our  pinnace,  returning  down  toward  our  ship,  but 


158  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

we  espied  a  canoe  coming  from  the  farther  part  of  the  codde  of  the  river,  eastward. 
In  it  were  three  Indians,  one  of  whom  we  had  before  seen,  and  his  coming  was  very 
earnestly  to  importune  us  to  let  one  of  our  men  go  with  them  to  the  Bashabe,  and 
then  the  next  morning  he  would  come  to  our  ship  with  furs  and  tobacco." 

N.  IL — They  did  not  accept  the  invitation,  because  they  suspected  danger  from  the 
savages,  having  detained  five  of  their  people  on  board  to  be  carried  to  England. 

13.  "  By  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  taking  advantage  of  the  tide,  we  went  in  our 
pinnace  up  to  that  part  of  the  river  which  trendeth  west  into  the  main,  and  we  car 
ried  a  cross  to  erect  at  that  point  (a  thing  never  omitted  by  any  Christian  travelers). 
Into  tliat  river  we  rowed,  by  estimation,  twenty  miles. 

"  What  profit  or  pleasure  is  described  in  the  former  part  of  the  river  is  wholly  doubled 
in  this ;  for  the  breadth  and  depth  is  such  that  a  ship  drawing  seventeen  or  eighteen 
feet  of  water  might  have  passed  as  far  as  we  went  with  our  shallop,  and  much  farther, 
because  we  left  it  in  so  good  depth.  From  the  place  of  our  ship's  riding  in  the  har 
bor  at  the  entrance  into  the  Sound,  to  the  farthest  point  we  were  in  this  river,  by  our 
estimation,  was  not  much  less  than  threescore  miles."  [That  is,  as  I  understand  it, 
from  Pentecost  Harbor  they  went  in  tlie  sliip  forty  miles  to  the  codde  of  the  river,  and 
thence  in  the  shallop,  or  pinnace,  twenty  miles  up  the  west  branch]. 

QUERY  6. — What  is  meant  by  codde?     It  appears  to  be  an  old  word. 

"  We  were  so  pleased  with  this  river,  and  so  loth  to  forsake  it,  that  we  would  have 
continued  there  willingly  for  two  days,  having  only  bread  and  cheese  to  cat.  But  the 
tide  not  suffering  it,  we  came  down  with  the  ebb.  We  conceived  that  the  river  ran 
very  far  into  the  land,  for  we  passed  six  or  seven  miles  altogether  fresh  water  (where 
of  we  all  drank)  forced  up  by  the  flowing  of  the  salt  water. 

14.  "  We  warped  our  ship  down  to  the  river's  mouth,  and  there  came  to  anchor. 

15.  "  Weighed  anchor,  and  with  a   breeze   from   the  land,  came  to  our  watering 
place,  in  Pentecost  Harbor,  and  filled  our  cask. 

"Our  captain,  upon  a  rock  in  the  midst  of  this  harbor,  made  his  observation  by 
the  sun  of  the  height,  latitude,  and  variation,  exactly,  upon  all  his  instruments,  viz, 
astrolabe,  semisphcre,  ring,  and  cross-staff,  and  an  excellent  variation  compass.  The 
latitude  he  found  43°  20'  north;  the  variation  n°  15'  west." 

N.  B. — In  this  latitude  no  part  of  the  American  coast  lies,  except  Cape  Porpoise, 
where  is  only  a  boat  harbor.  The  rivers  nearest  to  it  are  on  the  south,  Kennebunk, 
a  tide  river  of  no  great  extent,  terminating  in  a  brook ;  and  on  the  north,  Saco,  the 
navigation  of  which  is  obstructed  by  a  bar  at  its  mouth,  and  by  a  fall  at  the  distance 
of  six  or  seven  miles  from  the  sea.  Neither  of  these  could  be  the  river  described  in 
Wcymouth's  journal.  His  observation  of  the  latitude,  or  the  printed  account  of  it, 
must  have  been  erroneous. 

Captain  Williams  will  be  so  obliging  as  to  put  down  his  remarks  on  the  above 
abstract  in  writing  for  the  use  of  his  humble  servant, 

BOSTON,  Aug.  4,  1797.  JEREMY  BELKNAP. 

Captain  Williams  Answer. 

The  first  land  Captain  Weymouth  saw,  a  whitish  sandy  cliff,  W.N.W.  six  leagues, 
must  have  been  Sankoty  Head  [Nantucket].  With  the  wind  at  W.S.W.  and  S.S.W. 
he  could  have  fetched  into  this  bay  [Boston],  and  must  have  seen  Cape  Cod  had  the 
weather  been  clear. 


UNIVERSITY 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS. 


The  land  he  saw  on  the  i/th,  I  think  must  be  the  Island  Monhegan,  as  no  other 
island  answers  the  description.  In  my  last  cruise  to  the  eastward,  I  sounded,  and 
had  thirty  fathoms,  about  one  league  to  the  northward  of  the  island.  The  many 
islands  he  saw,  and  the  main  land,  extending  from  W.S.W.  to  E.N.E.,  agree  with 
that  shore;  the  mountains  he  saw  bearing  N  N.E.  were  Penobscot  Hills  or  Mount 
ains  ;  for  from  the  place  where  I  suppose  the  ship  lay  at  anchor,  the  above  mountains 
bear  N.N.E. 

The  harbor  where  he  lay  with  his  ship,  and  named  Pentecost  Harbor,  is,  I  sup 
pose,  what  is  now  called  George  s  Island  Harbor,  which  bears  north  from  Monhegan, 
about  two  leagues;  which  harbor  and  islands  agree  with  his  descriptions,  I  think, 
tolerable  well,  and  the  name,  George  s  Islands,  serves  to  confirm  it. 

When  the  captain  went  in  -his  boat  and  discovered  a  great  river  trending  far  up 
into  the  main,  I  suppose  he  went  as  far  as  Two  Bush  Island,  about  three  or  four 
leagues  from  the  ship,  from  thence  he  could  discover  Penobscot  Bay. 

Distance  from  the  ship  to  Two  Bush  Island  is  about  ten  miles;  from  Two  Bush 
Island  to  Owl's  Head,  nine  miles ;  from  Owl's  Head  to  the  north  end  of  Long  Island, 
twenty-seven  miles ;  from  the  north  end  of  Long  Island  to  Old  Fort  Pownal,  six 
miles ;  and  from  the  Old  Fort  to  the  head  of  the  tide,  or  falls,  in  Penobscot  River, 
thirty  miles;  whole  number,  eighty-two  miles. 

I  suppose  he  went  with  his  ship  round  Two  Bush  Island,  and  then  sailed  up  to 
the  westward  of  Long  Island,  supposing  himself  to  be  then  in  the  river;  the  mount 
ains  on  the  main  to  the  westward  extending  near  as  high  up  as  Belfast  Bay.  I  think 
it  probable  that  he  anchored  with  his  ship  off  the  point  which  is  now  called  the  Old 
Fort  Point. 

The  codde  of  the  river,  where  he  went  with  his  shallop,  and  marched  up  in  the 
country,  toward  the  mountains,  I  think  must  be  Belfast  Bay. 

The  canoe  that  came  from  the  farther  part  of  the  codde  of  the  river,  eastward, 
with  Indians,  I  think  it  probable  came  from  Bagaduce. 

The  word  codde  is  not  common  ;  but  I  have  often  heard  it ;  as,  "  up  in  the  codde 
of  the  bay,"  meaning  the  bottom  of  the  bay.  I  suppose  what  he  calls  "  the  codde 
of  the  river,"  is  a  bay  in  the  river. 

The  latitude  of  St.  George's  Island  Harbor,  according  to  Holland's  map,  is  forty- 
three  degrees,  forty-eight  minutes,  which  is  nine  leagues  more  north  than  the  obser 
vation  made  by  Captain  Weymouth. 

BOSTON,  October  i,  1797. 

SIR  :  I  made  the  foregoing  remarks,  while  on  my  last  cruise  to  the  eastward.  If  any  farther 
information  is  necessary,  that  is  in  my  power  to  give,  you  may  command  me. 

I  am,  with  respect,  Sir,  your  obedient  humble  servant, 
REV.  DR.  BELKNAP.  JOHN  FOSTER  WILLIAMS. 

Weymouth's  voyage  is  memorable  only  for  the  discovery  of  Penobscot  River, 
and  for  the  decoying  of  five  of  the  natives  on  board  his  ship,  whom  he  carried  to 
England.  Three  of  them  were  taken  into  the  family  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
then  Governor  of  Plymouth,  in  Devonshire.  The  information  which  he  gained  from 
them,  corroborated  by  Martin  Pring,  of  Bristol,  who  made  a  second  voyage  in  i6o5 
(and  prosecuted  the  discovery  of  the  rivers  in  the  District  of  Maine),  prepared  the 
way  for  the  attempt  of  Sir  John  Popham  and  others  to  establish  a  colony  at  Sagada- 


160  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

hock,  in  1607  ;  an  account  of  which  attempt,  and  its  failure,  is  already  given  in  the 
life  of  Sir  Fcrdinando  Gorges. 

In  the  early  accounts  of  this  country  we  find  the  names  of  Mavoshcn  and  Norum- 
bcga.  Mavoshen  was  a  name  for  the  whole  District  of  Maine,  containing  nine  or  ten 
rivers ;  the  westernmost  of  which  was  Shawakotock  (written  by  the  French  Choua- 
koet,  and  by  the  English,  Saco).  The  easternmost  was  Quibequesson,  which  I  take 
to  be  eastward  of  Penobscot,  but  can  not  say  by  what  name  it  is  now  called.  Nor- 
umbega  was  a  part  of  the  same  district,  comprehending  Penobscot  Bay  and  River ; 
but  its  eastern  and  western  limits  are  not  described. 

It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  the  river  Penobscot  was  sometimes  called  Pemaquid, 
though  this  latter  name  is  now  restricted  to  a  point  or  neck  of  land  which  lies  about 
six  leagues  to  the  westward.  Penobscot  is  called  by  the  French,  Pentagoct. 

This  confusion  of  names  occasions  no  small  perplexity  to  inquirers  into  the 
geography  and  early  history  of  this  country. 


JOHN    ROBINSON. 

JOHN  ROBINSON— HIS  BIRTH  AND  EDUCATION— MINISTER  OF  A  CONGREGATION  OF  DISSENTERS 
—HIS  CONGREGATION  PERSECUTED— REMOVES  WITH  HIS  CHURCH  TO  AMSTERDAM— HIS 
DISPUTATION  WITH  EPISCOPIUS— HIS  CHURCH  CONTEMPLATES  A  REMOVAL— APPLY  TO  THE 
VIRGINIA  COMPANY— PREACHES  TO  THEM  PREVIOUS  TO  REMOVAL  -HIS  AFFECTIONATE 
LEAVE  OF  THOSE  WHO  EMBARKED  FOR  AMERICA— HIS  DEATH,  CHARACTER,  AND  POSTERITY. 

THE  first  effectual  settlements  of  the  English  in  New  England  were  made  by 
those  who,  after  the  Reformation,  dissented  from  the  Establishment  of  the  Episcopal 
Church,  who  suffered  on  account  of  their  dissent,  and  sought  an  asylum  from  their 
sufferings.  Uniformity  was  insisted  on  with  such  rigor  as  disgusted  many  conscien 
tious  ministers  and  people  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  caused  that  separation 
which  has  ever  since  subsisted.  Those  who  could  not  conform  to  the  Establishment, 
but  wished  for  a  more  complete  reformation,  were  at  first  distinguished  by  the  name 
of  Puritans ;  and  among  these,  the  most  rigid  were  the  Brownists,  so  called  from 
Robert  Brown,  "a  fiery  young  clergyman,"  who,  in  1580,  headed  a  zealous  party,  and 
was  vehement  for  a  total  separation.  But  his  zeal,  however  violent,  was  void  of  con 
sistency  ;  for,  in  his  advanced  years,  he  conformed  to  the  Church  ;  whilst  others,  who 
more  deliberately  withdrew,  retained  their  separation,  though  they  became  more 
candid  and  moderate  in  their  principles.  Of  these  people  a  congregation  was  formed, 
about  the  year  1602,  near  the  confines  of  the  counties  of  York,  Nottingham,  and 
Lincoln  ;  who  chose  for  their  ministers  Richard  Clifton  and  John  Robinson. 

Mr.  Robinson  was  born  in  the  year  1576,  but  the  place  of  his  birth  is  unknown. 
He  was  probably  educated  in  the  University  of  Cambridge;  and  he. is  said  to  have 
been  "  a  man  of  learned,  polished,  and  modest  spirit ;  pious  and  studious  of  the  truth  ; 
largely  accomplished  with  gifts  and  qualifications  suitable  to  be  a  shepherd  over  this 
flock  of  Christ."  Before  his  election  to  this  office,  he  had  a  benefice,  near  Yarmouth 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  161 

in  Norfolk,  where  his  friends  were  frequently  molested  by  the  bishop's  officers,  and 
some  were  almost  ruined  by  prosecutions  in  the  ecclesiastical  courts. 

The  reigning  Prince  at  that  time  was  James  I.,  than  whom  a  more  contemptible 
character  never  sat  on  the  British  throne.  Educated  in  the  principles  of  Presbyte- 
rianism  in  Scotland,  he  forgot  them  all  on  his  advancement  to  the  throne  of  the 
three  kingdoms.  Flattered  by  the  bishops,  he  gave  all  ecclesiastical  power  into  their 
hands,  and  entrusted  sycophants  with  the  management  of  the  State,  whilst  he  in 
dolently  resigned  himself  to  literary  and  sensual  indulgencies  ;  in  the  former  of  which 
he  was  a  pedant,  in  the  latter  an  epicure.  The  prosecution  of  the  Puritans  was  con 
ducted  with  unrelenting  severity  in  the  former  part  of  his  reign,  when  Bancroft  was 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Abbott,  who  succeeded  him,  was  favorable  to  them  ;  but 
when  Laud  came  into  power,  they  were  treated  with  every  mark  of  insult  and  cruelty. 

Robinson's  congregation  did  not  escape  persecution  by  separating  from  the  Es 
tablishment  and  forming  an  independent  Church.  Still  exposed  to  the  penalties  of 
the  ecclesiastical  law,  they  were  extremely  harassed  ;  some  were  thrown  into  prison, 
some  were  confined  to  their  own  houses ;  others  were  obliged  to  leave  their  farms 
and  suspend  their  usual  occupations.  Such  was  their  distress  and  perplexity,  that 
an  emigration  to  some  foreign  country  seemed  the  only  means  of  safety.  Their  first 
views  were  directed  to  Holland,  where  the  spirit  of  commerce  had  dictated  a  free 
toleration  of  religious  opinions — a  blessing  which  neither  the  wisdom  of  politicians 
nor  the  charity  of  clergymen  had  admitted  into  any  other  of  the  European  States. 
But  the  ports  of  their  own  country  were  shut  against  them  ;  they  could  get  away  only 
by  seeking  concealment  and  giving  extravagant  rates  for  their  passages  and  fees  to 
the  mariners. 

In  the  autumn  of  1606  a  company  of  these  dissenters  hired  a  ship  at  Boston,  in 
Lincolnshire,  to  carry  them  to  Holland.  The  master  promised  to  be  ready  at  a  cer 
tain  hour  of  the  day  to  take  them  on  board,  with  their  families  and  effects.  They 
assembled  at  the  place,  but  he  disappointed  them.  Afterward  he  came  in  the  night ; 
and,  when  they  were  embarked,  betrayed  them  into  the  hands  of  searchers  and  other 
officers,  who,  having  robbed  them  of  money,  books,  and  other  articles,  and  treated 
the  women  with  indecency,  carried  them  back  into  the  town,  and  exposed  them  as  a 
laughing  spectacle  to  the  multitude.  They  were  arraigned  before  the  magistrates, 
who  used  them  with  civility,  but  could  not  release  them  without  an  order  of  the  King  . 
and  council.  Till  this  arrived,  they  suffered  a  month's  imprisonment ;  seven  were 
bound  over  to  the  assizes,  and  the  others  were  released. 

The  next  spring  (1608)  they  made  another  attempt,  and  hired  a  Dutch  vessel, 
then  lying  in  the  harbor,  to  take  them  on  board.  The  place  agreed  on  was  an  un 
frequented  common,  between  Hull  and  Grimsby,  remote  from  any  houses.  The 
women  and  children,  with  the  baggage,  were  sent  down  the  river  in  a  small  bark, 
and  the  men  agreed  to  meet  them  by  land ;  but  they  came  to  the  place  a  day  before 
the  ship  arrived.  The  water  being  rough,  and  the  women  sick,  they  prevailed  on 
the  pilot  of  the  bark  to  put  into  a  small  creek,  where  they  lay  aground,  when  the 
Dutchman  came  and  took  one  boat  load  of  the  men  on  board.  Before  he  could  send 
for  the  others  a  company  of  armed  men  appeared  on  horseback,  which  so  frightened 
him  that  he  weighed  anchor,  and,  the  wind  being  fair,  put  to  sea.  Some  of  the  men 
who  were  left  behind  made  their  escape ;  othe,rs,  who  went  to  the  assistance  of  the 
women,  were  with  them  apprehended,  and  carried  from  one  justice  of  the  peace  to 
21 


10.2  THE    AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

another;  but  the  justices,  not  knowing  what  to  do  with  so  many  helpless  and  dis 
tressed  persons,  dismissed  them.  Having  sold  their  houses,  cattle,  and  furniture, 
they  had  no  homes  to  which  they  could  retire,  and  were,  therefore,  cast  on  the 
charity  of  their  friends.  Those  who  were  hurried  to  sea  without  their  families,  and 
destitute  even  of  a  change  of  clothes,  endured  a  terrible  storm,  in  which  neither  sun, 
moon,  nor  stars  appeared  for  seven  days.  This  storm  drove  them  far  to  the  north 
ward,  and  they  very  narrowly  escaped  foundering.  After  fourteen  days  they  arrived 
at  Amsterdam,  where  the  people  were  surprised  at  their  deliverance,  the  tempest 
having  been  very  severe,  and  much  damage  having  been  sustained,  both  at  sea  and 
in  the  harbors  of  the  continent. 

This  forlorn  company  of  emigrants  were  soon  after  joined  by  their  wives  and 
families.  The  remainder  of  the  church  went  over  in  the  following  summer;  Mr. 
Robinson,  with  a  few  others,  remained  to  help  the  weakest,  till  they  were  all  embarked. 

At  Amsterdam  they  found  a  congregation  of  their  countrymen,  who  had  the 
same  religious  views,  and  had  emigrated  before  them.  Their  minister  was  John 
Smith,  a  man  of  good  abilities  and  a  popular  preacher,  but  unsteady  in  his  opinions. 
These  people  fell  into  controversy,  and  were  soon  scattered.  Fearing  that  the  infec 
tion  might  spread,  Robinson  proposed  to  his  church  a  further  removal;  to  which, 
though  much  to  their  disadvantage  in  a  temporal  view,  they  consented ;  and  after 
one  year  spent  at  Amsterdam,  they  removed  to  Leyden,  where  they  continued 
eleven  years.  During  this  time  their  number  so  increased,  by  frequent  emigrations 
from  England,  that  they  had  in  the  church  three  hundred  communicants. 

At  Leyden  they  enjoyed  much  harmony  among  themselves,  and  a  friendly  inter 
course  with  the  Dutch  ;  who,  observing  their  diligence  and  fidelity  in  their  business, 
entertained  so  great  a  respect  for  them  that  the  magistrates  of  the  city  (1619),  in  the 
seat  of  justice,  having  occasion  to  censure  some  of  the  French  Protestants,  who  had 
a  church  there,  made  this  public  declaration :  "  These  English  have  lived  among  us 
ten  years,  and  yet  we  never  had  any  suit  or  accusation  against  any  of  them ;  but 
your  quarrels  are  continual." 

The  year  (1609)  in  which  Mr.  Robinson  went  to  Leyden  was  remarkable  for  the 
death  of  Jacobus  Arminius,  one  of  the  Divinity  Professors  of  the  University  of  that 
city.  Between  his  successor,  Episcopius,  and  the  other  theological  professor,  Poly- 
ander,  there  was  much  opposition  ;  the  former  teaching  the  doctrine  of  Arminius, 
and  the  other  that  of  Calvin.  The  controversy  was  so  bitter,  that  the  disciples  of  the 
one  would  scarcely  hear  the  lectures  of  the  other.  Robinson,  though  he  preached 
constantly  three  times  in  the  week,  and  was  much  engaged  in  writing,  attended  the 
discourses  of  each,  and  became  master  of  the  arguments  on  both  sides  of  the  con 
troverted  questions.  Being  fully  persuaded  of  the  truth  of  the  Calvinian  system,  and 
openly  preaching  it,  his  zeal  and  abilities  rendered  him  formidable  to  the  Armin- 
ians ;  which  induced  Episcopius  to  publish  several  theses,  and  engage  to  defend 
them  against  all  opposers. 

Men  of  equal  abilities  and  learning,  but  of  different  sentiments,  are  not  easily  in 
duced  to  submission ;  especially  in  a  country  where  opinion  is  not  fettered  and  re 
strained  by  the  ruling  power.  Polyander,  aided  by  the  ministers  of  the  city,  requested 
Robinson  to  accept  the  challenge.  Though  his  vanity  was  flattered  by  the  request, 
yet  being  a  stranger,  he  modestly  declined  the  combat.  But  their  pressing  importu 
nity  prevailed  over  his  reluctance,  and  judging  it  to  be  his  duty,  he,  on  a  set  day,  held 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  163 

a  public  disputation  with  the   Arminian  professor,  in  presence  of  a  very  numerous 
assembly. 

It  is  usual,  on  such  occasions,  for  the  partisans  on  both  sides  to  claim  the  victory 
for  their  respective  champions.  Whether  it  were  so  at  this  time,  can  not  be  deter 
mined,  as  we  have  no  account  of  the  controversy  from  the  Arminian  party.  Gover 
nor  Bradford,  who  was  a  member  of  Robinson's  church,  and  probably  present  at  the 
disputation,  gives  this  account  of  it  :  "  He  so  defended  the  truth,  and  foiled  the  op- 
poser,  as  to  put  him  to  an  apparent  nonplus  in  this  great  and  public  audience.  The 
same  he  did  a  second  and  a  third  time,  upon  the  like  occasions ;  which,  as  it  caused 
many  to  give  praise  to  God,  that  the  truth  had  so  famous  a  victory,  so  it  procured 
for  Mr.  Robinson  much  respect  and  honor  from  these  learned  men  and  others." 

When  Robinson  first  went  to  Holland,  he  was  one  of  the  most  rigid  separatists 
from  the  Church  of  England.  He  had  written  in  defense  of  the  separation  in  answer 
to  Dr.  William  Ames,  whose  name,  in  the  petulance  of  his  wit,  he  had  changed  to 
Amiss.  After  his  removal  to  Holland  he  met  with  Dr.  Ames  and  Mr.  Robert  Parker,  an 
eminent  divine  of  Wiltshire,  who  had  been  obliged  to  fly  thither  from  the  terrors  of 
the  High  Commission  Court,  under  the  direction  of  Archbishop  Bancroft.  In  a  free 
conversation  with  these  gentlemen,  Robinson  was  convinced  of  his  mistake,  submit 
ted  to  the  reproof  of  Dr.  Ames,  and  became,  ever  after,  more  moderate  in  his  senti 
ments  respecting  separation.  In  a  book  which  he  published  (1610)  he  allowed  and 
defended  the  lawfulness  of  communicating  with  the  Church  of  England,  "  in  the  word 
and  prayer,"  that  is,  in  the  extempore  prayer  before  the  sermon,  though  not  in  the 
use  of  the  liturgy,  nor  in  the  indiscriminate  admission  to  the  sacraments.  Yet  he 
would  allow  the  pious  members  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  of  all  the  Reformed 
Churches,  to  communicate  with  his  church  ;  declaring  that  he  separated  from  no 
church ;  but  from  the  corruptions  of  all  churches.  This  book  gained  him  the  title 
of  semi-separatist,  and  was  so  offensive  to  the  rigid  Brownists  of  Amsterdam,  that 
they  would  scarcely  hold  communion  with  the  Church  of  Leyden.  These  were  called 
Robinsonians  and  Independents ;  but  the  name  by  which  they  distinguished  them 
selves,  was,  a  Congregational  Church. 

Their  grand  principle  was  the  same  which  was  afterward  held  and  defended  by 
Chillingworth  and  Hoadley,  that  the  Scriptures,  given  by  inspiration,  contain  the 
true  religion  ;  that  every  man  has  a  right  to  judge  for  himself  of  their  meaning;  to 
try  all  doctrines  by  them,  and  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own 
enlightened  conscience.  They  admitted,  for  truth,  the  doctrinal  articles  of  the  Church 
of  England,  as  well  as  of  the  Reformed  Churches  in  France,  Geneva,  Switzerland,  and 
the  United  Provinces ;  allowing  all  their  members  free  communion,  and  differing 
from  them  only  in  matters  of  an  ecclesiastical  nature.  Respecting  these,  they  held 
(i).  That  no  church  ought  to  consist  of  more  members  than  can  conveniently  meet 
together  for  worship  and  discipline.  (2).  That  every  church  of  Christ  is  to  consist  only 
of  such  as  appear  to  believe  in  and  obey  Him.  (3).  That  any  competent  number  of 
such  have  a  right,  when  conscience  obliges  them,  to  form  themselves  into  a  distinct 
church.  (4).  That  this  incorporation  is,  by  some  contract  or  covenant,  expressed  or 
implied.  (5).  That  being  thus  incorporated,  they  have  a  right  to  choose  their  own 
officers.  (6).  That  these  officers  are  Pastors,  or  teaching  Elders,  Ruling  Elders  and 
Deacons.  (7.)  That  elders  being  chosen  or  ordained,  have  no  power  to  rule  the 
church  but  by  consent  of  the  brethren.  (8).  That  all  elders  and  all  churches  are 


164  THE  AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

equal  in  respect  of  powers  and  privileges.  (9).  With  respect  to  ordinances,  they  held 
that  baptism  is  to  be  administered  to  visible  believers  and  their  infant  children  ;  but 
they  admitted  only  the  children  of  communicants  to  baptism.  That  the  Lord's  Sup 
per  is  to  be  received  sitting  at  the  table ;  whilst  they  were  in  Holland  they  received 
it  every  Lord's  Day.  That  ecclesiastical  censures  were  wholly  spiritual,  and  not  to 
be  accompanied  with  temporal  penalties.  (10).  They  admitted  no  holy  days  but  the 
Christian  Sabbath,  though  they  had  occasionally  days  of  fasting  and  thanksgiving. 
And,  finally,  they  renounced  all  right  of  human  invention  or  imposition  in  religious 
matters. 

Having  enjoyed  their  liberty  in  Holland  eight  or  nine  years,  in  which  time  they 
had  become  acquainted  with  the  country  and  the  manners  of  its  inhabitants,  they 
began  to  think  of  another  removal  (1617).  The  reasons  of  which  were  these:  (i). 
Most  of  them  had  been  bred  to  the  business  of  husbandry  in  England ;  but  in  Hol 
land,  they  were  obliged  to  learn  mechanical  trades,  and  use  various  methods  for  their 
subsistence,  which  were  not  so  agreeable  to  them  as  cultivation.  (2).  The  language, 
manners,  and  habits  of  the  Dutch  were  not  rendered  pleasing  by  familiarity;  and,  in 
particular,  the  loose  and  careless  manner  in  which  the  Sabbath  was  regarded  in  Hol 
land,  gave  them  great  offense.  (3).  The  climate  was  unfavorable  to  their  health  ; 
many  of  them  were  in  the  decline  of  life;  their  children,  oppressed  with  labor  and 
disease,  became  infirm,  and  the  vigor  of  nature  seemed  to  abate  at  an  early  age.  (4). 
The  licentiousness  in  which  youth  was  indulged  was  a  pernicious  example  to  their 
children  ;  some  of  whom  became  sailors,  others  soldiers,  and  many  were  dissolute  in 
their  morals;  nor  could  their  parents  restrain  them  without  giving  offense  and  in 
curring  reproach.  These  considerations  afforded  them  the  melancholy  prospect, 
that  their  posterity  would,  in  time,  become  so  mixed  with  the  Dutch,  as  to  lose 
their  interest  in  the  English  nation,  to  which  they  had  a  natural  and  strong  attach 
ment.  (5).  They  observed,  also,  that  many  other  English  people  who  had  gone  to 
Holland,  suffered  in  their  health  and  substance;  and  either  returned  home  to  bear 
the  inconveniencies  from  which  they  had  fled,  or  were  reduced  to  poverty  abroad. 
For  these  reasons,  they  concluded  that  Holland  was  not  a  country  in  which  they 
could  hope  for  a  permanent  and  agreeable  residence. 

The  question  then  was,  to  what  part  of  the  world  should  they  remove,  where 
they  might  expect  freedom  from  the  burdens  under  which  they  had  formerly 
groaned,  and  the  blessings  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  which  they  had  lately 
enjoyed. 

The  Dutch  merchants  being  apprised  of  their  discontent,  made  them  large  offers, 
if  they  would  go  to  some  of  their  foreign  plantations ;  but  their  attachment  to  the 
English  nation  and  government  was  invincible.  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  had,  about  this 
time,  raised  the  fame  of  Guiana,  a  rich  and  fertile  country  of  America,  between  the 
tropics,  blessed  with  a  perpetual  spring,  and  productive  of  everything  which  could 
satisfy  the  wants  of  man,  with  little  labor.  To  this  country  the  views  of  some  of 
the  most  sanguine  were  directed;  but  considering  that  in  such  warm  climates,  dis 
eases  were  generated,  which  often  proved  fatal  to  European  constitutions,  and  that 
their  nearest  neighbors  would  be  the  Spaniards,  who,  though  they  had  not  actually 
occupied  the  country,  yet  claimed  it  as  their  own,  and  might  easily  dispossess  them, 
as  they  had  the  French  of  Florida  ;  the  major  part  disapproved  of  this  proposal. 

They  then  turned  their  thoughts  toward  that  part  of  America  comprehended 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  165 

under  the  general  name  of  Virginia.  There,  if  they  should  join  the  colony  already 
established,  they  must  submit  to  the  government  of  the  Church  of  England.  If 
they  should  attempt  a  new  plantation,  the  horrors  of  a  wilderness,  and  the  cruelties 
of  its  savage  inhabitants  were  presented  to  their  view.  It  was  answered,  that  the 
Dutch  had  begun  to  plant  within  these  limits,  and  were  unmolested  :  that  all  great 
undertakings  were  attended  with  difficulties ;  but  that  the  prospect  of  danger  did 
not  render  the  enterprise  desperate  ;  that,  should  they  remain  in  Holland,  they 
were  not  free  from  danger,  as  a  truce  between  the  United  Provinces  and  Spain, 
which  had  subsisted  twelve  years,  was  nearly  expired,  and  preparations  were  making 
to  renew  the  war;  that  the  Spaniards,  if  successful,  might  prove  as  cruel  as  the 
savages;  and  that  liberty,  both  civil  and  religious,  was  altogether  precarious  in 
Europe.  These  considerations  determined  their  views  toward  the  uninhabited  part 
of  North  America,  claimed  by  their  native  prince  as  part  of  his  dominions;  and 
their  hope  was,  that  by  emigrating  hither,  they  might  make  way  for  the  propagation 
of  the  Christian  religion  in  a  heathen  land,  though  (to  use  their  own  phrase)  "  they 
should  be  but  as  stepping-stones  to  others,"  who  might  come  after  them. 

These  things  were  first  debated  in  private  and  afterward  proposed  to  the  whole 
congregation,  who,  after  mature  deliberation  and  a  devout  address  to  Heaven,  deter 
mined  to  make  application  to  the  Virginia  Company  in  London,  and  to  inquire 
whether  King  James  would  grant  them  liberty  of  conscience  in  his  American  domin 
ions.  John  Carver  and  Robert  Cushman  were  appointed  their  agents  on  this  occa 
sion,  and  letters  were  written  by  Mr.  Robinson  and  Mr.  Brewster  (their  ruling  elder) 
in  the  name  of  the  congregation  to  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  and  Sir  John  Worstenholme, 
two  principal  members  of  the  Virginia  Company. 

In  those  letters  they  recommended  themselves  as  proper  persons  for  emigration, 
because  they  were  "  weaned  from  the  delicate  milk  of  their  own  country,  and  so  in 
ured  to  the  difficulties  of  a  strange  land  that  no  small  things  would  discourage  them 
or  make  them  wish  to  return  home;  that  they  had  acquired  habits  of  frugality,  in 
dustry  and  self-denial;  and  were  united  in  a  solemn  covenant,  by  which  they  were 
bound  to  seek  the  welfare  of  the  whole  Company  and  of  every  individual  person." 
They  also  gave  a  succinct  and  candid  account  of  their  religious  principles  and  prac 
tices  for  the  information  of  the  King  and  his  council. 

The  answer  which  they  received  was  as  favorable  as  they  could  expect.  The  Vir 
ginia  Company  promised  them  as  ample  privileges  as  were  in  their  power  to  grant. 
It  was  thought  prudent  not  to  deliver  their  letter  to  the  King  and  council,  but  appli 
cation  was  made  to  Sir  Robert  Norton,  Secretary  of  State,  who  employed  his  inter 
est  with  Archbishop  Abbot,  and,  by  means  of  his  mediation,  the  King  promised  to 
connive  at  their  religious  practices,  but  he  denied  them  toleration  under  the  great 
seal.  With  an  answer  and  some  private  encouragement  the  agents  returned  to  Hol 
land. 

It  was  impossible  for  them  to  transport  themselves  to  America  without  assistance 
from  the  merchant  adventurers  in  England.  Further  agency  and  agreements  were 
necessary.  The  dissensions  of  the  Virginia  Company  were  tedious  and  violent,  and 
it  was  not  till  after  two  whole  years  that  all  the  necessary  provisions  and  arrange 
ments  could  be  made  for  their  voyage. 

In  the  beginning  of  1620  they  kept  a  solemn  day  of  prayer,  when  Mr.  Robinson 
delivered  a  discourse  from  I  Samuel  xxiii.  3,  4,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  remove 


166  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

their  doubts  and  confirm  their  resolutions.  It  had  been  previously  determined  that 
a  part  of  them  should  go  to  America  and  prepare  the  way  for  the  others ;  and  that, 
if  the  major  part  should  consent  to  go,  the  pastor  should  go  with  them — otherwise 
he  should  remain  in  Holland.  It  was  found  on  examination  that  though  a  major 
part  was  willing  to  go,  yet  they  could  not  all  get  ready  in  season  ;  therefore,  the 
greater  number  being  obliged  to  stay,  they  required  Mr.  Robinson  to  stay  with  them. 
Mr.  Brewster  (the  ruling  elder)  was  appointed  to  go  with  the  minority,  who  were 
"  to  be  an  absolute  church  of  themselves  as  well  as  those  that  should  stay;"  with  this 
proviso,  that,  as  any  should  go  over  or  return,  they  should  be  reputed  as  members 
without  farther  dismission  or  testimonial.  The  others  were  to  follow  as  soon  as 
possible. 

In  July  they  kept  another  day  of  prayer,  when  Mr.  Robinson  preached  to  them 
from  Ezra  viii.  21,  and  concluded  his  discourse  with  an  exhortation  which  breathes 
a  noble  spirit  of  Christian  liberty  and  gives  a  just  idea  of  the  sentiments  of  this 
excellent  divine,  whose  charity  was  the  more  conspicuous  because  of  his  former  nar 
row  principles  and  the  general  bigotry  of  the  Reformed  ministers  and  churches  of 
that  day. 

"  Brethren,"  said  he,  "we  are  now  quickly  to  part  from  one  another,  and  whether 
I  may  ever  live  to  see  your  faces  on  earth  anymore,  the  God  of  Heaven  only  knows; 
but  whether  the  Lord  hath  appointed  that  or  not,  I  charge  you  before  God  and  His 
blessed  angels,  that  you  follow  me  no  farther  than  you  have  seen  me  follow  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ. 

"  If  God  reveal  anything  to  you  by  any  other  instrument  of  His,  be  as  ready  to 
receive  it  as  ever  you  were  to  receive  any  truth  by  my  ministry  ;  for  I  am  verily  per 
suaded — I  am  very  confident— that  the  Lord  has  more  truth  yet  to  break  forth  out 
of  His  holy  word.  For  my  part,  I  can  not  sufficiently  bewail  the  condition  of  the 
Reformed  Churches,  who  are  come  to  a  period  in  religion,  and  will  go,  at  present,  no 
farther  than  the  instruments  of  their  reformation.  The  Lutherans  can  not  be  drawn 
to  go  beyond  v/hat  Luther  said :  whatever  part  of  His  will  our  good  God  has  re 
vealed  unto  Calvin,  they  will  rather  die  than  embrace  it.  And  the  Calvinists,  you 
see,  stick  fast  where  they  were  left  by  that  great  man  of  God,  who  yet  saw  not  all 
things. 

"This  is  a  misery  much  to  be  lamented ;  for  though  they  were  burning  and  shin 
ing  lights  in  their  times,  yet  they  penetrated  not  into  the  whole  counsel  of  God  ;  but 
were  they  now  living,  would  be  as  willing  to  embrace  farther  light,  as  that  which 
they  first  received.  I  beseech  you,  remember,  it  is  an  article  of  your  church  cove 
nant,  '  that  you  be  ready  to  receive  whatever  truth  shall  be  made  known  to  you  from 
the  written  word  of  God.'  Remember  that,  and  every  other  article  of  your  sacred 
covenant.  But  I  must,  herevvithal,  exhort  you  to  take  heed  what  you  receive  as  truth. 
Examine  it,  consider  it,  and  compare  it  with  other  scriptures  of  truth  before  you  re 
ceive  it ;  for  it  is  not  possible  that  the  Christian  world  should  come  so  lately  out  of 
such  thick  anti-Christian  darkness,  and  that  perfection  of  knowledge  should  break 
forth  at  once. 

"  I  must  also  advise  you  to  abandon,  avoid,  and  shake  off  the  name  of  Brownists. 
It  is  a  mere  nickname;  and  a  brand  for  the  making  religion,  and  the  professors  of  it, 
odious  to  the  Christian  world." 

Having  said  this,  with  some  other  things  relating  to  their  private  conduct,  he  de 
voutly  committed  them  to  the  care  and  protection  of  Divine  Providence. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  167 

On  the  2  ist  of  July  the  intended  passengers  quitted  Leyden  to  embark  at  Delft- 
haven,  to  which  place  they  were  accompanied  by  many  of  their  brethren  and  friends, 
several  of  whom  had  come  from  Amsterdam  to  take  their  leave  of  them.  The  eve 
ning  was  spent,  till  very  late,  in  friendly  conversation ;  and  the  next  mornir.g,  the 
wind  being  fair,  they  went  on  board  ;  where  Mr.  Robinson,  on  his  knees,  in  a  most 
ardent  and  affectionate  prayer,  again  committed  them  to  their  divine  Protector,  and, 
with  many  tears,  they  parted. 

After  their  arrival  in  New  England,  he  kept  up  a  friendly  correspondence  with 
them  ;  and  when  any  of  them  went  to  Europe  they  were  received  by  him  with  the 
most  cordjal  welcome.  The  difficulties  which  then  attended  a  voyage  across  the 
Atlantic,  the  expense  of  an  equipment  for  a  new  colony,  and  the  hardships  necessarily 
incident  to  a  plantation  in  a  distant  wilderness,  proved  a  burden  almost  too  great  for 
those  who  came  over.  They  had  a  hard  struggle  to  support  themselves  here,  and 
pay  the  debts  which  they  had  contracted  in  England ;  whilst  those  who  remained  in 
Holland  were,  in  general,  too  poor  to  bear  the  expense  of  a  removal  to  America  with 
out  the  help  of  their  brethren  who  had  come  before  them.  These  things  prevented 
Mr.  Robinson  from  gratifying  his  earnest  desire  to  visit  his  American  brethren,  and 
their  equally  ardent  wish  to  see  him,  till  he  was  removed  by  death  to  a  better 
country. 

He  continued  with  his  church  at  Leyden,  in  good  health,  and  with  a  fair  prospect 
of  living  to  a  more  advanced  age,  till  Saturday,  the  22d  of  February,  1625,  when  he 
was  seized  with  an  inward  ague ;  which,  however  distressing,  did  not  prevent  his 
preaching  twice  on  the  next  day.  Through  the  following  week  his  disorder  increased 
in  malignity,  and  on  Saturday,  March  I,  put  an  end  to  his  valuable  life  ;  in  the  fiftieth 
year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  height  of  his  reputation  and  usefulness. 

Mr.  Robinson  was  a  man  of  good  genius,  quick  penetration,  ready  wit,  great 
modesty,  integrity,  and  candor.  His  classic  literature  and  acuteness  in  disputation 
were  acknowledged  by  his  adversaries.  His  manners  were  easy,  courteous,  and 
obliging.  His  preaching  was  instructive  and  affecting.  Though  in  his  younger  years 
he  was  rigid  in  his  separation  from  the  Episcopal  Church,  by  whose  governors  he  and 
his  friends  were  treated  with  unrelenting  severity,  yet,  when  convinced  of  his  error, 
he  openly  acknowledged  it,  and  by  experience  and  conversation  with  good  men,  he 
became  moderate  and  charitable,  without  abating  his  zeal  for  strict  and  real  religion. 
It  is  always  a  sign  of  a  good  heart,  when  a  man  becomes  mild  and  candid  as  he  grows 
in  years.  This  was  eminently  true  of  Mr.  Robinson.  He  learned  to  esteem  all  good 
men  of  every  religious  persuasion,  and  charged  his  flock  to  maintain  the  like  candid 
and  benevolent  conduct.  His  sentiments  respecting  the  Reformers,  as  expressed  in 
his  valedictory  discourse,  will  entail  immortal  honor  to  his  memory;  evidencing  his 
accurate  discernment,  his  inflexible  honesty,  and  his  fervent  zeal  for  truth  and  a  good 
conscience.  He  was  also  possessed,  in  an  eminent  degree,  of  the  talent  of  peace 
making,  and  was  happy  in  composing  differences  among  neighbors  and  in  families ; 
so  that  peace  and  unity  were  preserved  in  his  congregation.  It  is  said  that  "  such 
was  the  reciprocal  love  and  respect  between  him  and  his  flock,  that  it  might  be  said 
of  them,  as  it  was  said  of  the  Emperor  Marcus  Aurelius  and  the  people  of  Rome,  that 
it  was  hard  to  judge  whether  he  delighted  more  in  having  such  a  people  or  they  in 
having  such  a  pastor."  Besides  his  singular  abilities  in  moral  and  theological  matters, 
he  was  very  discerning  and  prudent  in  civil  affairs,  and  able  to  give  them  good  advice 


168  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

in  regard  to  their  secular  and  political  conduct.  He  was  highly  esteemed,  not  only 
by  his  own  flock,  but  by  the  magistracy  and  clergy  of  Leyden,  who  gave  him  the  use 
of  one  of  their  churches,  in  the  chancel  of  which  he  was  buried.  Mr.  Prince,  who 
visited  that  city  in  1714,  says  that  the  most  ancient  pe'ople  then  living  told  him  from 
their  parents,  that  the  whole  city  and  university  regarded  him  as  a  great  and  good 
man,  whose  death  they  sincerely  lamented  ;  and  that  they  honored  his  funeral  with 
their  presence. 

This  event  proved  the  dissolution  of  the  church  over  which  he  had  presided  at 
Leyden.  Some  of  them  removed  to  Amsterdam,  some  to  other  parts  of  the  Nether 
lands,  and  others  came  to  New  England,  among  whom  were  his  widow  and  children. 
His  son  Isaac  lived  to  the  age  of  ninety,  and  left  male  posterity  in  the  county  of 
Barnstable. 


JOHN    CARVER. 

JOHN  CARVER — APPOINTED  AGENT  BY  THE  ENGLISH  SETTLERS  AT  LEYDEN— SUPERINTENDS 
THE  EQUIPMENTS  FOR  EMIGRATION— CHOSEN  GOVERNOR  OF  THE  COMPANY — MAKFS  AN 
EXCURSION  FROM  CAPE  COD  TO  LOOK  FOR  A  HARBOR — SKIRMISH  WITH  THE  NATIVES — 
LANDS  ON  CLARK'S  ISLAND — MAKES  A  SETTLEMENT  AT  PLYMOUTH — HIS  SICKNESS  AND 
RECOVERY — HIS  INTERVIEW  WITH  MASSASOIT— HIS  DEATH,  CHARACTER,  AND  POSTERITY 
— HIS  SWORD  IN  THE  CABINET  OF  THE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 

WE  have  no  particulars  of  the  life  of  Mr.  Carver  previous  to  his  appointment  as 
one  of  the  agents  of  the  English  Congregational  Church  in  Leyden.  At  that  time 
he  was  in  high  esteem,  as  a  grave,  pious,  prudent,  judicious  man,  and  sustained  the 
office  of  a  deacon.  In  the  letters  written  by  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  of  the  Virginia 
Company,  to  Mr.  Robinson,  the  agents  are  said  to  have  "  carried  themselves  with 
good  discretion." 

The  business  of  the  agency  was  long  delayed  by  the  discontents  and  factions  in 
the  company  of  Virginia,  by  the  removal  of  their  former  treasurer,  Sir  Thomas 
Smith,  and  the  enmity  between  him  and  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  his  successor.  At  length 
a  patent  was  obtained,  under  the  company's  seal ;  but,  by  the  advice  of  some  friends, 
it  was  taken  in  the  name  of  John  Wincob,  a  religious  gentleman,  belonging  to  the 
family  of  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  who  intended  to  accompany  the  adventurers  to 
America.  This  patent  and  the  proposals  of  Thomas  Weston,  of  London,  mer 
chant,  and  other  persons  who  appeared  friendly  to  the  design,  were  carried  to 
Leyden,  in  the  autumn  of  1619,  for  the  consideration  of  the  people.  At  the  same 
time  there  was  a  plan  forming  for  a  new  council  in  the  west  of  England,  to  super 
intend  the  plantation  and  fishery  of  North  Virginia,  the  name  of  which  was  changed 
to  New  England.  To  this  expected  establishment  Weston  and  the  other  merchants 
began  to  incline,  chiefly  from  the  hope  of  present  gain  by  the  fishery.  This  caused 
some  embarrassment,  and  a  variety  of  opinions;  but  considering  that  the  council  for 
New  England  was  not  yet  incorporated,  and  that  if  they  should  wait  for  that  event 
they  might  be  detained  another  year,  before  which  time  the  war  between  the  Dutch 
and  the  Spaniards  might  be  renewed,  the  majority  concluded  to  take  the  patent 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  169 

which  bad  been   obtained  from   the  Company  of  South  Virginia,  and  emigrate  to 
some  place  near  Hudson's  River  which  was  within  their  territory. 

The  next  spring  (1620)  Weston  himself  went  over  to  Leyden,  where  the  people 
entered  into  articles  of  agreement  with  him,  both  for  shipping  and  money,  to  assist 
in  their  transportation.  Carver  and  Cushman  were  again  sent  to  London,  to  receive 
the  money  and  provide  for  the  voyage.  When  they  came  there,  they  found  the 
other  merchants  so  very  penurious  and  severe,  that  they  were  obliged  to  consent 
to  some  alteration  in  the  articles ;  which,  though  not  relished  by  their  constituents, 
yet  were  so  strongly  insisted  on,  that  without  them  the  whole  adventure  must  have 
been  frustrated. 

The  articles,  with  their  amendments,  were  these :  "  (i).  The  adventurers  and 
planters  do  agree,  that  every  person  that  goeth,  being  sixteen  years  old  and  upward, 
be  rated  at  ten  pounds  ;  and  that  ten  pounds  be  accounted  a  single  share.  (2). 
That  he  that  goeth  in  person,  and  furnisheth  himself  out  with  ten  pounds,  either  in 
money  or  other  provisions,  be  accounted  as  having  twenty  pounds  in  stock,  and  in 
the  division  shall  receive  a  double  share.  (3).  The  persons  transported  and  the  ad 
venturers  shall  continue  their  joint  stock  and  partnership,  the  space  of  seven  years, 
except  some  unexpected  impediments  do  cause  the  whole  company  to  agree  other 
wise  ;  during  which  time  all  profits  and  benefits  that  are  gotten  by  trade,  traffic, 
trucking,  working,  fishing,  or  any  other  means,  of  any  other  person  or  persons,  shall 
remain  still  in  the  common  stock,  until  the  division.  (4).  That  at  their  coming 
there,  they  shall  choose  out  such  a  number  of  persons,  as  may  furnish  their  ships 
and  boats,  for  fishing  upon  the  sea ;  employing  the  rest,  in  their  several  faculties, 
upon  the  land ;  as  building  houses,  tilling  and  planting  the  ground,  and  making 
such  commodities  as  shall  be  most  useful  for  the  colony.  (5).  That  at  the  end  of 
the  seven  years,  the  capital  and  profits,  viz,  the  houses,  lands,  goods,  and  chattels, 
be  equally  divided  among  the  adventurers ;  if  any  debt  or  detriment  concerning  this 
adventure.  (6).  Whosoever  cometh  to  the  colony  hereafter,  or  putteth  anything 
into  the  stock,  shall,  at  the  end  of  the  seven  years,  be  allowed  proportionally  to  the 
time  of  his  so  doing.  (7).  He  that  shall  carry  his  wife,  or  children,  or  servants,  shall 
be  allowed  for  every  person,  now  aged  sixteen  years,  and  upwards  a  single  share  in 
the  division  ;  or  if  he  provide  them  necessaries,  a  double  share,  or  if  they  be  between 
ten  years  old  and  sixteen,  then  two  of  them  to  be  reckoned  for  a  person,  both 
in  transportation  and  division.  (8).  That  such  children  as  now  go,  and  are  under 
ten  years  of  age,  have  no  other  share  in  the  division  than  fifty  acres  of  unmanured 
land.  (9).  That  such  persons  as  die  before  the  seven  years  be  expired,  their  execu 
tors  to  have  their  parts  or  shares,  at  the  division  ;  proportionally  to  the  time  of  their 
life  in  the  colony,  (to).  That  all  such  persons  as  are  of  the  colony,  are  to  have 
meat,  drink,  and  apparel  out  of  the  common  stock  and  goods  of  the  said  colony." 

The  difference  between  the  articles  as  first  agreed  on,  and  as  finally  concluded, 
lay  in  these  two  points:  (i).  In  the  former,  it  was  provided  that  "the  houses  and 
lands  improved,  especially  gardens  and  home-fields,  should  remain  undivided, 
wholly  to  the  planters  at  the  end  of  the  seven  years; "  but,  in  the  latter,  the  houses 
and  lands  were  to  be  equally  divided.  (2).  In  the  former,  the  planters  were 
''  allowed  two  days  in  the  week,  for  their  own  private  employment,  for  the  comfort 
of  themselves  and  families,  especially  such  as  had  them  to  take  care  for."  In  the 
latter,  this  article  was  wholly  omitted. 
22 


170  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

On  these  hard  conditions,  and  with  this  small  encouragement,  the  pilgrims 
of  Leyden,  supported  by  a  pious  confidence  in  the  Supreme  Disposer  of  all  things, 
and  animated  by  a  fortitude  resulting  from  steady  principles  of  the  religion  which 
they  professed,  determined  to  cast  themselves  on  the  care  of  Divine  Providence,  and 
embark  for  America. 

With  the  proceeds  of  their  own  estates,  put  into  a  common  stock,  and  the  assist 
ance  of  the  merchants,  to  whom  they  had  mortgaged  their  labor  and  trade  for  seven 
years,  two  vessels  were  provided.  One  in  Holland,  of  sixty  tons,  called  the  Speed 
well,  commanded  by  a  Captain  Reynolds,  which  was  intended  to  transport  come 
of  them  to  America,  and  there  to  remain  in  their  service,  one  year,  for  fishing  and 
other  uses.  Another  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  tons,  called  the  Mayflower,  was 
chartered  by  Mr.  Cushman  in  London,  and  sent  round  to  Southampton  in  Hamp 
shire,  whither  Mr.  Carver  went  to  superintend  her  equipment.  This  vessel  was  com 
manded  by  a  Captain  Jones,  and  after  discharging  her  passengers  in  America,  was  to 
return  to  England.  Seven  hundred  pounds  sterling  were  expended  in  provisions  and 
stores,  and  other  necessary  preparations;  and  the  value  of  the  trading  venture  which 
they  carried  was  seventeen  hundred  pounds.  Mr.  Weston  came  from  London  to 
Southampton,  to  see  them  dispatched.  The  Speedwell,  with  the  passengers,  having 
arrived  there  from  Leyden,  and  the  necessary  officers  being  chosen  to  govern  the 
people  and  take  care  of  the  provisions  and  stores  on  the  voyage  ;  both  ships,  carrying 
one  hundred  and  twenty  passengers,  sailed  from  Southampton  on  the  fifth  day 
of  August,  1620. 

They  had  not  sailed  many  leagues  down  the  channel  before  Reynolds,  master  of 
the  Speedwell,  complained  that  his  vessel  was  too  leaky  to  proceed.  Both  ships  then 
put  in  at  Dartmouth,  where  the  Speedwell  was  searched  and  repaired,  and  the  work 
men  judged  her  sufficient  for  the  voyage.  On  the  2ist  of  August  they  put  to  sea 
again,  and,  having  sailed  in  company  about  one  hundred  leagues,  Reynolds  renewed 
his  complaints  against  his  ship;  declaring  that  by  constant  pumping  he  could 
scarcely  keep  her  above  water,  on  which  both  ships  again  put  back  to  Plymouth. 
Another  search  was  made,  and,  no  defect  appearing,  the  leaky  condition  of  the  ship 
was  judged  to  be  owing  to  her  general  weakness,  and  she  was  pronounced  unfit  for 
the  voyage.  About  twenty  of  the  passengers  went  on  shore.  The  others,  with  their 
provisions,  were  received  on  board  the  Mayflower ;  and,  on  the  6th  of  September, 
the  company,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and  one  passengers  (besides  the  ship's  offi 
cers  and  crew),  took  their  last  leave  of  England,  having  consumed  a  whole  month  in 
these  vexatious  and  expensive  delays. 

The  true  causes  of  these  misadventures  did  not  then  appear.  One  was  that  the 
Speedwell  was  overmasted  ;  which  error  being  remedied,  the  vessel  afterward  made 
several  safe  and  profitable  voyages.  But  the  principal  cause  was  the  deceit  of  the 
master  and  crew,  who,  having  engaged  to  remain  a  whole  year  in  the  service  of  the 
colony,  and  apprehending  hard  fare  in  that  employment,  were  glad  of  such  an  ex 
cuse  to  rid  themselves  of  the  bargain. 

The  Mayflower  (Jones)  proceeded  with  fair  winds  in  the  former  part  of  her  voy 
age,  and  then  met  with  bad  weather  and  contrary  winds,  so  that  for  several  days  no 
sail  could  be  carried.  The  ship  labored  so  much  in  the  sea  that  one  of  the  main 
beams  sprung,  which  renewed  the  fears  and  distress  of  the  passengers.  They  had 
then  made  about  one-half  of  their  voyage,  and  t'he  chief  of  the  company  began  a 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS. 

consultation  with  the  commander  of  the  ship  whether  it  were  better  to  proceed  or 
to  return.  But  one  of  the  passengers  having  on  board  a  large  iron  screw,  it  was  ap  • 
plied  to  the  beam  and  forced  it  into  its  place.  This  successful  effort  determined 
them  to  proceed. 

No  other  particulars  of  this  long  and  tedious  voyage  are  preserved ;  but  that  the 
ship  being  leaky  and  the  people  close  stowed,  were  continually  wet;  that  one  young 
man,  a  servant  of  Samuel  Fuller,  died  at  sea ;  and  that  one  child  was  born  and  called 
Oceamts — he  was  son  of  Stephen  Hopkins. 

On  the  gth  of  November  at  break  of  day  they  made  land,  which  proved  to  be  the 
white,  sandy  cliffs  of  Cape  Cod.  This  land-fall  being  further  northward  than  they 
intended,  they  immediately  put  about  the  ship  to  the  southward  ;  and,  before  noon, 
found  themselves  among  shoals  and  breakers.  Had  they  pursued  their  southern 
course  (as  the  weather  was  fine),  they  might  in  a  few  hours  more  have  found  an  open 
ing  and  passed  safely  to  the  westward  agreeably  to  their  original  design,  which  was 
to  go  to  Hudson's  River.  But,  having  been  so  long  at  sea,  the  sight  of  any  land 
was  welcome  to  women  and  children  ;  the  new  danger  was  formidable;  and  the  eager 
ness  of  the  passengers  to  be  set  on  shore  was  irresistible.  These  circumstances,  coin 
ciding  with  the  secret  views  of  the  master,  who  had  been  promised  a  reward  by  some 
agents  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  if  he  would  not  carry  them  to  Hudson's 
River,  induced  him  to  put  about  to  the  northward.  Before  night  the  ship  was  clear 
of  the  danger.  The  next  day  they  doubled  the  northern  extremity  of  the  cape 
(Race-Point),  and,  a  storm  coming  on,  the  ship  was  brought  to  anchor  in  Cape  Cod 
Harbor,  where  she  lay  perfectly  secure  from  winds  and  shoals. 

This  harbor,  being  in  the  forty-second  degree  of  north  latitude,  was  without  the 
territory  of  the  South  Virginia  Company.  The  charter  which  these  emigrants  had 
received  from  them  of  course  became  useless.  Some  symptoms  of  faction  at  the 
same  time  appearing  among  the  servants,  who  had  been  received  on  board  in  En 
gland — purporting  that  when  on  shore  they  should  be  under  no  government,  and  that 
one  man  would  be  as  good  as  another — it  was  thought  proper,  by  the  most  judicious 
persons,  to  have  recourse  to  natural  law;  and  that,  before  disembarkation,  they 
should  enter  into  an  association  and  combine  themselves  in  a  political  body  to  be 
governed  by  the  majority.  To  this  they  consented  ;  and,  after  solemn  prayer  and 
thanksgiving,  a  written  instrument  being  drawn,  they  subscribed  it  with  their  own 
hands,  and,  by  a  unanimous  vote,  chose  John  Carver  their  Governor  for  one  year. 

The  instrument  was  conceived  in  these  terms:  "In  the  name  of  God,  amen. 
We,  whose  names  are  underwritten,  the  loyal  subjects  of  our  dread  sovereign  Lord, 
King  James,  by  the  grace  of  God,  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ireland,  King,  De 
fender  of  the  Faith,  etc.,  having  undertaken,  for  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  advance 
ment  of  the  Christian  faith,  and  honor  of  our  King  and  country,  a  voyage  to  plant 
the  first  colony  in  the  northern  parts  of  Virginia,  do,  by  these  presents,  solemnly  and 
mutually,  in  the  presence  of  GOD  and  of  one  another,  covenant  and  combine  our 
selves  together  into  a  civil  body  politic,  for  our  better  ordering  and  preservation, 
and  furtherance  of  the  ends  aforesaid  ;  and,  by  virtue  hereof,  to  enact,  constitute,  and 
frame  such  just  and  equal  laws  and  ordinances,  acts,  constitutions,  and  offices,  from 
time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  meet  and  convenient  for  the  general  good  of 
the  colony,  unto  which  we  promise  all  due  subjection  and  obedience.  In  witness 
whereof,  we  have  hereunto  subscribed  our  names,  at  Cape  Cod,  the  eleventh  day  of 


172  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

November,  in  the  year  of  the  reign  of  our  sovereign  Lord,  King  James,  of  England, 
France,  and  Ireland,  the  eighteenth,  and  of  Scotland  the  fifty-fourth.  Anno  Domini 
1620." 

Government  being  thus  regularly  established  on  a  truly  republican  principle,  six 
teen  armed  men  were  sent  on  shore,  as  soon  as  the  weather  would  permit,  to  fetch 
wood  and  make  discoveries.  They  returned  at  night  with  a  boat  load  of  juniper  wood, 
and  made  report  "  that  they  found  the  land  to  be  a  narrow  neck,  having  the  harbor  on 
the  one  side  and  the  ocean  on  the  other;  that  the  ground  consisted  of  sand-hills,  like 
the  Downs  in  Holland  ;  that  in  some  places  the  soil  was  black  earth,  '  a  spit's  depth  ; ' 
that  the  trees  were  oak,  pines,  sassafras,  juniper,  birch,  holly,  ash,  and  walnut ;  that 
the  forest  was  open  and  without  underwood  ;  that  no  inhabitants,  houses,  nor  fresh 
water  were  to  be  seen."  This  account  was  as  much  as  could  be  collected  in  one 
Saturday's  afternoon.  The  next  day  they  rested. 

Whilst  they  lay  in  this  harbor,  which  was  the  space  of  five  weeks,  they  saw  great 
flocks  of  sea-fowl  and  whales  every  day  playing  about  them.  The  master  and  mate, 
who  had  been  acquainted  with  the  fishery  in  the  northern  seas  of  Europe,  supposed 
that  they  might,  in  that  time,  have  made  oil  to  the  value  of  three  or  four  thousand 
pounds.  It  was  too  late  in  the  season  for  cod,  and,  indeed,  they  caught  none  but 
small  fish,  near  the  shore,  and  shell-fish.  The  margin  of  the  sea  was  so  shallow,  that 
they  were  obliged  to  wade  ashore ;  and  the  weather  being  severe,  many  of  them  took 
colds  and  coughs,  which,  in  the  course  of  the  winter,  proved  mortal. 

On  Monday,  the  ijth  of  November,  the  women  went  ashore  under  a  guard  to 
wash  their  clothes,  and  the  men  were  impatient  for  a  further  discovery.  The  shal 
lop,  which  had  been  cut  down  and  stowed  between  decks,  needed  repairing,  in  which 
seventeen  days  were  employed.  Whilst  this  was  doing,  they  proposed  that  excur 
sions  might  be  made  on  foot.  Much  caution  was  necessary  in  an  enterprise  of  this 
kind,  in  a  new  and  savage  country.  After  consultation  and  preparation,  sixteen  men 
were  equipped  with  musket  and  ammunition,  sword  and  corselet,  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Miles  Standish,  who  had  William  Bradford,  Stephen  Hopkins,  and  Edward 
Tilly  for  his  council  of  war.  After  many  instructions  given,  they  were  rather  per 
mitted  than  ordered  to  go,  and  the  time  of  their  absence  was  limited  to  two  days. 

When  they  had  traveled  one  mile  by  the  shore  they  saw  five  or  six  of  the  natives, 
who,  on  sight  of  them,  fled.  They  attempted  to  pursue  ;  and,  lighting  on  their  track, 
followed  them  till  night ;  but  the  thickets  through  which  they  had  to  pass,  the 
weight  of  their  armor,  and  their  debility,  after  a  long  voyage,  made  them  an  unequal 
match,  in  point  of  traveling,  to  these  nimble  sons  of  nature.  They  rested,  at  length, 
by  a  spring,  which  afforded  them  the  first  refreshing  draught  of  American  water. 

The  discoveries  made  in  this  march  were  few,  but  novel  and  amusing.  In  one 
place  they  found  a  deer-trap,  made  by  the  bending  of  a  young  tree  to  the  earth,  with 
a  noose  under  ground,  covered  with  acorns.  Mr.  Bradford's  foot  was  caught  in  the 
trap,  from  which  his  companions  disengaged  him,  and  they  were  all  entertained  with 
the  ingenuity  of  the  device.  In  another  place  they  came  to  an  Indian  burying- 
ground,  and  in  one  of  the  graves  they  found  a  mortar,  an  earthen  pot,  a  bow  and  ar 
rows,  and  other  implements,  alt  which  they  very  carefully  replaced,  because  they 
would  not  be  guilty  of  violating  the  repositories  of  the  dead.  But  when  they  found 
a  cellar  carefully  lined  with  bark  and  covered  with  a  heap  of  sand,  in  which  about  four 
bushels  of  seed-corn  in  ears  were  well  secured,  after  reasoning  on  the  morality  of  the 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  173 

action,  they  took  as  much  of  the  corn  as  they  could  carry,  intending,  when  they  should 
find  the  owners,  to  pay  them  to  their  satisfaction.  On  the  third  day  they  arrived,  weary 
and  welcome,  where  the  ship  lay,  and  delivered  their  corn  into  the  common  store. 
The  company  resolved  to  keep  it  for  seed,  and  to  pay  the  natives  the  full  value  when 
they  should  have  opportunity. 

When  the  shallop  was  repaired  and  rigged,  twenty-four  of  the  company  ventured 
on  a  second  excursion  to  the  same  place  to  make  a  further  discovery ;  having  Cap 
tain  Jones  for  their  commander,  with  ten  of  his  seamen  and  the  ship's  long-boat. 
The  wind  being  high  and  the  sea  rough,  the  shallop  came  to  anchor  under  the  land, 
whilst  part  of  the  company  waded  on  shore  from  the  long-boat,  and  traveled,  as  they 
supposed,  six  or  seven  miles,  having  directed  the  shallop  to  follow  them  the  next 
morning.  The  weather  was  very  cold,  with  snow,  and  the  people  having  no  shelter, 
took  such  colds  as  afterward  proved  fatal  to  many. 

Before  noon  the  next  day  the  shallop  took  them  on  board,  and  sailed  to  the  place 
which  they  denominated  Cold  Harbor.  Finding  it  not  navigable  for  ships,  and 
consequently  not  proper  for  their  residence,  after  shooting  some  geese  and  ducks, 
which  they  devoured  with  "  soldiers'  stomachs,"  they  went  in  search  of  seed-corn. 
The  ground  was  frozen  and  covered  with  snow,  but  the  cellars  were  known  by  heaps 
of  sand,  and  the  frozen  earth  was  penetrated  with  their  swords,  till  they  gathered 
corn  to  the  amount  of  ten  bushels.  This  fortunate  supply,  with  a  quantity  of  beans 
preserved  in  the  same  manner,  they  took  on  the  same  condition  as  before,  and  it  is 
remarked  by  Governor  Bradford  that  in  six  months  after,  they  paid  the  owners  to 
their  entire  satisfaction.  The  acquisition  of  this  corn  they  always  regarded  as  a  par 
ticular  favor  of  Divine  Providence,  without  which  the  colony  could  not  have  subsisted. 

Captain  Jones  in  the  shallop  went  back  to  the  ship  with  the  corn  and  fifteen  of 
the  weakest  of  the  people,  intending  to  send  mattocks  and  spades  the  next  day.  The 
eighteen  who  remained,  marched,  as  they  supposed,  five  or  six  miles  into  the  woods, 
and  returning  another  way,  discovered  a  mound  of  earth,  in  which  they  hoped  to 
find  more  com.  On  opening  it,  nothing  appeared  but  the  skull  of  a  man,  preserved 
in  red  earth,  the  skeleton  of  an  infant,  and  such  arms,  utensils,'and  ornaments  as  are 
usually  deposited  in  Indian  graves.  Not  far  distant  were  two  deserted  wigwams, 
with  their  furniture  and  some  venison,  so  ill-preserved  that  even  soldiers'  stomachs 
could  not  relish  it.  On  the  arrival  of  the  shallop  they  returned  to  the  ship  the  1st 
of  December.  During  their  absence  the  wife  of  William  White  had  been  delivered 
of  a  son,  who,  from  the  circumstances  of  his  birth,  was  named  Peregrine. 

At  this  time  they  held  a  consultation  respecting  their  future  settlement.  Some 
thought  that  Cold  Harbor  might  be  a  proper  place,  because,  though  not  deep  enough 
for  ships,  it  might  be  convenient  for  boats,  and  because  a  valuable  fishery  for  whales  and 
cod  might  be  carried  on  there.  The  land  was  partly  cleared  of  wood,  and  good  for  corn, 
as  appeared  from  the  seed.  It  was  also  likely  to  be  healthful  and  defensible.  But 
the  principal  reasons  were,  that  the  winter  was  so  far  advanced  as  to  prevent  coasting 
and  discovery,  without  danger  of  losing  men  and  boats  ;  that  the  winds  were  variable, 
and  the  storms  sudden  and  violent ;  that  by  cold  and  wet  lodgings  the  people  were 
much  affected  with  coughs,  which,  if  they  should  not  soon  obtain  shelter,  would  prove 
mortal ;  that  provisions  were  daily  consuming  and  the  ship  must  reserve  sufficient  for 
her  homeward  voyage,  whatever  became  of  the  colony. 

Others  thought  it  best  to  go  to  a  place  called  Agawam,  twenty  leagues  north- 


174  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

ward,  where  they  had  heard  of  an  excellent  harbor,  good  fishing,  and  a  better  soil  for 
planting.  To  this  it  was  answered  that  there  might  possibly  be  as  good  a  place 
nearer  to  them.  Robert  Coppin,  their  pilot,  who  had  been  here  before,  assured 
them  that  he  knew  of  a  good  harbor  and  a  navigable  river,  not  more  than  eight 
leagues  across  the  bay  to  the  westward.  Upon  the  whole,  they  resolved  to  send 
the  shallop  round  the  shore  of  the  bay  on  discovery,  but  not  beyond  the  harbor  of 
which  Coppin  had  informed  them. 

On  Wednesday,  the  6th  of  December,  Governor  Carver,  with  nine  of  the  prin 
cipal  men,  well  armed,  and  the  same  number  of  seamen,  of  which  Coppin  was  one, 
went  out  in  the  shallop.  The  weather  was  so  cold  that  the  spray  of  the  sea  froze  on 
their  coats,  till  they  were  cased  with  ice,  "  like  coats  of  iron."  They  sailed  by  the 
eastern  shore  of  the  bay,  as  they  judged,  six  or  seven  leagues,  without  finding 
any  river  or  creek.  At  length  they  saw  "  a  tongue  of  land,  being  flat  off  from  the 
shore,  with  a  sandy  point ;  they  bore  up  to  gain  the  point,  and  found  there  a  fair 
income,  or  road  of  a  bay,  being  a  league  over  at  the  narrowest,  and  two  or  three  in 
length  ;  but  they  made  right  over  to  the  land  before  them."  As  they  came  near  the 
shore  they  saw  ten  or  twelve  Indians  cutting  up  a  grampus,  who,  at  sight  of  them, 
ran  away,  carrying  pieces  of  the  fish  which  they  had  cut.  They  landed  at  a  distance 
of  a  league  or  more  from  the  grampus,  with  great  difficulty,  on  account  of  the  flat 
sands.  Here  they  built  a  barricade,  and,  placing  sentinels,  lay  down  to  rest. 

The  next  morning,  Thursday,  December  /th,  they  divided  themselves  into  two 
parties ;  eight  in  the  shallop,  and  the  rest  on  shore,  to  make  further  discovery  of  this 
place,  which  they  found  to  be  "a  bay  without  either  river  or  creek  coming  into  it." 
They  gave  it  the  name  of  Grampiis  Bay,  because  they  saw  many  fish  of  that  species. 
They  tracked  the  Indians  on  the  sand,  and  found  a  path  into  the  woods,  which  they 
followed  a  great  way,  till  they  came  to  old  corn-fields  and  a  spacious  burying-ground, 
inclosed  with  pales.  They  ranged  the  wood  till  the  close  of  the  day,  and  then  came 
down  to  the  shore  to  meet  the  shallop,  which  they  had  not  seen  since  the  morning. 
At  high  water  she  put  into  a  creek ;  and  six  men  being  left  on  board,  two  came  on 
shore  and  lodged  with  their  companions,  under  cover  of  a  barricade  and  a  guard. 

On  Friday,  December  8th,  they  rose  at  five  in  the  morning,  to  be  ready  to  go 
on  board  at  high  water.  At  the  dawn  of  day  they  were  surprised  with  the  war-cry 
of  the  natives  and  a  flight  of  arrows.  They  immediately  seized  their  arms,  and  on 
the  first  discharge  of  musketry  all  the  Indians  fled  but  one  stout  man,  who  stood 
three  shots  behind  a  tree,  and  then  retired,  as  they  supposed,  wounded.  They  took 
up  eighteen  arrows,  headed  either  with  brass,  deers'  horns,  or  birds'  claws,  which  they 
sent  as  presents  to  their  friends  in  England.  This  unwelcome  reception,  and  the 
shoal  water  of  the  place,  determined  them  to  seek  further.  They  sailed  along  the 
shore  as  near  as  the  extensive  shoals  would  permit,  but  saw  no  harbor.  The  weather 
began  to  look  threatening,  and  Coppin  assured  them  that  they  might  reach  the 
harbor  of  which  he  had  some  knowledge  before  night.  The  wind  being  south 
easterly,  they  put  themselves  before  it.  After  some  hours  it  began  to  rain  ;  the  storm 
increasing,  their  rudder  broke,  their  mast  sprung,  and  their  sails  fell  overboard.  In 
this  piteous  plight,  steering  with  two  oars,  the  wind  and  the  flood  tide  carried  them 
into  a  cove  full  of  breakers,  and,  it  being  dark,  they  were  in  danger  of  being  driven 
on  shore.  The  pilot  confessed  that  he  knew  not  the  place ;  but  a  stout  seaman,  who 
was  steering,  called  to  the  rowers  to  put  about  and  row  hard.  This  effort  happily 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  175 

brought  them  out  of  the  cove,  into  a  fair  sound,  and  under  a  point  of  land,  where 
they  came  safely  to  anchor.  They  were  divided  in  their  opinions  about  going  on 
shore ;  but  about  midnight,  the  wind  shifting  to  the  north-west,  the  severity  of  the 
cold  made  a  fire  necessary.  They,  therefore,  got  on  shore,  and  with  some  difficulty 
kindled  a  fire,  and  rested  in  safety. 

In  the  morning  they  found  themselves  on  a  small,  uninhabited  island  within  the 
entrance  of  a  spacious  bay.  Here  they  stayed  all  the  next  day  (Saturday)  drying  their 
clothes,  cleaning  their  arms,  and  repairing,  as  well  as  they  could,  their  shallop.  The 
following  day,  being  the  Christian  Sabbath,  they  rested. 

On  Monday,  December  nth,  they  surveyed  and  sounded  the  bay,  which  is  de 
scribed  to  be  "  in  the  shape  of  a  fish-hook  ;  a  good  harbor  for  shipping,  larger  than 
that  of  Cape  Cod ;  containing  two  small  islands  without  inhabitants ;  innumerable 
store  of  fowls,  different  sorts  of  fish,  besides  shell-fish  in  abundance.  As  they  marched 
into  the  land  they  found  corn-fields  and  brooks,  and  a  very  good  situation  for  build 
ing."  With  this  joyful  news  they  returned  to  the  company ;  and  on  the  i6th  of  De 
cember  the  ship  came  to  anchor  in  the  harbor,  with  all  the  passengers,  except  four, 
who  died  at  Cape  Cod. 

Having  surveyed  the  land,  as  well  as  the  season  would  permit,  in  three  days,  they 
pitched  upon  a  high  ground  on  the  south-west  side  of  the  bay,  which  was  cleared  of 
wood,  and  had  formerly  been  planted.  Under  the  south  side  of  it  was  "  a  very  sweet 
brook,  in  the  entrance  of  which  the  shallop  and  boats  could  be  secured,  and  many 
delicate  springs  of  as  good  water  as  could  be  drank."  On  the  opposite  side  of  the 
brook  was  a  cleared  field,  and  beyond  it  a  commanding  eminence,  on  which  they  in 
tended  to  lay  a  platform,  and  mount  their  cannon. 

They  went  immediately  to  work,  laying  out  house-lots  and  a  street ;  felling,  saw 
ing,  riving,  and  carrying  timber ;  and  before  the  end  of  December,  though  much  in 
terrupted  by  stormy  weather,  by  the  death  of  two,  and  the  sickness  of  many  of  their 
number,  they  had  erected  a  storehouse  with  a  thatched  roof,  in  which  their  goods  were 
deposited  under  a  guard.  Two  rows  of  houses  were  begun,  and  as  fast  as  they  could 
be  covered,  the  people,  who  were  classed  into  nineteen  families,  came  ashore  and 
lodged  in  them.  On  Lord's  day,  the  3ist  of  December,  they  attended  divine  service 
for  the  first  time  on  shore,  and  named  the  place  PLYMOUTH,  partly  because  this 
harbor  was  so  called  in  Captain  Smith's  map,  published  three  or  four  years  before, 
and  partly  in  remembrance  of  the  very  kind  and  friendly  treatment  which  they  had 
received  from  the  inhabitants  of  Plymouth,  the  last  port  of  their  native  country  from 
which  they  sailed. 

At  this  time  some  of  the  people  lodged  on  shore  and  others  on  board  the  ship, 
which  lay  at  the  distance  of  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  town,  and,  when  the  tide 
was  out,  there  could  be  no  communication  between  them.  On  the  I4th  of  January, 
very  early  in  the  morning,  as  Governor  Carver  and  Mr.  Bradford  lay  sick  in  bed  at 
the  storehouse,  the  thatched  roof  by  means  of  a  spark  caught  on  fire  and  was  soon 
consumed ;  but,  by  the  timely  assistance  of  the  people  on  shore,  the  lower  part  of 
the  building  was  preserved.  Here  were  deposited  their  whole  stock  of  ammunition 
and  several  loaded  guns,  but  happily  the  fire  did  not  reach  them.  The  fire  was  seen 
by  the  people  on  board  the  ship,  who  could  not  come  on  shore  till  an  hour  afterward. 
They  were  greatly  alarmed  at  the  appearance,  because  two  men  who  had  strolled 
into  the  woods  were  missing,  and  they  were  apprehensive  that  the  Indians  had  made 


1T6  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

an  attack  on  the  place.  In  the  evening  the  strollers  found  their  way  home,  almost 
dead  with  hunger,  fatigue,  and  cold. 

The  bad  weather  and  severe  hardships  to  which  this  company  were  exposed,  in  a 
climate  much  more  rigorous  than  any  to  which  they  had  ever  been  accustomed,  with 
the  scorbutic  habits  contracted  in  their  voyage  and  by  living  so  long  on  shipboard, 
caused  a  great  mortality  among  them  in  the  winter.  Before  the  month  of  April 
nearly  one-half  of  them  died.  At  some  times  the  number  of  the  sick  was  so  great 
that  not  more  than  six  or  seven  were  fit  for  duty,  and  these  were  almost  wholly  em 
ployed  in  attending  the  sick.  The  ship's  company  was  in  the  same  situation ;  and 
Captain  Jones,  though  earnestly  desirous  to  get  away,  was  obliged  to  stay  till  April, 
having  lost  one-half  of  his  men. 

By  the  beginning  of  March  the  Governor  was  so  far  recovered  of  his  first  illness 
that  he  was  able  to  walk  three  miles  to  visit  a  large  pond  which  Francis  Billington 
had  discovered  from  the  top  of  a  tree  on  a  hill.  At  first  it  was  supposed  to  be  part 
of  the  ocean,  but  it  proved  to  be  the  head  water  of  the  brook  which  runs  by  the 
town.  It  has  ever  since  borne  the  name  of  the  first  discoverer,  which  would  other 
wise  have  been  forgotten. 

Hitherto  they  had  not  seen  any  of  the  natives  at  this  place.  The  mortal  pesti 
lence  which  raged  through  the  country  four  years  before  had  almost  depopulated  it. 
One  remarkable  circumstance  attending  this  pestilence  was  not  known  till  after  this 
settlement  was  made.  A  French  ship  had  been  wrecked  on  Cape  Cod.  The  men 
were  saved  and  the  provisions  and  goods.  The  natives  kept  their  eyes  on  them  till 
they  found  an  opportunity  to  kill  all  but  three  or  four  and  divide  their  goods.  The 
captives  were  sent  from  one  tribe  to  another  as  slaves.  One  of  them  learned  so 
much  of  their  language  as  to  tell  them  that  "  God  was  angry  with  them  for  their 
cruelty,  and  would  destroy  them  and  give  their  country  to  another  people."  They 
answered  that  "  they  were  too  many  for  God  to  kill."  He  replied  that  "  if  they 
were  ever  so  many,  God  had  many  ways  to  kill  them  of  which  they  were  then  igno 
rant."  When  the  pestilence  came  among  them  (a  new  disease,  probably  the  yellow 
fever)  they  remembered  the  Frenchman's  words,  and,  when  the  Plymouth  settlers 
arrived  at  Cape  Cod,  the  few  survivors  imagined  that  the  other  part  of  his  prediction 
would  soon  be  accomplished.  Soon  after  their  arrival  the  Indian  priests  or  powwows 
convened  and  performed  their  incantations  in  a  dark  swamp  three  days  successively, 
with  a  view  to  curse  and  destroy  the  new-comers.  Had  they  known  the  mortality 
which  raged  among  them  they  would  doubtless  have  rejoiced  in  the  success  of  their 
endeavors,  and  might  very  easily  have  taken  advantage  of  their  weakness  to  exter 
minate  them.  But  none  of  them  were  seen  till  after  the  sickness  had  abated  ; 
though  some  tools,  which  had  been  left  in  the  woods,  were  missing,  which  they  had 
stolen  in  the  night. 

On  the  1 6th  of  March,  when  the  spring  was  so  far  advanced  as  to  invite  them  to 
make  their  gardens,  a  savage  came  boldly  into  the  place  alone,  walked  through  the 
street  to  the  rendezvous  or  storehouse,  and  pronounced  the  words,  Welcome,  English 
men  !  His  name  was  Samoset.  He  belonged  to  a  place  distant  five  days'  journey 
to  the  eastward,  and  had  learned  of  the  fishermen  to  speak  broken  English. 

He  was  received  with  kindness  and  hospitality,  and  he  informed  them  "  that  by 
the  late  pestilence,  and  a  ferocious  war,  the  number  of  his  countrymen  had  been  so 
diminished,  that  not  more  than  one  in  twenty  remained ;  that  the  spot  where  they 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS. 

were  now  seated  was  called  Patukset,  and  though  formerly  populous,  yet  every 
human  being  in  it  had  died  of  the  pestilence."  This  account  was  confirmed  by  the 
extent  of  the  fields,  the  number  of  graves,  and  the  remnants  of  skeletons  lying  on 
the  ground. 

The  account  which  he  gave  of  himself,  was  "  that  he  had  been  absent  from  home 
eight  moons,  part  of  the  time  among  the  Nausets,  their  nearest  neighbors  at  the 
south-east,  who  were  about  one  hundred  strong,  and  more  lately  among  the  Wom- 
paneags  at  the  westward,  who  were  about  sixty ;  that  he  had  heard  of  the  attack 
made  on  them  by  the  Nausets  at  Namskeket ;  that  these  people  were  full  of  resent 
ment  against  the  Europeans,  on  account  of  the  perfidy  of  Hunt,  master  of  an  En 
glish  vessel,  who  had  some  years  before  the  pestilence  decoyed  some  of  the  natives 
(twenty  from  Patukset  and  seven  from  Nauset)  on  board  his  ship,  and  sold  them 
abroad  as  slaves ;  that  they  had  killed  three  English  fishermen,  besides  the  French 
men  aforementioned,  in  revenge  for  this  affront.  He  also  gave  information  of  the 
lost  tools,  and  promised  to  see  them  restored ;  and  that  he  would  bring  the  natives 
to  trade  with  them." 

Samoset  being  dismissed  with  a  present,  returned  the  next  day  with  five  more  of 
the  natives,  bringing  the  stolen  tools,  and  a  few  skins  for  trade.  They  were  dis 
missed  with  a  request  to  bring  more,  which  they  promised  in  a  few  days.  Samoset 
feigned  himself  sick,  and  remained  ;  but  as  his  companions  did  not  return  at  the 
time,  he  was  sent  to  inquire  the  reason. 

On  the  22d  he  returned,  in  company  with  Squanto  or  Squantum,  a  native  of 
Patukset,  and  the  only  one  then  living.  He  was  one  of  the  twenty  whom  Hunt  had 
carried  away  ;  he  had  been  sold  in  Spain,  had  lived  in  London  with  John  Slany 
Merchant,  Treasurer  of  the  Newfoundland  Company ;  had  learned  the  English 
language,  and  came  back  to  his  native  country  with  the  fishermen.  These  two 
persons  were  deputed  by  the  sachem  of  the  Wompaneags,  Ma-sass-o-it,  whose 
residence  was  at  Sowams  or  Pokanoket,  on  the  Narraganset  Bay,  to  announce  his 
coming  and  bring  some  skins  as  a  present.  In  about  an  hour,  the  sachem,  with 
his  brother  Q,ua-de-qui-nah,  and  his  whole  force  of  sixty  men,  appeared  on  the  hill 
over  against  them.  Squantum  was  sent  to  know  his  pleasure,  and  returned  with  the 
sachem's  request,  that  one  of  the  company  should  come  to  him.  Edward  Winslow 
immediately  went  alone,  carrying  a  present  in  his  hand,  with  the  Governor's  compli 
ments,  desiring  to  see  the  sachem,  and  enter  on  a  friendly  treaty.  Masassoit  left 
Winslow  in  the  custody  of  his  brother,  to  whom  another  present  was  made,  and 
taking  twenty  of  his  men,  unarmed,  descended  the  hill  toward  the  brook,  over  which 
lay  a  log  bridge.  Captain  Miles  Standish,  at  the  head  of  six  men,  met  him  at  the 
brook,  and  escorted  him  and  his  train  to  one  of  the  best  houses,  where  three  or  four 
cushions  were  placed  on  a  green  rug,  spread  over  the  floor.  The  Governor  came  in, 
preceded  by  a  drum  and  trumpet,  the  sound  of  which  greatly  delighted  the 
Indians.  After  mutual  salutations,  he  entered  into  conversation  with  the  sachem, 
which  issued  in  a  treaty.  The  articles  were :  "  (i).  That  neither  he  nor  his  should 
injure  any  of  ours.  (2).  That  if  they  did,  he  should  send  the  offender,  that  we 
might  punish  him.  (3).  That  if  our  tools  were  taken  away,  he  should  restore  them. 
(4).  That  if  any  unjustly  warred  against  him,  we  would  aid  him ;  and  if  any  warred 
against  us,  he  should  aid  us.  (5).  That  he  should  certify  his  neighbor  confederates 
of  this,  that  they  might  not  wrong  us,  but  be  comprised  in  the  conditions  of  peace. 
23 


178  THE    AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

(6)'.  That  when  their  men  came  to  us,  they  should  leave  their  bows  and  arrows 
behind  them ;  as  we  should  leave  our  pieces  when  we  came  to  them.  (7).  That  in 
doing  thus,  King  JAMES  would  esteem  him  as  his  friend  and  ally." 

The  conference  being  ended,  and  the  company  having  been  entertained  with  such 
refreshments  as  the  place  afforded,  the  sachem  returned  to  his  camp.  This  treaty, 
the  work  of  one  day,  being  honestly  intended  on  both  sides,  was  kept  with  fidelity 
as  long  as  Masassoit  lived,  but  was  afterward  broken  by  Philip,  his  successor. 

The  next  day  Masassoit  sent  for  some  of  the  English  to  visit  him.  Captain 
Standish  and  Isaac  Allerton  went,  were  kindly  received,  and  treated  with  ground 
nuts  and  tobacco. 

The  sachem  then  returned  to  his  headquarters,  distant  about  forty  miles ;  but 
Squantum  and  Samoset  remained  at  Plymouth,  and  instructed  the  people  how  to 
plant  their  corn,  and  dress  it  with  herrings,  of  which  an  immense  quantity  came  into 
the  brooks.  The  ground  which  they  planted  with  corn  was  twenty  acres.  They 
sowed  six  acres  with  barley  and  peas;  the  former  yielded  an  indifferent  crop;  but 
the  latter  were  parched  with  the  heat,  and  came  to  nothing. 

Whilst  they  were  engaged  in  this  labor,  in  which  all  were  alike  employed,  on  the 
5th  of  April  (the  day  on  which  the  ship  sailed  for  England),  Governor  Carver  came 
out  of  the  field,  at  noon,  complaining  of  a  pain  in  his  head,  caused  by  the  heat  of  the 
sun.  It  soon  deprived  him  of  his  senses,  and  in  a  few  days  put  an  end  to  his  life,  to 
the  great  grief  of  this  infant  plantation.  He  was  buried  with  all  the  honors  which 
could  be  shown  to  the  memory  of  a  good  man  by  a  grateful  people.  The  men  were 
under  arms,  and  fired  several  volleys  over  his  grave.  His  affectionate  wife,  overcome 
with  her  loss,  survived  him  but  six  weeks. 

Mr.  Carver  is  represented  as  a  man  of  great  prudence,  integrity,  and  firmness  of 
mind.  He  had  a  good  estate  in  England,  which  he  spent  in  the  emigration  to  Hol 
land  and  America.  He  was  one  of  the  foremost  in  action,  and  bore  a  large  share  of 
sufferings  in  the  service  of  the  colony,  who  confided  in  him  as  their  friend  and  father. 
Piety,  humility,  and  benevolence  were  eminent  traits  in  his  character;  and  it  is  par 
ticularly  remarked,  that  in  the  time  of  general  sickness  which  befell  the  colony,  and 
with  which  he  was  affected,  after  he  had  himself  recovered  he  was  assiduous  in 
attending  the  sick,  and  performing  the  most  humiliating  services  for  them,  without 
any  distinction  of  persons  or  characters. 

One  of  his  grandsons  lived  to  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  two  years ;  and  about 
the  middle  of  the  present  century  (1755)  he,  his  son,  grandson,  and  great-grandson 
were  all,  at  the  same  time,  at  work  in  the  same  field,  whilst  an  infant  of  the  fifth 
generation  was  within  the  house,  at  Marshfield. 

The  memory  of  Governor  Carver  is  still  held  in  esteem  ;  a  ship  belonging  to 
Plymouth  now  bears  his  name ;  and  his  broadsword  is  deposited,  as  a  curiosity,  in 
the  cabinet  of  the  Historical  Society,  at  Boston. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  179 


WILLIAM    BRADFORD. 

WILLIAM  BRADFORD — HIS  BIRTH  AND  EDUCATION — REMOVES  TO  AMSTERDAM — ACCOMPANIES 
THE  ADVENTURERS  TO  NEW  ENGLAND— HIS  WIFE  DROWNED— CHOSEN  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW 
PLYMOUTH— CONSPIRACY  OF  THE  INDIANS— HE  ADOPTS  MEASURES  OF  DEFENSE— SURREN 
DERS  THE  PATENT  TO  THE  COLONY— HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER— HIS  DESCENDANTS. 

WILLIAM  BRADFORD  was  born  in  1588,  at  Ansterfield,  an  obscure  village  in  the 
north  of  England.  His  parents  dying  when  he  was  young,  he  was  educated,  first  by 
his  grandparents,  and  afterward  by  his  uncles,  in  the  practice  of  agriculture.  His 
paternal  inheritance  was  considerable ;  but  he  had  no  other  learning  but  such  as  gen 
erally  falls  to  the  share  of  the  children  of  husbandmen. 

At  twelve  years  of  age  his  mind  became  seriously  impressed  by  divine  truth,  in 
reading  the  Scriptures ;  and  as  he  increased  in  years  a  native  firmness  enabled  him 
to  vindicate  his  opinions  against  opposition.  Being  stigmatized  as  a  Separatist,  he 
was  obliged  to  bear  the  frowns  of  his  relatives  and  the  scoffs  of  his  neighbors ;  but 
nothing  could  divert  or  intimidate  him  from  attending  on  the  ministry  of  Mr. 
Richard  Clifton,  and  connecting  himself  with  the  church  over  which  he  and  Mr. 
Robinson  presided. 

When  he  was  eighteen  years  old  he  joined  in  their  attempt  to  go  over  to  Hol 
land,  and  was  one  of  the  seven  who  were  imprisoned  at  Boston,  in  Lincolnshore,  as 
is  already  related  in  the  life  of  Robinson ;  but  he  was  soon  liberated  on  account  of 
his  youth.  He  was  also  one  of  those  who,  the  next  year,  fled  from  Grimsby  Com 
mon,  when  part  of  the  company  went  to  sea,  and  part  were  taken  by  the  pursuivants. 

After  some  time  he  went  over  to  Zealand,  through  various  difficulties ;  and  v/as 
no  sooner  set  on  shore  than  a  malicious  passenger  in  the  same  vessel  accused  him 
before  the  Dutch  magistrates  as  a  fugitive  from  England.  But  when  they  under 
stood  the  cause  of  his  emigration  they  gave  him  protection,  and  permission  to  join 
his  brethren  at  Amsterdam. 

It  being  impossible  for  him  to  prosecute  agriculture  in  Holland,  he  was  obliged 
to  betake  himself  to  some  other  business;  and,  being-then  under  age,  he  put  himself 
as  an  apprentice  to  a  French  Protestant,  who  taught  him  the  art  of  silk-dyeing.  As 
soon  as  he  attained  the  years  of  manhood  he  sold  his  paternal  estate  in  England,  and 
entered  on  a  commercial  life,  in  which  he  was  not  very  successful. 

When  the  Church  of  Leyden  contemplated  a  removal  to  America,  Bradford 
zealously  engaged  in  the  undertaking,  and  came  with  the  first  company,  in  1620,  to 
Cape  Cod.  Whilst  the  ship  lay  in  that  harbor  he  was  one  of  the  foremost  in  the 
several  hazardous  attempts  to  find  a  proper  place  for  the  seat  of  the  colony,  in  one 
of  which  he,  with  others  of  the  principal  persons,  narrowly  escaped  the  destruction 
which  threatened  their  shallop.  On  his  return  from  this  excursion  to  the  ship  with 
the  joyful  news  of  having  found  a  harbor  and  a  place  for  settlement,  he  had  the  mor 
tification  to  hear  that,  during  his  absence,  his  wife  had  accidentally  fallen  into  the 
sea  and  was  drowned. 

After  the  sudden  death  of  Governor  Carver,  the  infant  colony  cast  their  eyes  on 
Bradford  to  succeed  him  ;  but  being  at  that  time  so  very  ill  that  his  life  was  despaired 
of,  they  waited  for  his  recovery,  and  then  invested  him  with  the  command.  He  was 


180  THE  AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

in  the  thirty-third  year  of  his  age;  his  wisdom,  piety,  fortitude,  and  goodness  of 
heart  were  so  conspicuous  as  to  merit  the  sincere  esteem  of  the  people.  Carver  had 
been  alone  in  command.  They  confided  in  his  prudence  that  he  would  not  advent 
ure  on  any  matter  of  moment  without  the  consent  of  the  people  or  the  advice  of  the 
wisest.  To  Bradford  they  appointed  an  assistant,  Isaac  Allerton,  not  because  they 
had  not  the  same  confidence  in  him,  but  partly  for  the  sake  of  regularity,  and  partly 
on  account  of  his  precarious  health.  They  appointed  but  one,  because  they  were  so 
reduced  in  number  that  to  have  made  a  greater  disproportion  between  rulers  and 
people  would  have  been  absurd ;  and  they  knew  that  it  would  always  be  in  their 
power  to  increase  the  number  at  their  pleasure.  Their  voluntary  combination  was 
designed  only  as  a  temporary  expedient  till  they  should  obtain  a  charter  under  the 
authority  of  their  sovereign. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  Bradford's  administration  was,  by  the  advice  of  the  com 
pany,  to  send  Edward  Winslow  and  Stephen  Hopkins  to  Masassoit,  with  Squanto 
for  their  guide.  The  design  of  this  embassy  was  to  explore  the  country,  to  confirm 
the  league,  to  learn  the  situation  and  strength  of  their  new  friend,  to  carry  some 
presents,  to  apologize  for  some  misbehavior,  to  regulate  the  intercourse  between  them 
and  the  Indians,  and  to  procure  seed-corn  for  the  next  planting  season. 

These  gentlemen  found  the  sachem  at  Pokanoket,*  about  forty  miles  from 
Plymouth.  They  delivered  the  presents,  renewed  the  friendship,  and  satisfied  them 
selves  respecting  the  strength  of  the  natives,  which  did  not  appear  formidable,  nor 
was  the  entertainment  which  they  received  either  liberal  or  splendid.  The  marks  of 
desolation  and  death,  by  reason  of  the  pestilence,  were  very  conspicuous  in  all  the 
country  through  which  they  passed ;  but  they  were  informed  that  the  Narragansets, 
who  resided  on  the  western  shore  of  the  bay  of  that  name,  were  very  numerous,  and 
that  the  pestilence  had  not  reached  them. 

After  the  return  of  this  embassy,  another  was  sent  to  Nauset  to  recover  a  boy 
who  had  straggled  from  Plymouth,  and  had  been  taken  up  by  some  of  the  Indians 
of  that  place.  They  were  so  fortunate  as  to  recover  the  boy,  and  to  make  peace  with 
Aspinet,  the  sachem,  when  they  paid  for  the  seed-corn  which  they  had  taken  out  of 
the  ground  at  Paomet  in  the  preceding  autumn.  During  this  expedition  an  old 
woman,  who  had  never  before  seen  any  white  people,  burst  into  tears  of  grief  and 
rage  at  the  sight  of  them.  She  had  lost  three  sons  by  the  perfidy  of  Thomas  Hunt, 
who  decoyed  them,  with  others,  on  board  his  ship,  and  sold  them  for  slaves.  Squanto, 
who  was  present,  told  her  that  he  had  been  carried  away  at  the  same  time ;  that 
Hunt  was  a  bad  man;  that  his  countrymen  disapproved  his  conduct,  and  that  the 
English  at  Plymouth  would  not  offer'them  any  injury.  This  declaration,  accompa 
nied  by  a  small  present,  appeased  her  anger,  though  it  was  impossible  to  remove  the 
cause  of  her  grief. 

It  was  fortunate  for  the  colony  that  they  had  secured  the  friendship  of  Masassoit, 
for  his  influence  was  found  to  be  very  extensive.  He  was  regarded  and  reverenced 
by  all  the  natives  from  the  Bay  of  Narraganset  to  that  of  Massachusetts.  Though 


*  This  was  a  general  name  for  the  northern  shore  of  the  Narraganset  Bay,  between  Providence  and 
Taunton  Rivers,  and  comprehending  the  present  townships  of  Bristol,  Warren,  and  Barrington  in  the  State 
of  Rhode  Island,  and  Swanzey  in  Massachusetts.  Its  northern  extent  is  unknown.  The  principal  seats  of 
the  sachem  were  at  Sowams  and  Kikemuit.  The  former  is  a  neck  of  land  formed  by  the  confluence  of  Bar 
rington  and  Palmer's  Rivers  ;  the  latter  is  Mount  Hope. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  181 

some  of  the  petty  sachems  were  disposed  to  be  jealous  of  the  new  colony,  and  to  dis 
turb  its  peace,  yet  their  mutual  connection  with  Masassoit  proved  the  means  of  its 
preservation  ;  as  a  proof  of  which,  nine  of  the  sachems  voluntarily  came  to  Plymouth, 
and  subscribed  an  instrument  of  submission  in  the  following  terms,  viz : 

"September  13,  Anno  Domini  1621.  Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  we, 
whose  names  are  underwritten,  do  acknowledge  ourselves  to  be  the  loyal  subjects  of 
King  James,  King  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  etc. 
In  witness  whereof,  and  as  a  testimonial  of  the  same,  we  have  subscribed  our  names, 
or  marks,  as  followeth  : 

Ohquamehud,  Nattawahunt,  Quadequina, 

Cawnacome,  Caunbatant,  Huttamoiden, 

Obbatinua,  Chikatabak,  Apannow." 

Hobamak,  another  of  these  subordinate  chiefs,  came  and  took  up  his  residence  at 
Plymouth,  where  he  continued  as  a  faithful  guide  and  interpreter  as  long  as  he  lived. 
The  Indians  of  the  island  of  Capawock,  which  had  now  obtained  the  name  of  Martha  s 
or  Martin's  Vineyard,  also  sent  messengers  of  peace. 

Having  heard  much  of  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts,  both  from  the  Indians  and  the 
English  fishermen,  Governor  Bradford  appointed  ten  men,  with  Squanto  and  two 
other  Indians,  to  visit  the  place  and  trade  with  the  natives.  On  the  i8th  of  Septem 
ber  they  sailed  in  a  shallop,  and  the  next  day  got  to  the  bottom  of  the  bay,  where 
they  landed  under  a  cliff,*  and  were  kindly  received  by  Obbatinua,  the  sachem  who 
had  subscribed  the  submission  at  Plymouth  a  few  days  before.  He  renewed  his  submis 
sion,  and  received  a  promise  of  assistance  and  defense  against  the  Squaw  Sachem  of 
Massachusetts  and  other  enemies. 

The  appearance  of  this  bay  was  pleasing.  They  saw  the  mouths  of  two  rivers 
which  emptied  into  it.  The  islands  were  cleared  of  wood,  and  had  been  planted  ;  but 
most  of  the  people  who  had  inhabited  them  either  were  dead  or  had  removed.  Those 
who  remained  were  continually  in  fear  of  the  Tarratenes,  who  frequently  came  from 
the  eastward  in  a  hostile  manner,  and  robbed  them  of  their  corn.  In  one  of  these 
predatory  invasions,  Nanepashamet,  a  sachem,  had  been  slain  ;  his  body  lay  buried 
under  a  frame,  surrounded  by  an  intrenchment  and  palisade.  A  monument  on  the 
top  of  a  hill  designated  the  place  where  he  was  killed. 

Having  explored  the  bay  and  collected  some  beaver,  the  shallop  returned  to 
Plymouth,  and  brought  so  good  a  report  of  the  place,  that  the  people  wished  they 
had  been  seated  there.  But  having  planted  corn  and  built  huts  at  Plymouth,  and 
being  there  in  security  from  the  natives,  they  judged  the  motives  for  continuance  to 
be  stronger  than  for  removal ;  many  of  their  posterity  having  judged  otherwise. 

In  November  a  ship  arrived  from  England  with  thirty-five  passengers  to  augment 
the  colony.  Unhappily  they  were  so  short  of  provisions  that  the  people  of  Plymouth 
were  obliged  to  victual  the  ship  home,  and  then  put  themselves  and  the  new-comers  to 
half  allowance.  Before  the  next  spring  (1622)  the  colony  began  to  feel  the  rigor  of 
famine.  In  the  height  of  this  distress  the  Governor  received  from  Canonicus,  sachem 
of  Narraganset,  a  threatening  message  in  the  emblematic  style  of  the  ancient  Scyth 
ians — a  bundle  of  arrows  bound  with  the  skin  of  a  serpent.  The  Governor  sent  an 
answer  in  the  same  style,  the  skin  of  the  serpent  filled  with  powder  and  ball.  The 

*  Supposed  to  be  Copp's  Hill  in  the  town  of  Boston 


182  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

Narragansets,  afraid  of  its  contents,  sent  it  back  unopened ;  and  here  the  correspond 
ence  ended. 

It  was  now  judged  proper  to  fortify  the  town.  Accordingly  it  was  surrounded 
with  a  stockade  and  four  flankarts ;  a  guard  was  kept  by  day  and  night,  the  company 
being  divided  into  four  squadrons.  A  select  number  were  appointed,  in  case  of  acci 
dental  fire,  to  mount  guard  with  their  backs  to  the  fire,  to  prevent  a  surprise  from  the 
Indians.  Within  the  stockade  was  inclosed  the  top  of  the  hill,  under  which  the 
town  was  built,  and  a  sufficiency  of  land  for  a  garden  to  each  family.  The  works 
were  begun  in  February  and  finished  in  March. 

At  this  time  the  famine  was  very  severe.  Fish  and  spring  waters  were  the  only 
provision  on  which  the  people  subsisted.  The  want  of  bread  reduced  their  flesh ; 
yet  they  had  so  much  health  and  spirit,  that,  on  hearing  of  the  massacre  in  Virginia, 
they  erected  an  additional  fort  on  the  top  of  the  hill,  with  a  flat  roof,  on  which  the 
guns  were  mounted  ;  the  lower  story  served  them  for  a  place  of  worship.  Sixty 
acres  of  ground  were  planted  with  corn,  and  their  gardens  were  sown  with  seeds  of 
other  esculent  vegetables  in  great  plenty. 

The  arrival  of  two  ships  with  a  new  colony,  sent  out  by  Thomas  Weston,  but 
without  provisions,  was  an  additional  misfortune.  Some  of  these  people  being  sick, 
were  lodged  in  the  hospital  at  Plymouth  till  they  were  so  far  recovered  as  to  join 
their  companions,  who  seated  themselves  at  Wessagusset,  since  called  Weymouth. 

The  first  supply  of  provisions  was  obtained  from  the  fishing  vessels ;  of  which 
thirty-five  came  this  spring,  from  England  to  the  coast.  In  August,  two  ships  arrived 
with  trading  goods ;  which  the  planters  bought  at  a  great  disadvantage,  giving  beaver 
in  exchange.  The  summer  being  dry,  and  the  harvest  short,  it  became  necessary  to 
make  excursions  among  the  natives,  to  procure  corn  and  beans,  with  the  goods  pur 
chased  from  the  ships.  Governor  Bradford  undertook  this  service,  having  Squanto 
for  his  guide  and  interpreter;  who  was  taken  ill  on  the  passage,  and  died  at  Mano- 
moik.  Before  his  death,  he  requested  the  Governor  to  pray  for  him,  "that  he  might 
go  to  the  Englishman's  God." 

In  these  excursions,  Mr.  Bradford  was  treated  by  the  natives  with  great  respect ; 
and  the  trade  was  conducted,  on  both  parts,  with  justice  and  confidence.  At  Nauset, 
the  shallop  being  stranded,  it  was  necessary  to  put  the  corn,  which  had  been  pur 
chased,  in  stack  and  leave  it  covered  with  mats  and  sedge,  in  the  care  of  the  Indians, 
whilst  the  Governor  and  his  party  came  home,  fifty  miles  on  foot.  It  remained  there 
from  November  to  January;  and  when  another  shallop  was  sent,  it  was  found  in 
perfect  safety,  and  the  stranded  shallop  was  covered. 

At  Namasket  [Middleborough],  an  inland  place,  he  bought  another  quantity, 
which  was  brought  home,  partly  by  the  people  of  the  colony,  and  partly  by  the 
Indian  women;  their  men  disdaining  to  bear  burdens. 

At  Manomet  [Sandwich]  he  bargained  for  more,  which  he  was  obliged  to  leave 
till  March,  when  Captain  Standish  went  and  fetched  it  home,  the  Indian  women 
bringing  it  down  to  the  shallop.  The  whole  quantity  thus  purchased  amounted  to 
twenty-eight  hogsheads  of  corn  and  beans;  of  which  Weston's  people  had  a  share, 
as  they  had  joined  in  the  purchase. 

In  the  spring  (1623)  the  Governor  received  a  message  from  Massasoit  that  he  was 
sick;  on  which  occasion  it  is  usual  for  all  the  friends  of  the  Indians  to  visit  them,  or 
send  them  presents.  Mr.  Winslow  again  went  to  visit  the 'sachem,  accompanied  by 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  183 

Mr.  John  Hamden,  and  they  had  Hobamak  for  their  guide  and  interpreter.  The 
visit  was  very  consolatory  to  their  sick  friend,  and  the  more  so,  as  Winslovv  carried 
him  some  cordials,  and  made  him  broth  after  the  English  mode,  which  contributed 
to  his  recovery.  In  return  for  this  friendly  attention,  Masassoit  communicated  to 
Hobamak  intelligence  of  a  dangerous  conspiracy  then  in  agitation  among  the  Indians 
which  he  had  been  solicited  to  join.  Its  object  was  nothing  less  than  the  total  extir 
pation  of  the  English,  and  it  was  occasioned  by  the  imprudent  conduct  of  Weston's 
people  in  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts.  The  Indians  had  it  in  contemplation  to  make 
them  the  first  victims,  and  then  to  fall  on  the  people  of  Plymouth.  Masassoit 's 
advice  was  that  the  English  should  seize  and  put  to  death  the  chief  conspirators, 
whom  he  named ;  and  said  that  this  would  prevent  the  execution  of  the  plot.  Hoba 
mak  communicated  this  secret  to  Winslow  as  they  were  returning,  and  it  was  report 
ed  to  the  Governor. 

On  this  alarming  occasion  the  whole  company  were  assembled  in  court,  and  the 
news  was  imparted  to  them.  Such  was  their  confidence  in  the  Governor,  that  they 
unanimously  requested  him,  with  Allerton,  his  assistant,  to  concert  the  best  meas 
ures  for  their  safety.  The  result  was  to  strengthen  the  fortifications,  to  be  vigilant 
at  home,  and  to  send  such  a  force  to  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts,  under  Captain  Stand- 
ish,  as  he  should  judge  sufficient  to  crush  the  conspiracy.  An  Indian  who  had  come 
into  the  town  was  suspected  as  a  spy,  and  confined  in  irons.  Standish  with  eight 
chosen  men,  and  the  faithful  Hobamak,  went  in  the  shallop  to  Weston's  plantation, 
having  goods  as  usual  to  trade  with  the  Indians.  Here  he  met  the  persons  who  had 
been  named  as  conspirators,  who  personally  insulted  and  threatened  him.  A  quar 
rel  ensued,  in  which  seven  of  the  Indians  were  killed.  The  others  were  so  struck 
with  terror,  that  they  forsook  their  houses  and  retreated  to  the  swamps,  where  many 
of  them  died  with  cold  and  hunger ;  the  survivors  would  have  sued  for  peace,  but 
were  afraid  to  go  to  Plymouth.  Weston's  people  were  so  apprehensive  of  the  con 
sequences  of  this  affair,  that  they  quitted  the  plantation  ;  and  the  people  of  Plym 
outh,  who  offered  them  protection,  which  they  would  not  accept,  were  glad  to  be 
rid  of  such  troublesome  neighbors. 

Thus,  by  the  spirited  conduct  of  a  handful  of  brave  men,  in  conformity  to  the  ad 
vice  of  the  friendly  sachem,  the  whole  conspiracy  was  annihilated.  But  when  the 
report  of  this  transaction  was  carried  to  their  brethren  in  Holland,  Mr.  Robinson,  in 
his  next  letter  to  the  Governor,  lamented  with  great  concern  and  tenderness,  "  O  that 
you  had  converted  some  before  you  had  killed  any  !  " 

The  scarcity  which  they  had  hitherto  experienced  was  partly  owing  to  the  increase 
of  their  numbers  and  the  scantiness  of  their  supplies  from  Europe ;  but  principally 
to  their  mode  of  laboring  in  common,  and  putting  the  fruit  of  their  labor  into  the 
public  store  ;  an  error  which  had  the  same  effect  here  as  in  Virginia.  To  remedy 
this  evil,  as  far  as  was  consistent  with  their  engagements,  it  was  agreed,  in  the  spring 
of  1623,  that  every  family  should  plant  for  themselves  on  such  ground  as  should  be 
assigned  to  them  by  lot,  without  any  division  for  inheritance  ;  and  that  in  the  time 
of  harvest  a  com-petent  portion  should  be  brought  into  the  common  store  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  public  officers,  fishermen,  and  such  other  persons  as  could  not  be 
employed  in  agriculture.  This  regulation  gave  a  spring  to  industry ;  the  women  and 
children  cheerfully  went  to  work  with  the  men  in  the  fields,  and  much  more  corn  was 
planted  than  ever  before.  Having  but  one  boat,  the  men  were  divided  into  parties 


184  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

of  six  or  seven,  who  took  their  turns  to  catch  fish  ;  the  shore  afforded  them  shell-fish, 
and  ground-nuts  served  them  for  bread.  When  any  deer  was  killed  the  flesh  was 
divided  among  the  whole  colony.  Water  fowl  came  in  plenty  at  the  proper  season, 
but  the  want  of  boats  prevented  them  from  being  taken  in  great  numbers.  Thus 
they  subsisted  through  the  third  summer,  in  the  latter  end  of  which  two  vessels  ar 
rived  with  sixty  passengers.  The  harvest  was  plentiful ;  and  after  this  time  they  had 
no  general  want  of  food,  because  they  had  learned  to  depend  on  their  own  exertions 
rather  than  on  foreign  supplies. 

The  combination  which  they  made,  before  their  landing  at  Cape  Cod,  was  the  first 
foundation  of  their  government ;  but,  as  they  were  driven  to  this  expedient  by  ne 
cessity,  it  was  intended  to  subsist  no  longer  than  till  they  could  obtain  legal  author 
ity  from  their  sovereign.  As  soon  as  they  knsw  of  the  establishment  of  the  Council 
of  New  England,  they  applied  for  a  patent,  which  was  taken  in  the  name  of  John 
Peirce,  in  trust  for  the  colony.  When  he  saw  that  they  were  well  seated,  and 
that  there  was  a  prospect  of  success  to  their  undertaking,  he  went,  without  their 
knowledge,  but  in  their  name,  and  solicited  the  council  for  another  patent  of  greater 
extent,  intending  to  keep  it  to  himself,  and  allow  them  no  more  than  he  pleased, 
holding  them  as  his  tenants,  to  sue  and  be  sued  at  his  courts.  In  pursuance  of  this 
design,  having  obtained  the  patent,  he  bought  a  ship,  which  he  named  the  Paragon  ; 
loaded  her  with  goods,  took  on  board  upwards  of  sixty  passengers,  and  sailed  from 
London  for  the  colony  of  New  Plymouth.  In  the  Downs  he  was  overtaken  by  a  tem 
pest  which  so  damaged  the  ship  that  he  was  obliged  to  put  her  into  dock,  where  she 
lay  seven  weeks,  and  her  repairs  cost  him  one  hundred  pounds.  In  December,  1622, 
he  sailed  a  second  time,  having  on  board  one  hundred  and  nine  persons ;  but  a  series 
of  tempestuous  weather,  which  continued  fourteen  days,  disabled  his  ship,  and  forced 
him  back  to  Portsmouth.  These  repeated  disappointments  proved  so  discouraging 
to  him  that  he  was  easily  prevailed  upon  by  the  company  of  adventurers  to  assign 
his  patent  to  them  for  five  hundred  pounds.  The  passengers  came  over  in  other 
ships. 

In  1629  another  patent  of  larger  extent  was  solicited  by  Isaac  Allerton,  and  taken 
out  in  the  name  of  "  William  Bradford,  his  heirs,  associates,  and  assigns."  This  patent 
confirmed  their  title  (as  far  as  the  Crown  of  England  could  confirm  it)  to  a  tract  of 
land  bounded  on  the  east  and  south  by  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  by  lines  drawn  west 
from  the  rivulet  of  Conohasset,  and  north  from  the  river  of  Narraganset,  which  lines 
meet  in  a  point,  comprehending  all  the  country  called  Pokanoket.  To  this  tract  they 
supposed  they  had  a  prior  title  from  the  depopulation  of  a  great  part  of  it  by  a  pes 
tilence,  from  the  gift  of  Masassoit,  his  voluntary  subjection  to  the  Crown  of  England, 
and  his  having  taken  protection  of  them.  In  a  declaration,  published  by  them  in 
1636,  they  asserted  their  "lawful  right  in  respect  of  vacancy,  donation,  and  purchase 
of  the  natives,"  which,  together  with  their  patent  from  the  Crown,  through  the  Council 
of  New  England,  "  formed  the  warrantable  ground  and  foundation  of  their  govern 
ment,  of  making  laws  and  disposing  of  lands." 

In  the  same  patent  was  granted  a  large  tract  bordering  on  the  river  Kennebeck, 
where  they  had  carried  on  a  traffic  with  the  natives  for  furs,  as  they  did  also  at  Con 
necticut  River,  which  was  not  equally  beneficial,  because  there  they  had  the  Dutch 
for  rivals.  The  fur  trade  was  found  to  be  much  more  advantageous  than  the  fishery. 
Sometimes  they  exchanged  corn  of  their  own  growth  for  furs ;  but  European  coarse 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  185 

cloths,  hardware,  and  ornaments,  were  good  articles  of  trade  when  they  could  com 
mand  them. 

The  company  in  England  with  which  they  were  connected  did  not  supply  them 
in  plenty.  Losses  were  sustained  by  sea ;  the  returns  were  not  adequate  to  their 
expectations  ;  they  became  discouraged  ;  threw  many  reflections  on  the  planters,  and 
finally  refused  them  any  further  supplies ;  but  still  demanded  the  debt  due  from 
them,  and  would  not  permit  them  to  connect  themselves  in  trade  with  any  other 
persons.  The  planters  complained  to  the  Council  of  New  England,  but  obtained  no 
redress.  After  the  expiration  of  the  seven  years  (1628)  for  which  the  contract  was 
made,  eight  of  the  principal  persons  in  the  colony,  with  four  of  their  friends  in  Lon 
don,  became  bound  for  the  balance ;  and  from  that  time  took  the  whole  trade  into 
their  own  hands.  These  were  obliged  to  take  up  money  at  an  exorbitant  interest, 
and  to  go  deeply  into  trade  at  Kennebec,  Penobscot,  and  Connecticut;  by  which 
means,  and  their  own  great  industry  and  economy,  they  were  enabled  to  discharge 
the  debt,  and  pay  for  the  transportation  of  thirty-five  families  of  their  friends  from 
Leyden,  who  arrived  in  1629. 

The  patent  had  been  taken  in  the  name  of  Mr.  Bradford,  in  trust  for  the  colony ; 
and  the  event  proved  that  their  confidence  was  not  misplaced.  When  the  number 
of  people  was  increased,  and  new  townships  were  erected,  the  General  Court,  in 
1640,  requested  that  he  would  surrender  the  patent  into  their  hands.  To  this  he 
readily  consented  ;  and  by  a  written  instrument,  under  his  hand  and  seal,  surrendered 
it  to  them,  reserving  for  himself  no  more  than  his  proportion,  by  previous  agreement. 
This  was  done  in  open  court,  and  the  patent  was  immediately  re-delivered  into  his 
custody. 

Whilst  they  were  few  in  number  the  whole  body  of  associates  or  freemen  assem 
bled  for  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  business.  In  1634  the  Governor  and 
assistants  were  constituted  a  Judicial  Court,  and,  afterward,  the  Supreme  Judiciary. 
Petty  offenses,  and  actions  of  debt,  trespass,  and  damage,  not  exceeding  forty  shil 
lings,  were  tried  by  the  selectmen  of  each  town,  with  liberty  of  appeal  to  the  next 
Court  of  Assistants.  The  first  Assembly  of  Representatives  was  held  in  1639,  when 
two  deputies  were  sent  from  each  town,  and  four  from  Plymouth.  In  1649  Plymouth 
was  restricted  to  the  same  number  with  the  other  towns.  These  deputies  were 
chosen  by  the  freemen  ;  and  none  were  admitted  to  the  privilege  of  freemen  but  such 
as  were  twenty-one  years  of  age,  of  sober  and  peaceable  conversation,  orthodox  in 
the  fundamentals  of  religion,  and  possessed  of  twenty  pounds  ratable  estate. 

By  the  former  patent  the  Colony  of  Plymouth  was  empowered  to  "  enact  such 
laws  as  should  most  befit  a  State  in  its  nonage,  not  rejecting,  or  omitting  to  observe, 
such  of  the  laws  of  their  native  country  as  would  conduce  to  their  good."  In  the 
second  patent  the  power  of  government  was  granted  to  William  Bradford  and  his 
associates,  in  the  following  terms :  "  To  frame  and  make  orders,  ordinances,  and 
constitutions,  as  well  for  the  better  government  of  their  affairs  here  (in  England), 
and  the  receiving  or  admitting  any  to  his  or  their  society ;  as  also  for  the  better  gov 
ernment  of  his  or  their  people,  at  sea,  in  going  thither,  or  returning  from  thence ; 
and  the  same  to  be  put  in  execution  by  such  officers  and  ministers  as  he  or  they 
shall  authorize  and  depute ;  provided,  that  the  said  laws  be  not  repugnant  to  the 
laws  of  England,  or  the  frame  of  government  by  the  said  president  and  council  here 
after  to  be  established." 
24 


186  THE  AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

At  that  time  a  general  government  over  the  whole  territory  of  New  England  was 
a  favorite  object  with  the  council  which  granted  these  patents ;  but,  after  several 
attempts,  it  finally  miscarried — to  the  no  small  joy  of  the  planters,  who  were  then 
at  liberty  to  govern  themselves. 

In  the  formation  of  the  laws  of  New  Plymouth,  regard  was  had,  "primarily  and 
principally,  to  the  ancient  platform  of  God's  law."  For,  though  some  parts  of  that 
system  were  peculiar  to  the  circumstances  of  the  sons  of  Jacob,  yet,  "  the  whole  be 
ing  grounded  on  the  principles  of  moral  equity,"  it  was  the  opinion  of  our  first 
planters — not  at  Plymouth  only,  but  in  Massachusetts,  New  Haven,  and  Connecticut 
— that  "all  -men,  especially  Christians,  ought  to  have  an  eye  to  it  in  the  framing  of 
their  political  constitutions."  A  secondary  regard  was  had  to  the  liberties  granted 
to  them  by  their  sovereign  and  the  laws  of  England,  which  they  supposed  "  any  im 
partial  person  might  discern  in  the  perusal  of  the  book  of  the  laws  of  the  colony." 

At  first  they  had  some  doubt  concerning  their  right  of  punishing  capital  crimes. 
A  murder  which  happened  in  1630  made  it  necessary  to  decide  this  question.  It 
was  decided  by  the  divine  law  against  shedding  human  blood,  which  was  deemed 
indispensable.  In  1636  their  code  of  laws  was  revised,  and  capital  crimes  were 
enumerated  and  defined.  In  1671  it  was  again  revised  and  the  next  year  printed 
with  this  title,  "The  Book  of  the  General  Laws  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Jurisdic 
tion  of  New  Plymouth  " — a  title  very  similar  to  the  codes  of  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut,  which  were  printed  at  the  same  time  by  Samuel  Green  at  Cambridge. 

The  piety,  wisdom,  and  integrity  of  Mr.  Bradford  were  such  prominent  features 
in  his  character,  that  he  was  annually  chosen  Governor  as  long  as  he  lived,  excepting 
three  years,  when  Mr.  Winslow,  and  two,  when  Mr.  Prince,  were  chosen,  and  even 
then  Mr.  Bradford  was  the  first  in  the  list  of  assistants,  which  gave  him  the  rank  of 
Deputy  Governor.  In  1624  they  chose  five  assistants  and  in  1633  seven  ;  the  Gov 
ernor  having  a  double  vote.  These  augmentations  were  made  at  the  earnest  request 
of  Mr.  Bradford,  who  strongly  recommended  a  rotation  in  the  election  of  a  Gov 
ernor,  but  could  not  obtain  it  for  more  than  five  years  in  thirty-five,  and  never  for 
more  than  two  years  in  succession.  His  argument  was  "  that  if  it  were  an  honor  or 
benefit,  others  beside  himself  should  partake  of  it ;  if  it  were  a  burthen,  others  beside 
himself  should  help  to  bear  it."  Notwithstanding  the  reasonableness  and  equity  of 
his  plea,  the  people  had  a  strong  attachment  to  him  and  confidence  in  him  that  they 
could  not  be  persuaded  to  leave  him  out  of  the  government. 

For  the  last  twelve  years  of  his  life  he  was  annually  chosen  without  interruption, 
and  served  in  the  office  of  Governor.  His  health  continued  good  till  the  autumn 
of  1556,  when  it  began  to  decline;  and,  as  the  next  spring  advanced,  he  became 
weaker,  but  felt  not  any  acute  illness  till  the  beginning  of  May. 

After  a  distressing  day  his  mind  was  in  the  following  night  so  elevated  with  the 
idea  of  futurity,  that  he  said  to  his  friends  in  the  morning,  "  God  has  given  me  a 
pledge  of  my  happiness  in  another  world  and  the  first-fruits  of  eternal  glory."  The 
next  day,  being  the  gth  of  May,  1657,  he  was  removed  from  this  world  by  death  in 
the  sixty-ninth  year  of  his  age,  to  the  immense  loss  and  grief  of  the  people  not  only 
in  Plymouth,  but  the  neighboring  colonies,  four  of  which  he  lived  to  see  established, 
beside  that  of  which  he  was  one  of  the  principal  founders. 

In  addition  to  what  has  been  said  of  Mr.  Bradford's  character,  it  may  be  observed 
that  he  was  a  sensible  man,  of  a  strong  mind,  a  sound  judgment,  and  a  good  memory 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  187 

Though  not  favored  with  a  learned  education,  he  was  much  inclined  to  study  and 
writing.  The  French  and  Dutch  languages  were  familiar  to  him,  and  he  attained  a 
considerable  knowledge  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  ;  but  he  more  assiduously  studied  the 
Hebrew,  because  he  said  that  "  he  would  see  with  his  own  eyes  the  ancient  oracles 
of  God  in  their  native  beauty." 

He  had  read  much  of  history  and  philosophy,  but  theology  was  his  favorite  study. 
He  was  able  to  manage  the  polemic  part  of  it  with  much  dexterity,  and  was  particu 
larly  vigilant  against  the  sectaries  which  infested  the  colonies ;  though  by  no  means 
severe  or  intolerant  as  long  as  they  continued  peaceable,  wishing  rather  to  foil  them 
by  argument,  and  guard  the  people  against  receiving  their  tenets,  than  to  suppress 
them  by  violence,  or  cut  them  off  by  the  sword  of  magistracy.  Mr.  Hubbard's  char 
acter  of  him  is,  that  he  was  a  "  person  of  great  gravity  and  prudence,  of  sober  princi 
ples,  and  for  one  of  that  persuasion  (Brownists)  very  pliable,  gentle,  and  condescending." 

He  wrote  a  history  of  Plymouth  people  and  colony,  beginning  with  the  first  for 
mation  of  the  church,  in  1602,  and  ending  in  1646.  It  was  contained  in  a  folio  vol 
ume  of  270  pages.  Morton's  Memorial  is  an  abridgment  of  it.  Prince  and  Hutchin- 
son  had  the  use  of  it,  and  the  manuscript  was  carefully  deposited  with  Mr.  Prince's 
valuable  collection  of  papers,  in  the  library  of  the  Old  South  Church  in  Boston,  which 
fell  a  sacrifice  to  the  unprincipled  fury  of  the  British  army  in  the  year  1775,  since 
which  time  it  has  not  been  seen.  He  also  had  a  large  book  of  copies  of  letters  rela 
tive  to  the  affairs  of  the  colony,  a  fragment  of  which  was,  a  few  years  ago,  recovered 
by  accident,  and  published  by  the  Historical  Society.  To  the  fragment  is  subjoined 
another,  being  a  "  descriptive  and  historical  account  of  New  England,"  in  verse,  which, 
if  it  be  not  graced  with  the  charms  of  poetry,  yet  is  a  just  and  affecting  narrative,  in 
termixed  with  pious  and  useful  reflections.  Besides  these,  he  wrote,  as  Dr.  Mather 
says,  "  some  significant  things,  for  the  confutation  of  the  errors  of  the  times,  by  which 
it  appears  that  he  was  a  person  of  a  good  temper,  and  free  from  that  rigid  spirit  of 
separation  which  broke  the  Separatists  to  pieces." 

In  his  office  of  chief  magistrate  he  was  prudent,  temperate,  and  firm.  He  would 
suffer  no  person  to  trample  on  the  laws  or  disturb  the  peace  of  the  colony.  During 
his  administration  there  were  frequent  accessions  of  new  inhabitants  ;  some  of  whom 
were  at  first  refractory,  but  his  wisdom  and  fortitude  obliged  them  to  pay  a  decent 
respect  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  country.  One  particular  instance  is  preserved. 
A  company  of  young  men,  newly  arrived,  were  very  unwilling  to  comply  with  the 
Governor's  order  for  working  on  the  public  account.  On  a  Christmas  day  they  ex 
cused  themselves  under  pretense  that  it  was  against  their  conscience  to  work.  The 
Governor  gave  them  no  other  answer  than  that  he  would  let  them  alone  till  they 
should  be  better  informed.  In  the  course  of  the  day,  he  found  them  at  play  in  the 
streets,  and  commanding  the  instruments  of  their  game  to  be  taken  from  them,  he 
told  them  that  it  was  against  his  conscience  to  suffer  them  to  play  while  others  were 
at  work,  and  that  if  they  had  any  religious  regard  to  the  day,  they  should  show  it  in 
the  exercise  of  devotion  at  home.  This  gentle  reproof  had  the  desired  effect,  and 
prevented  a  repetition  of  such  disorders. 

His  conduct  toward  intruders  and  false  friends  was  equally  moderate,  but  firm  and 

decisive.     John  Lyford  had  imposed  himself  upon  the  colony  as  a  minister,  being 

.recommended  by  som    of  the  adventurers.     At  first  his  behavior  was  plausible,  and 

he  was  treated  with  respect ;  but  it  was  not  long  before  he  began,  in  concert  with  John 


188  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

Oldham,  to  excite  a  faction.  The  Governor  watched  them,  and  when  a  ship  was 
about  sailing  for  England,  it  was  observed  that  Lyford  was  very  busy  in  writing  let 
ters,  of  which  he  put  a  great  number  on  board.  The  Governor  in  a  boat  followed  the 
ship  to  sea,  and  by  favor  of  the  master,  who  was  a  friend  to  the  colony,  examined 
the  letters,  some  of  which  he  intercepted  and  concealed.  Lyford  and  Oldham  were 
at  first  under  much  apprehension,  but  as  nothing  transpired,  they  concluded  that  the 
Governor  had  only  gone  on  board  to  carry  his  own  letters,  and  felt  themselves  secure. 

In  one  of  the  intercepted  letters,  Lyford  had  written  to  his  friends,  the  discon 
tented  part  of  the  adventurers,  that  he  and  Oldham  intended  a  reformation  in  Church 
and  State.  Accordingly,  they  began  to  institute  a  separate  church ;  and  when  Old- 
ham  was  summoned  to  take  his  turn  at  a  military  watch,  he  not  only  refused  com 
pliance,  but  abused  Captain  Standish,  and  drew  his  knife  upon  him.  For  this  he 
was  imprisoned  ;  and  both  he  and  Lyford  were  brought  to  trial  before  the  whole 
company.  Their  behavior  was  insolent  and  obstinate.  The  Governor  took  pains 
to  convince  them  of  their  folly,  but  in  vain.  The  letters  were  then  produced ;  their 
adherents  were  confounded  ;  and  the  evidence  of  their  factious  and  disorderly  conduct 
being  satisfactory,  they  were  condemned,  and  ordered  to  be  banished  from  the  plan 
tation.  Lyford  was  allowed  six  months  for  probation,  but  his  pretenses  proved 
hypocritical,  and  he  was  obliged  to  depart.  After  several  removals  he  died  in  Vir 
ginia.  Oldham  having  returned  after  banishment,  his  second  expulsion  was  con 
ducted  in  this  singular  manner :  "A  guard  of  musketeers  was  appointed,  through 
which  he  was  obliged  to  pass;  every  one  was  ordered  to  give  him  a  blow  on  the 
hinder  parts  with  the  butt  end  of  his  musket ;  then  he  was  conveyed  to  the  water 
side,  where  a  boat  was  ready  to  carry  him  away,  with  this  farewell,  Go  and  mend  your 
manners"  This  discipline  had  a  good  effect  on  him ;  he  made  his  submission,  and 
was  allowed  to  come  and  go  on  trading  voyages.  In  one  of  these  he  was  killed  by 
the  Pequod  Indians,  which  proved  the  occasion  of  a  war  with  that  nation. 

Mr.  Bradford  had  one  son  by  his  first  wife ;  and  by  his  second,  Alice  Southworth, 
whom  he  married  in  1623,  he  had  two  sons  and  a  daughter.  His  son  William,  born 
in  1624,  was  Deputy  Governor  of  the  colony  after  his  father's  death,  and  lived  to  the 
age  of  eighty,  as  appears  by  his  grave-stone  in  Plymouth  churchyard.  One  of  his 
grandsons  and  two  of  his  great-grandsons  were  counselors  of  Massachusetts.  Several 
other  of  his  descendants  have  borne  respectable  characters,  and  have  been  placed  in 
stations  of  honor  and  usefulness.  One  of  them,  William  Bradford,  has  been  Deputy 
Governor  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island,  and  a  Senator  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States.  Two  others,  Alden  Bradford  and  Gamaliel  Bradford,  are  members  of  the 
Historical  Society. 


WILLIAM    BREWSTER. 

WILLIAM  BREWSTER — HIS  EDUCATION— ENTERS  THE  SERVICE  OF  DAVISON — HONORED  BY  THE 
STATES  OF  HOLLAND — REMOVES  TO  HOLLAND — SETS  UP  A  PRINTING  OFFICE — REMOVES  TO 
AMERICA — OFFICIATES  AS  A  PREACHER— HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER. 

THE  place  of  this  gentleman's  birth  is  unknown.     The  time  of  it  was  A.D.  1560. 
He  received  his  education  at  the  University  of  Cambridge,  where  he  became  seriously 


BIOGRAPHIES' OF   THE   EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  189 

impressed  with  the  truth  of  religion,  which  had  its  genuine  influence  on  his  character 
through  his  whole  life. 

After  leaving  the  university  he  entered  into  the  service  of  William  Davison,  a 
courtier  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  her  ambassador  in  Scotland  and  in  Holland  ;  who 
found  him  so  capable  and  faithful  that  he  reposed  the  utmost  confidence  in  him. 
He  esteemed  him  as  a  son,  and  conversed  with  him  in  private  both  on  religious  and 
political  subjects  with  the  greatest  familiarity ;  and  when  anything  occurred  which 
required  secrecy,  Brewster  was  his  confidential  friend. 

When  the  Queen  entered  into  a  league  with  the  United  Provinces  (1584),  and 
received  possession  of  several  towns  and  forts,  as  security  for  her  expenses  in  defend 
ing  their  liberties,  Davison,  who  negotiated  the  matter,  intrusted  Brewster  with  the 
keys  of  Flushing,  one  of  those  cautionary  towns ;  and  the  States  of  Holland  were  so 
sensible  of  his  merit  as  to  present  him  with  the  ornament  of  a  golden  chain. 

He  returned  as  ambassador  to  England,  and  continued  in  his  service  till  Davison, 
having  incurred  the  hypocritical  displeasure  of  his  arbitrary  mistress,  was  imprisoned, 
fined,  and  ruined.  Davison  is  said  to  have  been  a  man  of  abilities  and  integrity,  but 
easy  to  be  imposed  upon,  and  for  that  very  reason  was  made  Secretary  of  State. 
When  Mary,  the  unfortunate  Queen  of  Scotland,  had  been  tried  and  condemned, 
and  the  Parliament  of  England  had  petitioned  their  sovereign  for  her  execution, 
Elizabeth  privately  ordered  Davison  to  draw  a  death-warrant,  which  she  signed,  and 
sent  him  with  it  to  the  Chancellor  to  have  the  great  seal  annexed.  Having  per 
formed  this  duty,  she  pretended  to  blame  him  for  his  precipitancy.  Davison  ac 
quainted  the  council  with  the  whole  transaction;  they  knew  the  Queen's  real  senti 
ments,  and  persuaded  him  to  send  the  warrant  to  the  Earls  of  Kent  and  Shrewsbury, 
promising  to  justify  his  conduct,  and  take  the  blame  on  themselves.  These  earls 
attended  the  execution  of  Mary  ;  but,  when  Elizabeth  heard  of  it,  she  affected  sur 
prise  and  indignation ;  threw  all  the  blame  on  the  innocent  secretary,  and  committed 
him  to  the  Tower,  where  he  became  the  subject  of  raillery  from  those  very  counsel 
ors  who  had  promised  to  countenance  and  protect  him.  He  was  tried  in  the  star 
chamber,  and  fined  ten  thousand  pounds,  which,  being  rigorously  levied  upon  him, 
reduced  him  to  poverty. 

During  these  misfortunes,  Brewster  faithfully  adhered  to  him,  and  gave  him  all 
the  assistance  of  which  he  was  capable.  When  he  could  no  longer  serve  him  he 
retired  into  the  north  of  England,  among  his  old  friends,  and  was  very  highly 
esteemed  by  those  who  were  most  exemplary  for  religion.  Being  possessed  of  a 
handsome  property,  and  having  some  influence,  he  made  use  of  both  in  promoting 
the  cause  of  religion,  and  procuring  persons  of  good  character  to  serve  in  the  office 
of  ministers  to  the  parishes  in  his  neighborhood. 

By  degrees  he  became  disgusted  with  the  impositions  of  the  prelatical  party,  and 
their  severity  toward  men  of  a  moderate  and  peaceable  disposition.  This  led  him  to 
inquire  critically  into  the  nature  of  ecclesiastical  authority ;  and  having  discovered 
much  corruption  in  the  constitution,  forms,  ceremonies,  and  discipline  of  the 
Established  Church,  he  thought  it  his  duty  to  withdraw  from  its  communion,  and 
join  with  others  of  the  same  sentiments  in  the  institution  of  a  separate  Church ; 
of  which  the  aged  Mr.  Clifton  and  the  younger  Mr.  Robinson  were  appointed 
pastors.  The  newly  formed  society  met  on  the  Lord's  day,  at  Mr.  Brewster's 
house ;  where  they  were  entertained  at  his  expense,  with  much  affection  and  respect, 
as  long  as  they  could  assemble  without  opposition  from  their  adversaries. 


190  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

But  when  the  resentment  of  their  hierarchy,  heightened  by  the  countenance  and 
authority  of  James,  the  successor  of  Elizabeth,  obliged  him  to  seek  refuge  in  a 
foreign  country,  Brewster  was  the  most  forward  to  assist  them  in  their  removal. 
He  was  one  of  those  who  went  on  board  of  a  vessel,  in  the  night,  at  Boston  in  Lin 
colnshire,  (as  already  related  in  the  life  of  Robinson  ;)  and  being  apprehended  by  the 
magistrates,  he  was  the  greatest  sufferer,  because  he  had  the  most  property.  When 
liberated  from  confinement,  he  first  assisted  the  weak  and  poor  of  the  society  in 
their  embarkation,  and  then  followed  them  to  Holland. 

His  family  was  large,  and  his  dependents  numerous;  his  education  and  mode  of 
living  were  not  suited  to  a  mechanical  or  mercantile  life,  and  he  could  not  practice 
agriculture  in  a  commercial  city.  The  hardships  which  he  suffered  in  consequence 
of  this  removal  were  grievous  and  depressing  ;  but  when  his  finances  were  exhausted, 
he  had  a  resource  in  his  learning  and  abilities.  In  Leyden  he  found  employment  as  a 
tutor  ;  the  youth  of  the  city  and  university  came  to  him  for  instruction  in  the  English 
tongue  :  and  by  means  of  the  Latin,  which  was  common  to  both,  and  a  grammar  of 
his  own  construction,  they  soon  acquired  a  knowledge  of  the  English  language.  By 
the  help  of  some  friends,  he  also  set  up  a  printing  office,  and  was  instrumental  in 
publishing  several  books  against  the  hierarchy,  which  could  not  obtain  a  license 
in  England. 

His  reputation  was  so  high  in  the  Church  of  which  he  was  a  member,  that  they 
chose  him  a  ruling  elder,  and  confided  in  his  wisdom,  experience,  and  integrity, 
to  assist  in  conducting  their  temporal  as  well  as  ecclesiastical  concerns,  particularly 
their  removal  to  America.  With  the  minority  of  the  Church  he  came  over,  and 
suffered  all  the  hardships  attending  their  settlement  in  this  wilderness.  He  partook 
with  them  of  labor,  hunger,  and  watching;  his  Bible  and  his  arms  were  equally 
familiar  to  him  ;  and  he  was  always  ready  for  any  duty  or  suffering  to  which  he 
was  called. 

For  some  time  after  their  arrival,  they  were  destitute  of  a  teaching  elder; 
expecting  and  hoping  that  Mr.  Robinson,  with  the  remainder  of  the  Church,  would 
follow  them  to  America.  Brewster  frequently  officiated  as  a  preacher,  but  he  never 
could  be  persuaded  to  administer  the  sacraments,  or  take  on  him  the  pastoral  office  ; 
though  it  had  been  stipulated  before  his  departure  from  Holland,  that  "those  who 
first  went  should  be  an  absolute  Church  of  themselves,  as  well  as  those  who  staid  ;  " 
and  it  was  one  of  their  principles,  that  the  brethren  who  elected,  had  the  power  of 
ordaining  to  office. 

The  reason  of  his  refusal  was  his  extreme  diffidence  ;  being  unwilling  to  assume 
any  other  office  in  the  Church  than  that  with  which  he  had  been  invested  by  the 
whole  body.  This  plea  might  have  had  some  force  during  Robinson's  life,  by  whose 
advice  he  had  been  prevailed  upon  to  accept  the  office  of  ruling  elder;  but  after  his 
death  there  was  less  reason  for  it,  and  his  declining  to  officiate  was  really  productive 
of  very  disagreeable  effects. 

A  spirit  of  faction  and  division  was  excited  in  the  Church,  partly  by  persons  of 
different  sentiments  and  characters,  who  came  over  from  England,  and  partly  by  un 
easy  and  assuming  brethren  among  themselves.  Such  was  the  notoriety  and  melan 
choly  appearance  of  these  divisions,  that  their  friends  in  England  seriously  admon 
ished  them,  and  recommended  to  them  "to  let  their  practice  in  the  Church  be 
complete  and  full ;  to  permit  all  who  feared  God  to  join  themselves  to  them  without 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  191 

delay,  and  to  let  all  divine  ordinances  be  used  completely  in  the  Church,  without 
longer  waiting  upon  uncertainties  or  keeping  a  gap  open  for  opposites." 

With  this  salutary  advice  they  did  not  comply ;  and  one  great  obstacle  to  their 
compliance  was  the  liberty  of  "  prophesying,''  which  was  allowed  not  only  to  the 
elders,  but  to  such  private  members  as  were  "  gifted."  In  Robinson's  apology  this 
principle  is  explained  in  a  very  cautious  manner:  the  exercise  of  the  gift  was  subject 
to  the  judgment  of  the  minister;  and  whilst  they  were  under  his  superintendence 
their  prophesyings  were  conducted  with  tolerable  regularity  ;  but  when  they  came 
to  practice  on  this  principle  where  they  had  not  that  advantage,  the  consequence  was 
prejudicial  to  the  establishment  of  any  regular  ministry  among  them.  "  The  preach 
ments  of  the  gifted  brethren  produced  those  discouragements,  to  the  ministers,  that 
almost  all  left  the  colony,  apprehending  themselves  driven  away  by  the  neglect  and 
contempt  with  which  the  people  on  this  occasion  treated  them."  This  practice  was 
not  allowed  in  any  other  Church  in  New  England  except  that  of  Plymouth. 

Beside  the  liberty  of  prophesying  and  public  conference,  there  were  several  other 
peculiarities  in  their  practice  which  they  learned  from  the  Brownists,  and  in  which 
they  differed  from  many  of  the  Reformed  Churches.  They  admitted  none  to  their 
communion  without  either  a  written  or  oral  declaration  of  their  faith  and  religious 
experiences,  delivered  before  the  whole  Church,  with  liberty  for  every  one  to  ask 
questions  till  they  were  satisfied.  They  practiced  ordination  by  the  hands  of  the 
brethren.  They  disused  the  Lord's  prayer  and  the  public  reading  of  the  Scriptures. 
They  did  not  allow  the  reading  of  the  psalm  before  singing,  till,  in  compassion  to  a 
brother  who  could  not  read,  they  permitted  one  of  the  elders  or  deacons  to  read  it 
line  by  line,  after  it  had  been  previously  expounded  by  the  minister.  They  admitted 
no  children  to  baptism,  Unless  one,  at  least,  of  the  parents  were  in  full  communion 
with  the  Church  ;  and  they  accounted  all  baptized  children  proper  subjects  of  ecclesi 
astical  discipline.  Whilst  in  Holland  they  had  the  Lord's  Supper  every  Sabbath  ; 
but  when  they  came  to  America  they  omitted  it  till  they  could  obtain  a  minister, 
and  then  had  it  monthly.  Most  of  these  practices  were  continued  for  many  years, 
and  some  are  yet  adhered  to,  though  others  have  been  gradually  laid  aside. 

The  church  of  Plymouth  had  no  regular  minister  till  four  years  after  the  death 
of  Mr.  Robinson  and  nine  years  after  their  coming  to  America.  In  1629  they  set 
tled  Ralph  Smith,  who  continued  with  them  about  five  years  and  then  resigned. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  a  man  of  "  low  gifts,"  and  was  assisted  three  years  by  Roger 
Williams,  of  "bright  accomplishments,  but  offensive  errors."  In  1636  they  had 
John  Reyner,  "  an  able  and  godly  man,  of  a  meek  and  humble  spirit,  sound  in  the 
truth,  and  unreprovable  in  his  life  and  conversation."  He  continued  with  them 
till  1654,  when  he  removed  to  Dover  in  New  Hampshire,  where  he  spent  the  re 
mainder  of  his  life. 

During  his  ministry  at  Plymouth,  Elder  Brewster— having  enjoyed  a  healthy  old 
age — died  on  the  :6th  of  April,  1644;  being  then  in  the  eighty-fourth  year  of  his 
age.  He  was  able  to  continue  his  ecclesiastical  functions  and  his  field-labor  till 
within  a  few  days  of  his  death,  and  was  confined  to  his  bed  but  one  day. 

He  had  been  remarkably  temperate  through  his  whole  life,  having  drank  no  liq 
uor  but  water  till  within  the  last  five  or  six  years.  For  many  months  together  he 
had  through  necessity  lived  without  bread,  having  nothing  but  fish  for  his  suste 
nance,  and  sometimes  was  destitute  of  that.  Yet,  being  of  a  pliant  and  cheerful 


192  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

temper,  he  easily  accommodated  himself  to  his  circumstances.  When  nothing  but 
oysters  or  clams  were  set  on  his  table,  he  would  give  thanks  with  his  family  that 
they  could  "  suck  of  the  abundance  of  the  seas  and  of  the  treasures  hid  in  the  sand." 

He  was  a  man  of  eminent  piety  and  devotion — not  prolix,  but  full  and  compre 
hensive  in  his  public  prayers— esteeming  it  his  duty  to  strengthen  and  encourage  the 
devotion  of  others,  rather  than  to  weary  them  with  long  performances.  On  days  of 
fasting  and  humiliation  he  was  more  copious,  but  equally  fervent.  As  an  instance 
of  this  it  is  observed  that  in  1623,  a  drought  of  six  weeks  having  succeeded  the 
planting  season,  in  July  a  day  was  set  apart  for  fasting  and  prayer.  The  morning 
was  clear  and  hot  as  usual,  but,  after  eight  hours  employed  in  religious  exercises,  the 
weather  changed,  and  before  the  next  morning  a  gentle  rain  came  on,  which  con 
tinued  with  intermissions  of  fair  and  warm  weather  fourteen  days,  by  which  the  lan 
guishing  corn  revived.  The  neighboring  Indians  observed  the  change,  and  said  that 
"the  Englishman's  God  was  a  good  God." 

In  his  public  discourses  Mr.  Brewster  was  very  clear  and  distinguishing  as  well  as 
pathetic ;  addressing  himself  first  to  the  understanding  and  then  to  the  affections  of 
his  audience :  convincing  and  persuading  them  of  the  superior  excellency  of  true 
religion.  Such  a  kind  of  teaching  was  well  adapted — and,  in  many  instances,  effect 
ual — to  the  real  instruction  and  benefit  of  his  hearers.  What  a  pity  that  such  a  man 
could  not  have  been  persuaded  to  take  on  him  the  pastoral  office ! 

In  his  private  conversation  he  was  social,  pleasant,  and  inoffensive ;  yet,  when 
occasion  required,  he  exercised  that  fortitude  which  true  virtue  inspires,  but  mixed 
with  such  tenderness  that  his  reproofs  gave  no  offense. 

His  compassion  toward  the  distressed  was  an  eminent  trait  in  his  character;  and, 
if  they  were  suffering  for  conscience  sake,  he  judged  them  of  all  others  most  deserv 
ing  of  pity  and  relief.  Nothing  was  more  disgusting  to  him  than  vanity  and  hypoc 
risy. 

In  the  government  of  the  Church  he  was  careful  to  preserve  order  and  purity  and 
to  suppress  contention.  Had  his  diffidence  permitted  him  to  exercise  the  pastoral 
office,  he  would  have  had  more  influence  and  kept  intruders  at  a  proper  distance. 

He  was  owner  of  a  very  considerable  library,  part  of  which  was  lost  when  the 
vessel  in  which  he  embarked  was  plundered  at  Boston  in  Lincolnshire.  After  his 
death  his  remaining  books  were  valued  at  forty-three  pounds  in  silver,  as  appears  by 
the  colony  records,  where  a  catalogue  of  them  is  preserved. 


ROBERT    CUSHMAN. 

ROBERT  CUSHMAN — EMBARKS  FOR  AMERICA — RETURNS  TO  ENGLAND — ARRIVES  AT  PLYMOUTH 
— DELIVERS  A  DISCOURSE  ON  SELF-LOVE — SAILS  FOR  ENGLAND — TAKEN  BY  THE  FRENCH — 
HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER. 

ROBERT  CUSHMAN  was  a  distinguished  character  among  that  collection  of  wor 
thies  who  quitted  England  on  account  of  their  religious  difficulties  and  settled  with 
Mr.  John  Robinson  (their  pastor)  in  the  city  of  Leyden.  Proposing  afterward  a 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  193 

removal  to  America  in  the  year  1617,  Mr.  Cushman  and  Mr.  John  Carver  (afterward 
the  first  Governor  of  New  Plymouth)  were  sent  over  to  England  as  their  agents  to 
agree  with  the  Virginia  Company  for  a  settlement,  and  to  obtain  if  possible  a  grant 
of  liberty  of  conscience  in  their  intended  plantation  from  King  James. 

From  this  negotiation,  though  conducted  on  their  part  with  great  discretion  and 
ability,  they  returned  unsuccessful  to  Leyden  in  May,  1618.  They  met  with  no  diffi 
culty  indeed  from  the  Virginia  Company,  who  were  willing  to  grant  them  sufficient 
territory,  with  as  ample  privileges  as  they  could  bestow ;  but  the  pragmatical  James, 
the  pretended  vicegerent  of  the  Deity,  refused  to  grant  them  that  liberty  in  religious 
matters  which  was  their  principal  object.  This  persevering  people  determined  to 
transport  themselves  to  this  country,  relying  upon  James'  promise  that  he  would 
connive  it,  though  not  expressly  tolerate  them,  and  Mr.  Cushman  was  again  dispatched 
to  England  in  February,  1619,  with  Mr.  William  Bradford,  to  agree  with  the  Virginia 
Company  on  the  terms  of  their  removal  and  settlement. 

After  much  difficulty  and  delay,  they  obtained  a  patent  in  the  September  follow 
ing,  upon  which  part  of  the  church  at  Leyden,  with  their  elder,  Mr.  Brewster,  deter 
mined  to  transport  themselves  as  soon  as  possible.  Mr.  Cushman  was  one  of  the 
agents  in  England  to  procure  money,  shipping,  and  other  necessaries  for  the  voyage, 
and  embarked  with  them  at  Southampton,  August  5,  1620.  But  the  ship  in  which 
he  sailed  proving  leaky,  and  after  twice  putting  into  port  to  repair,  being  condemned 
as  unfit  to  perform  the  voyage,  Mr.  Cushman  with  his  family  and  a  number  of  others 
were  obliged,  though  reluctantly,  to  relinquish  the  voyage  for  that  time,  and  return 
to  London.  Those  in  the  other  ship  proceeded  and  made  their  settlement  at  Plym 
outh  in  December,  1620,  where  Mr.  Cushman  also  arrived  in  the  ship  Fortune  from 
London  on  the  loth  of  November,  1621,  but  took  passage  in  the  same  ship  back 
again,  pursuant  to  the  directions  of  the  merchant  adventurers  in  London  (who  fitted 
out  the  ship,  and  by  whose  assistance  the  first  settlers  were  transported),  to  give 
them  an  account  of  the  plantation.  He  sailed  from  Plymouth,  December  13,  1621, 
and  arriving  on  the  coast  of  England,  the  ship,  with  a  cargo  valued  at  £500  sterling, 
was  taken  by  the  French.  Mr.  Cushman,  with  the  crew,  was  carried  into  France  ; 
but  arrived  in  London  in  the  February  following.  During  his  short  residence  at 
Plymouth,  though  a  mere  lay  character,  he  delivered  a  discourse  on  the  sin  and  dan 
ger  of  self-love,  which  was  printed  in  London  (1622)  and  afterward  reprinted  in  Bos 
ton  (1724)  and  again  at  Plymouth  (1785).  And  though  his  name  is  not  prefixed  to 
either  of  the  two  former  editions,  yet  unquestionable  tradition  renders  it  certain  that 
he  was  the  author,  and  even  transmits  to  us  a  knowledge  of  the  spot  where  it  was 
delivered.  Mr.  Cushman,  though  he  constantly  corresponded  with  his  friends  here, 
and  was  very  serviceable  to  their  interest  in  London,  never  returned  to  the  country 
again  ;  but,  whilst  preparing  for  it,  was  removed  to  a  better,  in  the  year  1626.  The 
news  of  his  death  and  Mr.  Robinson's  arrived  at  the  same  time  at  Plymouth,  by  Cap 
tain  Standish,  and  seems  to  have  been  equally  lamented  by  their  bereaved  and  suffer 
ing  friends  there.  He  was  zealously  engaged  in  the  prosperity  of  the  plantation,  a 
man  of  activity  and  enterprise,well  versed  in  business,  respectable  in  point  of  intellectual 
abilities,  well  accomplished  in  scriptural  knowledge,  an  unaffected  professor,  and  a 
steady,  sincere  practicer  of  religion.  The  design  of  the  above-mentioned  discourse  was 
to  keep  up  that  flow  of  public  spirit,  which,  perhaps,  began  then  to  abate,  but  which 
was  thought  necessary  for  their  preservation  and  security.  The  policy  of  that  entire 
25 


1!H  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

c  minunity  of  interests  which  our  fathers  established,  and  which  this  sermon  was  de 
signed  to  preserve,  is,  nevertheless,  justly  questionable.  The  love  of  separate  prop 
erty,  for  good  and  wise  purposes,  is  strongly  implanted  in  the  heart  of  man.  So  far 
from  being  unfavorable  to  a  reasonable  generosity  and  public  spirit,  it  better  enables 
us  to  display  them,  and  is  not  less  consistent  with  the  precepts  of  Scripture,  rightly 
understood,  than  with  the  dictates  of  reason.  This  is  evidenced  by  the  subsequent 
conduct  of  this  very  people.  In  the  year  1623,  departing  a  little  from  their  first  sys 
tem,  they  agreed  that  every  family  should  plant  for  themselves,  bringing  in  a  compe 
tent  portion  at  harvest,  for  the  maintenance  of  public  officers,  fishermen,  etc.,  and  in 
all  other  things  to  go  on  in  the  general  way  (as  they  term  it)  as  before ;  for  this  pur 
pose  they  assigned  to  every  family  a  parcel  of  land,  for  a  year  only,  in  proportion  to 
their  number.  Even  this  temporary  division,  as  Governor  Bradford,  in  his  manuscript 
history,  observes,  "has  a  very  good  effect;  makes  all  industrious;  gives  content; 
even  the  women  and  children  now  go  into  the  field  to  work,  and  much  more  corn  is 
planted  than  ever."  In  the  spring  of  the  year  1624,  the  people  being  still  uneasy, 
one  acre  of  land  was  given  to  each,  in  fee  simple;  no  more  to  be  given  till  the  expira 
tion  of  the  seven  years.  In  the  year  1627,  when  they  purchased  the  interest  of  the 
adventurers  in  England,  in  the  plantation,  there  was  a  division  and  allotment  of  al 
most  all  their  property,  real  and  personal ;  twenty  acres  of  tillage  land  to  each,  be 
sides  what  they  held  before ;  the  meadows  and  the  trade  only  remaining  in  common. 

Thus  it  is  observable  how  men,  in  spite  of  their  principles,  are  naturally  led  into 
that  mode  of  conduct  which  truth  and  utility,  ever  coincident,  point  out.  Our 
fathers  deserve  the  highest  commendation  for  prosecuting,  at  the  hazard  of  life  and 
fortune,  that  reformation  in  religion  which  the  Church  of  England  left  imperfect ; 
taking  for  this  purpose  the  Sacred  Scriptures  as  their  only  .guide,  they  traveled  in 
the  path  of  truth,  and  appealed  to  a  most  noble  and  unerring  standard  ;  but  when 
from  their  reverence  to  this  divine  authority,  in  matters  of  religion,  they  were  in 
clined  to  esteem  it  the  only  guide  in  all  the  affairs  of  life,  and  attempted  to  regulate 
their  civil  polity  upon  church  ideas,  they  erred  and  involved  themselves  in  innumer 
able  difficulties. 

The  end  of  civil  society  is  the  security  of  the  temporal  liberty  and  prosperity  of 
man,  not  all  the  happiness  and  perfection  which  he  is  capable  of  attaining,  for  which 
other  means  are  appointed.  Had  not  our  fathers  placed  themselves  upon  such  a 
footing,  with  respect  to  property,  as  was  repugnant  to  the  nature  of  man,  and  not 
warranted  by  the  true  end  of  civil  society,  there  would  probably  have  been  no  just 
ground  of  complaint  of  a  want  of  real  and  reasonable  public  spirit ;  and  the  neces 
sity  of  the  exhortation'  and  reproof  contained  in  Mr.  Cushman's  discourse,  would 
have  been  superseded.  Their  zeal,  their  enterprise,  and  their  uncommon  sufferings 
in  the  prosecution  of  their  arduous  undertaking,  render  it  morally  certain  that  they 
would  have  ever  cheerfully  performed  their  duty  in  this  respect.  Their  contempo 
raries  might  censure  them  for  what  they  did  not,  but  their  posterity  must  ever  ad 
mire  and  revere  them  for  what  they  did  exhibit. 

After  the  death  of  Mr.  Cushman,  his  family  came  over  to  New  England.  His 
son,  Thomas  Cushman,  succeeded  Mr.  Brewster  as  ruling  elder  of  the  Church  of 
Plymouth,  being  ordained  to  that  office  in  1649.  He  was  a  man  of  good  gifts,  and 
frequently  assisted  in  carrying  on  the  public  worship,  preaching  and  catechising. 
For  it  was  one  of  the  professed  principles  of  that  Church,  in  its  first  formation,  "  to 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  195 

choose   none  for  governing  elders   but  such  as  were  able  to  teach.'      He  continued 
in  this  office  till  he  died,  in  1691,  in  the  eighty-fourth  year  of  his  age. 

The  above-mentioned  discourse  of  Mr.  Robert  Cushman,  in  1621,  may  be  con 
sidered  as  a  specimen  of  the  "  prophesyings  "  of  the  brethren.  The  occasion  was 
singular;  the  exhortations  and  reproofs  are  not  less  so;  but  were  adapted  to  the 
then  state  of  society.  Some  specimens  may  not  be  disagreeable,  and  are  therefore 
here  inserted  : 

"  Now,  brethren,  I  pray  you  remember  yourselves,  and  know  that  you  are  not  in 
a  retired  monastical  course,  but  have  given  your  names  and  promises  one  to  another, 
and  covenanted  here  to  cleave  together  in  the  service  of  God  and  the  King.  What 
then  must  you  do?  May  you  live  as  retired  hermits,  and  look  after  nobody?  Nay, 
you  must  seek  still  the  wealth  of  one  another ;  and  inquire,  as  David,  how  liveth 
such  a  man?  how  is  he  clad?  how  is  he  fed?  He  is  my  brother,  and  my  associate; 
we  ventured  our  lives  together  here,  and  had  a  hard  brunt  of  it ;  and  we  are  in 
league  together.  Is  his  labor  harder  than  mine?  surely  I  will  ease  him.  Hath  he 
no  bed  to  lie  on  ?  I  have  two;  I'll  lend  him  one.  Hath  he  no  apparel?  I  have  two 
suits,  I'll  give  him  one  of  them.  Eats  he  coarse  fare,  bread  and  water?  and  have  I 
better?  surely  we  will  part  stakes.  He  is  as  good  a  man  as  I,  and  we  are  bound  each 
to  the  other ;  so  that  his  wants  must  be  my  wants,  his  sorrows  my  sorrows,  his  sick 
ness  my  sickness,  and  his  welfare  my  welfare  ;  for  I  am  as  he  is.  Such  a  sweet  sym 
pathy  were  excellent,  comfortable,  yea,  heavenly,  and  is  the  only  maker  and  conserver 
of  churches  and  commonwealths. 

"  It  wonderfully  encourageth  men  in  their  duties,  when  they  see  the  burthen 
equally  borne  ;  but  when  some  withdraw  themselves,  and  retire  to  their  own  particu 
lar  ease,  pleasure,  or  profit,  what  heart  can  men  have  to  goon  in  their  business? 
When  men  are  come  together  to  lift  some  weighty  piece  of  timber,  or  vessel,  if  one 
stand  still  and  do  not  lift,  shall  not  the  rest  be  weakened  and  disheartened  ?  Will 
not  a  few  idle  drones  spoil  the  whole  stock  of  laborious  bees?  So  one  idle  belly, 
one  murmurer,  one  complainer,  one  self-lover,  will  weaken  and  dishearten  a  whole 
colony.  Great  matters  have  been  brought  to  pass,  where  men  have  cheerfully,  as 
with  one  heart,  hand,  and  shoulder,  gone  about  it,  both  in  wars,  buildings,  and  plan 
tations  ;  but  where  every  man  seeks  himself,  all  cometh  to  nothing. 

"  The  country  is  yet  raw  ;  the  land  untilled  ;  the  cities  not  builded  ;  the  cattle  not 
settled.  We  are  compassed  about  with  a  helpless  and  idle  people,  the  natives  of 
the  country,  which  can  not,  in  any  comely  or  -comfortable  manner,  help  themselves ; 
much  less  us.  We  also  have  been  very  chargeable  to  many  of  our  loving  friends  which 
helped  us  hither,  and  now  again  supplied  us.  So  that  before  we  think  of  gathering 
riches  we  must  even  in  conscience  think  of  requiting  their  charge,  love,  and  labor ; 
and  curses  be  on  that  profit  and  gain  which  aimeth  not  at  this.  Besides,  how  many 
of  our  dear  friends  did  here  die  at  our  first  entrance!  many  of  them,  no  doubt,  for 
want  of  good  lodging,  shelter,  and  comfortable  things ;  and  many  more  may  go  after 
them  quickly,  if  care  be  not  taken.  Is  this,  then,  a  time  for  men  to  begin  to  seek 
themselves?  Paul  saith  that  men  in  the  last  days  shall  be  lovers  of  themselves  (2 
Tim.  iii.  2) ;  but  it  is  here  yet  but  the  first  days,  and,  as  it  were,  the  dawning  of  this 
new  world.  It  is  now,  therefore,  no  time  for  men  to  look  to  get  riches,  brave  clothes, 
dainty  fare :  but  to  look  to  present  necessities.  It  is  now  no  time  to  pamper  the 
flesh,  live  at  ease,  snatch,  catch,  scrape,  and  hoard  up ;  but  rather  to  open  the  doors, 


196  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

the  chests,  and  vessels,  and  say,  Brother,  neighbor,  friend,  what  want  ye?  anything 
that  I  have?  make  bold  with  it ;  it  is  yours  to  command,  to  do  you  good,  to  comfort 
and  cherish  you ;  and  glad  I  am  that  I  have  it  for  you. 

"  Let  there  be  no  prodigal  son  to  come  forth  and  say :  Give  me  the  portion  of 
lands  and  goods  that  appertaineth  to  me,  and  let  me  shift  for  myself.  It  is  yet  too 
soon  to  put  men  to  their  shifts;  Israel was  seven  years  in  Canaan  before  the  land  was 
divided  unto  tribes,  much  longer  before  it  was  divided  unto  families ;  and  why 
wouldest  thou  have  thy  particular  portion  but  because  thou  thinkest  to  live  better 
than  thy  neighbor,  and  scorncst  to  live  so  meanly  as  he?  But  who,  I  pray  thee, 
brought  this  particularizing  first  into  the  world  ?  Did  not  Satan,  who  was  not  con 
tent  to  keep  that  equal  state  with  his  fellows,  but  would  set  his  throne  above  the 
stars  ?  Did  not  he  also  entice  man  to  despise  his  general  felicity  and  happiness,  and 
go  try  particular  knowledge  of  good  and  evil  ?  Nothing  in  this  world  doth  more 
resemble  heavenly  happiness  than  for  men  to  live  as  one,  being  of  one  heart  and  one 
soul ;  neither  anything  more  resembles  hellish  horror  than  for  every  man  to  shift  for 
himself;  for  if  it  be  a  good  mind  and  practice  thus  to  affect  particulars,  mine  and 
thine,  then  it  should  be  best  also  for  God  to  provide  one  heaven  for  thee  and  another 
for  thy  neighbor. 

"  Objection.  But  some  will  say,  If  all  men  will  do  their  endeavors,  as  I  do,  I 
could  be  content  with  this  generality ;  but  many  are  idle  and  slothful,  and  eat  up 
others'  labors,  and  therefore  it  is  best  to  part,  and  then  every  man  may  do  his 
pleasure. 

"  If  others  be  idle  and  thou  diligent,  thy  fellowship,  provocation,  and  example  may 
well  help  to  cure  that  malady  in  them,  being  together,  but,  being  asunder,  shall  they 
not  be  more  idle,  and  shall  not  gentry  and  beggary  be  quickly  the  glorious  ensigns  of 
your  commonwealth  ? 

"  Be  not  too  hasty  to  say  men  are  idle  and  slothful.  All  men  have  not  strength, 
skill,  faculty,  spirit,  and  courage  to  work  alike.  It  is  thy  glory  and  credit  that  thou 
canst  do  so  well,  and  his  shame  and  reproach  that  he  can  do  no  better;  and  are  not 
these  sufficient  rewards  to  you  both? 

"  If  any  be  idle,  apparently,  you  have  a  law  and  governors  to  execute  the  same, 
and  to  follow  that  rule  of  the  apostle,  to  keep  back  their  bread,  and  let  them  not 
eat ;  go  not,  therefore,  whispering,  to  charge  men  with  idleness ;  but  go  to  the  Governor 
and  prove  them  idle,  and  thou  shall  see  them  have  their  deserts. 

"There  is  no  grief  so  tedious  as  a  churlish  companion.  Bear  ye  one  another's 
burdens,  and  be  not  a  burden  one  to  another.  Avoid  all  factions,  frowardness,  sin 
gularity,  and  withdrawings,  and  cleave  fast  to  the  Lord,  and  one  to  another,  con 
tinually;  so  shall  you  be  a  notable  precedent  to  these  poor  heathens,  whose  eyes 
are  upon  you,  and  who  very  brutishly  and  cruelly  do  daily  eat  and  consume  one 
another,  through  their  emulations,  ways,  and  contentions  ;  be  you,  therefore,  ashamed 
of  it,  and  win  them  to  peace,  both  with  yourselves  and  with  one  another,  by  your 
peaceable  examples,  which  will  preach  louder  to  them  than  if  you  could  cry  in  theii 
barbarous  language;  so  also  shall  you  be  an  encouragement  to  many  of  your  Chris 
tian  friends,  in  your  native  country,  to  come  to  you,  when  they  hear  of  your  peace, 
love,  and  kindness.  But,  above  all,  it  shall  go  well  with  your  souls,  when  that  God 
of  peace  and  unity  shall  come  to  visit  you  with  death,  as  He  hath  done  many  of 
your  associates,  you  bei-.ig  found  of  Him,  not  in  murmurings,  discontent,  and  jars, 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS. 

but  in  brotherly  love  and  peace   may  be  translated  from  this  wandering  wilderness 
unto  that  joyful  and  heavenly  Canaan.     Amen." 


EDWARD    WINSLOW. 

EDWARD  WINSLOW— HIS  BIRTH  AND  EDUCATION— TRAVELS  ON  THE  CONTINENT— REMOVES  TO 
AMERICA — HIS  VISIT  TO  MASASSOIT — RETURNS  TO  ENGLAND  —SAILS  AGAIN  FOR  PLYMOUTH 
—  SENT  AS  AGENT  TO  ENGLAND— COMMITTED  TO  THE  FLEET  PRISON — RELEASED— RETURNS 
TO  NEW  ENGLAND  AND  CHOSEN  GOVERNOR— CHOSEN  COMMISSIONER  OF  THE  UNITED  COL 
ONIES — SENT  BY  CROMWELL  AGAINST  THE  SPANIARDS — DIES  ON  THE  PASSAGE  TO  JAMAICA 
— ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  DESCENDANTS. 

THIS  eminently  useful  person  was  the  eldest  son  of  a  gentleman  of  the  same  name, 
of  Droitwich,  in  Worcestershire,  where  he  was  born  in  1 594.  Of  his  education  and 
first  appearance  in  life  we  have  no  knowledge.  In  the  course  of  his  travels  on  the 
continent  of  Europe,  he  became  acquainted  with  Mr.  Robinson  and  the  Church  under 
his  pastoral  care  at  Leyden,  where  he  settled  and  married.  To  this  Church  he  joined 
himself,  and  with  them  he  continued  till  their  removal  to  America.  He  came  hither 
with  the  first  company,  and  his  name  is  the  third  in  the  list  of  those  who  subscribed 
the  covenant  of  incorporation  before  their  disembarkation  at  Cape  Cod.  His  family 
then  consisted  of  his  wife  and  three  other  persons.  He  was  one  of  the  company  who 
coasted  the  bay  of  Cape  Cod,  and  discovered  the  harbor  of  Plymouth  ;  and  when  the 
sachem  Masassoit  came  to  visit  the  strangers,  he  offered  himself  as  a  hostage  whilst 
a  conference  was  held  and  a  treaty  was  made  with  the  savage  prince. 

His  wife  died  soon  after  his  arrival;  and,  in  the  following  spring,  he  married  Su 
sanna,  the  widow  of  William  White,  and  mother  of  Peregrine,  the  first  English  child 
born  in  New  England.  This  was  the  first  marriage  solemnized  in  the  colony  (May 
12,  1621). 

In  June  he  went,  in  company  with  Stephen  Hopkins,  to  visit  Sachem  Masassoit 
at  Pokanoket.  The  design  of  this  visit  is  related  in  Bradford's  Life.  The  particular  cir 
cumstances  of  it  may  properly  be  detailed  here,  in  the  very  words  of  Winslow's 
original  narrative  : 

"  We  set  forward  the  loth  of  June,  about  nine  in  the  morning;  our  guide  [Tis- 
quantum]  resolving  that  night  to  rest  at  Namasket,  a  town  under  Masassoit,  and 
conceived  by  us  to  be  very  near,  because  the  inhabitants  flocked  so  thick,  on  every 
slight  occasion,  among  us ;  but  we  found  it  to  be  fifteen  English  miles.  On  the  way, 
we  found  ten  or  twelve  men,  women,  and  children,  which  had  pestered  us  till  we  were 
weary  of  them  ;  perceiving  that  (as  the  manner  of  them  all  is)  where  victuals  is  easiest 
to  be  got,  there  they  live,  especially  in  the  summer;  by  reason  whereof,  our  bay 
affording  many  lobsters,  they  resort  every  spring-tide  thither,  and  now  returned  with 
us  to  Namasket.  Thither  we  came  about  three  in  the  afternoon  ;  the  inhabitants 
entertaining  us,  with  joy,  in  the  best  manner  they  could,  giving  us  a  kind  of  bread, 
called  by  them  Mazium,  and  the  spawn  of  shad,  which  then  they  got  in  abundance  ; 
insomuch  as  they  gave  us  spoons  to  eat  them  ;  with  these  they  boiled  musty  acorns, 


198  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

but  of  the  shad  we  ate  heartily.  They  desired  one  of  our  men  to  shoot  at  a  crow, 
complaining  what  damage  they  sustained  in  their  corn  by  them  ;  who  shooting  and 
killing,  they  much  admired  it,  as  other  shots  on  other  occasions. 

"  After  this,  Tisquantum  told  us  we  should  hardly,  in  one  day,  reach  Pakanokick, 
moving  us  to  go  eight  miles  farther,  where  we  should  find  more  store  and  better 
victuals.  Being  willing  to  hasten  our  journey,  we  went,  and  came  thither  at  set 
ting-sun  ;  where  we  found  many  of  the  men  of  Namasket  fishing  at  a  ware  which  they 
had  made  on  a  river  which  belonged  to  them,  where  they  caught  abundance  of  bass. 
These  welcomed  us  also,  gave  us  of  their  fish,  and  we  them  of  our  victuals,  not 
doubting  but  we  should  have  enough  wherever  we  came.  There  we  lodged  in  the 
open  fields ;  for  houses  they  had  none,  though  they  spent  the  most  of  the  summer 
there.  The  head  of  this  river  is  reported  to  be  not  far  from  the  place  of  our  abode ; 
upon  it  arc  and  have  been  many  towns,  it  being  a  good  length.  The  ground  is  very 
good  on  both  sides,  it  being,  for  the  most  part,  cleared.  Thousands  of  men  have 
lived  there,  which  died  in  a  great  plague  not  long  since ;  and  pity  it  was  and  is  to  see 
so  many  goodly  fields,  and  so  well  seated,  without  men  to  dress  the  same. 

"  The  next  morning  we  brake  our  fast,  and  took  our  leave,  and  departed ;  being 
then  accompanied  with  six  savages.  Having  gone  about  six  miles  by  the  river's  side, 
at  a  known  shoal  place,  it  being  low  water,  they  spake  to  us  to  put  off  our  breeches, 
for  we  must  wade  through.  Here  let  me  not  forget  the  valor  and  courage  of  some 
of  the  savages,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river ;  for  there  were  remaining  alive  only 
two  men,  both  aged.  These  two,  spying  a  company  of  men  entering  the  river,  ran 
very  swiftly,  and  low  in  the  grass,  to  meet  us  at  the  bank  ;  where,  with  shrill  voices, 
and  great  courage,  standing,  charged  upon  us  with  their  bows,  they  demanded  what 
we  were,  supposing  us  to  be  enemies,  and  thinking  to  take  advantage  of  us  in  the 
water;  but,  seeing  we  were  friends,  they  welcomed  us  with  such  food  as  they  had; 
and  we  bestowed  a  small  bracelet  of  beads  on  them.  Thus  far,  we  are  sure,  the  tide 
ebbs  and  flows. 

"  Having  here  again  refreshed  ourselves,  we  proceeded  on  our  journey,  the  weather 
being  very  hot ;  yet  the  country  so  well  watered  that  a  man  could  scarce  be  dry,  but 
he  should  have  a  spring  at  hand  to  cool  his  thirst,  beside  small  rivers  in  abundance. 
The  savages  will  not  willingly  drink  but  at  a  spring-head.  When  we  came  to  any 
small  brook,  where  no  bridge  was,  two  of  them  desired  to  carry  us  through  of  their 
own  accord  ;  also  fearing  we  were  or  would  be  weary,  they  offered  to  carry  our  pieces 
[guns]  ;  also,  if  we  would  lay  off  any  of  our  clothes,  we  should  have  them  carried ; 
and  as  the  one  of  them  had  found  more  special  kindness  from  one  of  the  messengers, 
and  the  other  savage  from  the  other,  so  they  showed  their  thankfulness  accordingly 
in  affording  us  all  help  and  furtherance  in  the  journey. 

"  As  we  passed  along,  we  observed  that  there  were  few  places  by  the  river  but 
had  been  inhabited  •  by  reason  whereof  much  ground  was  clear,  save  of  weeds,  which 
grew  higher  than  our  heads.  There  is  much  good  timber,  oak,  walnut,  fir,  beech,  and 
exceeding  great  chestnut  trees. 

"  Afterward  we  came  to  a  town  of  Masassoit's,  where  we  eat  oysters  and  other 
fish.  From  thence  we  went  to  Pockanokick,  but  Masassoit  was  not  at  home.  There 
we  staid,  he  being  sent  for.  When  news  was  brought  of  his  coining,  our  guide,  Tis 
quantum,  requested  that  at  our  meeting  we  would  discharge  our  pieces.  One  of  us 
going  to  charge  his  piece,  the  women  and  children,  through  fear,  ran  away,  and  could 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  199 

not  be  pacified  till  he  laid  it  down  again  ;  who  afterward  were  better  informed  by  our 
interpreter. 

"  Masassoit  being  come,  we  discharged  our  pieces,  and  saluted  him,  who,  after 
their  manner,  kindly  welcomed  us,  and  took  us  into  his  house,  and  set  us  down  by 
him,  where,  having  delivered  our  message  and  presents,  and  having  put  the  coat  on' 
his  back  and  the  chain  about  his  neck,  he  was  not  a  little  proud  to  behold  himself, 
and  his  men  also  to  see  their  king  so  bravely  attired. 

"  For  answer  to  our  message,  he  told  us  we  were  welcome ;  and  he  would  gladly 
continue  that  peace  and  friendship  which  was  between  him  and  us ;  and  for  his  men, 
they  should  no  more  pester  us,  as  they  had  done  ;  also  that  he  would  send  to  Paomet, 
and  help  us  to  seed-corn,  according  to  our  request. 

"  This  being  done,  his  men  gathered  near  to  him,  to  whom  he  turned  himself  and 
made  a  great  speech,  the  meaning  whereof  (as  far  as  we  could  learn)  was,  that  he  was 
commander  of  the  country,  and  that  the  people  should  bring  their  skins  to  us.  He 
named  at  least  thirty  places;  and  their  answer  was  confirming  and  applauding  what 
he  said. 

"  He  then  lighted  tobacco  for  us,  and  fell  to  discoursing  of  England  and  of  the  King, 
marvelling  that  he  could  live  without  a  wife.  Also  he  talked  of  the  Frenchmen ;  bid 
ding  us  not  to  suffer  them  to  come  to  Narrowhiganset,  for  it  was  King  James's 
country,  and  he  was  King  James's  man.  It  grew  late,  but  he  offered  us  no  victuals, 
for  indeed  he  had  not  any,  being  so  newly  come  home.  Sd  we  desired  to  go  to  rest. 
He  laid  us  on  the  bed  with  himself  and  his  wife ;  they  at  the  one  end,  and  we  at  the 
other;  it  being  only  planks,  laid  a  foot  from  the  ground,  and  a  thin  mat  upon  them. 
Two  more  of  his  chief  men,  for  want  of  room,  pressed  by  and  upon  us,  so  that  we 
were  worse  wearied  of  our  lodging  than  of  our  journey. 

"  The  next  day  being  Thursday,  many  of  their  sachems  or  petty  governors  came 
to  see  us,  and  many  of  their  men  also.  They  went  to  their  manner  of  games  for 
skins  and  knives.  We  challenged  them  to  shoot  for  skins,  but  they  durst  not  ;  only 
they  desired  to  see  one  of  us  shoot  at  a  mark ;  who  shooting  with  hail-shot,  they 
wondered  to  see  the  mark  so  full  of  holes. 

"  About  one  o'clock,  Masassoit  brought  two  fishes  that  he  had  shot ;  they  were 
like  bream,  but  three  times  so  big,  and  better  meat.  [Probably  the  fish  called 
Tataug.]  These  being  boiled,  there  were  at  least  forty  that  looked  for  a  share 
in  them  ;  the  most  eat  of  them.  This  meal  only,  we  had  in  two  nights  and  a  day ; 
and  had  not  one  of  us  brought  a  partridge,  we  had  taken  our  journey  fasting.  Very 
importunate  he  was  with  us  to  stay  with  him  longer ;  but  we  desired  to  keep  the 
Sabbath  at  home  and  feared  we  should  be  light-headed  for  want  of  sleep ;  for  what 
with  bad  lodging,  barbarous  singing  (for  they  used  to  sing  themselves  to  sleep),  lie; 
and  fleas  within  doors,  and  musketoes  without,  we  could  hardly  sleep,  all  the  time 
of  our  being  there  ;  and  we  much  feared  that  if  we  should  stay  any  longer,  we  should 
not  be  able  to  recover  home  for  want  of  strength. 

"  On  Friday  morning,  before  sun-rising,  we  took  our  leave  and  departed.  Masas 
soit  being  both  grieved  and  ashamed,  that  he  could  not  better  entertain  us.  Retain 
ing  Tisquantum  to  send  from  place  to  place,  to  procure  truck  for  us,  he  appointed 
another  [guide]  Tokamahamon  in  his  place,  whom  we  found  faithful  before  and  after 
upon  all  occasions." 

This  narrative  gives  us  a  just  idea  of  the  hospitality  and  poverty  of  the  Indians. 


200  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

They  gladly  entertain  strangers  with  the  best  they  can  afford  ;  but  it  is  familiar  to 
them  to  endure  long  abstinence.  Those  who  visit  them  must  be  content  to  fare  as 
they  do,  or  carry  their  own  provisions  and  share  it  with  them. 

Mr.  Winslow's  next  excursion  was  by  sea  to  Monahigon,  an  island  near  the 
mouth  of  Penobscot  Bay,  to  procure  a  supply  of  bread  from  the  fishing  vessels,  who 
resorted  to  the  eastern  coast  in  the  spring  of  1622.  This  supply,  though  not  large, 
was  freely  given  to  the  suffering  colony ;  and  being  prudently  managed  in  the  dis 
tribution,  amounted  to  one-quarter  of  a  pound  for  each  person,  till  the  next  harvest 
By  means  of  this  excursion,  the  people  of  Plymouth  became  acquainted  with  the 
eastern  coast ;  of  which  knowledge  they  afterward  availed  themselves,  for  a  beneficial 
traffic  with  the  natives. 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1623  Mr.  Winslow  made  a  second  visit  to  the  sachem, 
on  account  of  his  sickness ;  the  particular  circumstances  of  which  are  thus  given 
in  his  own  words  : 

"  News  came  to  Plymouth  that  Massassowat  was  like  to  die,  and  that  at  the  same 
time  there  was  a  Dutch  ship  driven  so  high  on  the  shore,  before  his  dwelling,  by  stress 
of  weather,  that  till  the  tides  increased,  she  could  not  be  got  off.  Now  it  being 
a  commendable  manner  of  the  Indians,  when  any,  especially  of  note,  are  dangerously 
sick,  for  all  that  profess  friendship  to  them  to  visit  them  in  their  extremity ; 
therefore  it  was  thought  meet,  that  as  we  had  ever  professed  friendship,  so  we 
should  now  maintain  the  same,  by  observing  this  their  laudable  custom  ;  and  the 
rather,  because  we  desired  to  have  some  conference  with  the  Dutch,  not  knowing 
when  we  should  have  so  fit  an  opportunity. 

"To  that  end,  myself  having  formerly  been  there,  and  understanding  in  some 
measure  the  Dutch  tongue,  the  Governor  [Bradford]  again  laid  this  service  on 
myself,  and  fitted  me  with  some  cordials  to  administer  to  him;  having  one  Mr.  John 
Hamden,  a  gentleman  of  London,  who  then  wintered  with  us,  and  desired  much 
to  sec  the  country,  for  my  comfort,  and  Hobamock  for  our  guide.  So  we  set 
forward,  and  lodged  the  first  night  at  Namaskat,  where  we  had  friendly  en 
tertainment. 

"  The  next  day,  about  one  o'clock,  we  came  to  a  ferry  in  Conbatant's  country, 
where,  upon  discharge  of  my  piece,  divers  Indians  came  to  us,  from  a  house  not  far 
off.  They  told  us  that  Massassowat  was  dead,  and  that  day  buried  ;  and  that  the 
Dutch  would  be  gone  before  we  could  get  thither,  having  hove  off  their  ship  already. 
This  news  struck  us  blank ;  but  especially  Hobamock,  who  desired  me  to  return 
with  all  speed.  I  told  him  I  would  first  think  of  it,  considering  now,  that  he  being 
dead,  Conbatant,  or  Corbitant,  was  the  most  likely  to  succeed  him,  and  that  we  were 
not  above  three  miles  from  Mattapuyst,  his  dwelling  place.  Although  he  were  but 
a  hollow-hearted  friend  to  us,  I  thought  no  time  so  fit  as  this  to  enter  into  more' 
friendly  terms  with  him,  and  the  rest  of  the  sachems  thereabouts ;  hoping,  through 
the  blessing  of  God,  it  would  be  a  means  in  that  unsettled  state,  to  settle  their  affec 
tions  toward  us;  and  though  it  were  somewhat  dangerous,  in  respect  of  our  personal 
safety,  yet  esteeming  it  the  best  means,  leaving  the  event  to  God  in  His  mercy, 
I  resolved  to  put  it  in  practice,  if  Mr.  Hamden  and  Hobamock  durst  attempt  it  with 
me,  whom  I  found  willing.  So  we  went  toward  Mattapuyst. 

"  In  the  way,  Hobamock  manifesting  a  troubled  spirit,  brake  forth  into  these 
speeches.  Neen  womasn  Sagmnus,  etc.  '  My  loving  Sachem  !  many  have  I  known 


•BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  201 

but  never  any  like  thee ! '  Then  turning  to  me,  he  said,  whilst  I  lived,  I  should 
never  see  his  like  among  the  Indians.  He  was  no  liar,  he  was  not  bloody  and  cruel 
like  other  Indians ;  in  anger  and  passion  he  was  soon  reclaimed  ;  easy  to  be  recon 
ciled  toward  such  as  had  offended  him ;  ruled  by  reason,  in  such  measure  as  he  would 
not  scorn  the  advice  of  mean  men ;  and  that  he  governed  his  men  better  with  few 
strokes  than  others  did  with  many;  truly  loving  where  he  loved;  yea,  he  feared  we 
had  not  a  faithful  friend  left  among  the  Indians,  showing  how  often  he  restrained 
their  malice.  He  continued  a  long  speech,  with  such  signs  of  lamentation  and  un 
feigned  sorrow,  as  would  have  made  the  hardest  heart  relent. 

"At  length  we  came  to  Mattapuyst,  and  went  to  the  sachem's  place;  Conbatant 
was  not  at  home,  but  at  Pokanokick,  five  or  six  miles  off.  The  squaw  sachem  gave 
us  friendly  entertainment.  Here  we  inquired  again  concerning  Massassowat ;  they 
thought  him  dead  ;  but  knew  no  certainty.  Whereupon  I  hired  one  to  go  with  all 
exhibition  to  Pokanokick,  that  we  might  know  the  certainty  thereof,  and  withal  to 
acquaint  Conbatant  with  our  being  there.  About  half  an  hour  before  sunsetting 
the  messenger  returned,  and  told  us  that  he  was  not  yet  dead,  though  there  was  no 
hope  that  we  should  find  him  living.  Upon  this,  we  were  much  revived,  and  set 
forward  with  all  speed,  though  it  was  late  within  night  when  we  got  thither.  About 
two  o'clock  that  afternoon  the  Dutchman  had  departed,  so  that,  in  that  respect,  our 
journey  was  frustrate. 

"  When  we  came  thither,  we  found  the  house  so  full  of  men,  as  we  could  scarce 
get  in,  though  they  used  their  best  diligence  to  make  way  for  us.  They  were  in  the 
midst  of  their  charms  for  him,  making  such  a  hellish  noise,  as  distempered  us  that 
were  well,  and  therefore  unlike  to  ease  him  that  was  sick.  About  him  were  six  or 
eight  women,  who  chafed  his  arms  and  legs  to  keep  heat  in  him.  When  they  had 
made  an  end  of  their  charming,  one  told  him  that  his  friends  the  English  were  come 
to  see  him.  Having  his  understanding  left,  though  his  sight  wholly  gone,  he  asked 
who  was  come?  they  told  him  Winsnoiv ;  (for  they  can  not  pronounce  the  letter  L, 
but  ordinarily  N  in  place  of  it ;)  he  desired  to  speak  with  me.  When  I  came  to  him 
and  they  told  him  of  it,  he  put  forth  his  hand  to  me,  which  I  took ;  then  he  said 
twice,  though  very  inwardly,  '  keen  Winsnow  ?  ' — art  thou  Winslow  ?  I  answered 
'  a/t/ic,'  that  is,  'yes.'  Then  he  doubled  these  words,  '  Matta  ncen  wonckunct  namen 
Winsnow!'  that  is  to  say,  'O  Winslow,  I  shall  never  see  thee  again!'  Then  I 
called  Hobamock,  and  desired  him  to  tell  Masassoit,  that  the  Governor  hearing  of 
his  sickness,  was  sorry  for  the  same ;  and  though,  by  reason  of  many  businesses,  he 
could  not  himself  come,  yet  he  had  sent  me,  with  such  things  for  him  as  he  thought 
most  likely  to  do  him  good  in  this  extremity;  and  whereof  if  he  pleased  to  take,  I 
would  presently  give  him ;  which  he  desired  ;  and,  having  -a  confection  of  many 
comfortable  conserves,  on  the  point  of  my  knife,  I  gave  him  some,  which  I  could 
scarce  get  through  his  teeth ;  when  it  was  dissolved  in  his  mouth,  he  swallowed  the 
juice  of  it,  whereat  those  that  were  about  him  were  much  rejoiced,  saying  he  had 
not  swallowed  anything  in  two  days  before.  Then  I  desired  to  see  his  mouth,  which 
was  exceedingly  furred,  and  his  tongue  swelled  in  such  a  manner,  that  it  was  not 
possible  for  him  to  eat  such  meat  as  they  had.  Then  I  washed  his  mouth,  and 
scraped  his  tongue ;  after  which  I  gave  him  more  of  the  confection,  which  he  swal 
lowed  with  more  readiness.  Then  he  desired  to  drink ;  I  dissolved  some  of  it  in 
water,  and  gave  him  thereof:  and  within  half  an  hour,  this  wrought  a  great  altera- 
26 


202  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

tion  in  him,  and  presently  after  his  sight  began  to  come  to  him.  Then  I  gave  him 
more,  and  told  him  of  a  mishap  we  had  by  the  way,  in  breaking  a  bottle  of  drink, 
which  the  Governor  also  sent  him,  saying,  if  he  would  send  any  of  his  men  to  Plym 
outh,  I  would  send  for  more  of  the  same ;  also  for  chickens,  to  make  him  broth,  and 
for  other  things  which  I  knew  were  good  for  him,  and  would  stay  the  return  of  the 
messenger.  This  he  took  marvellous  kindly,  and  appointed  some  who  were  ready  to 
go  by  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  against  which  time  I  made  ready  a  letter,  declar 
ing  our  good  success,  and  desiring  such  things  as  were  proper.  He  requested  me 
that  I  would  the  next  day  take  my  piece,  and  kill  him  some  fowl,  and  make  him 
such  pottage  as  he  had  eaten  at  Plymouth,  which  I  promised ;  but  his  stomach  com 
ing  to  him,  I  must  needs  make  him  some  without  fowl,  before  I  went  abroad.  I 
caused  a  woman  to  bruise  some  corn  and  take  the  flour  from  it,  and  set  the  broken 
corn  in  a  pipkin  (for  they  have  earthen  pots  of  all  sizes).  When  the  day  broke,  we 
went  out  to  seek  herbs  (it  being  the  middle  of  March),  but  could  not  find  any  but 
strawberry  leaves,  of  which  I  gathered  a  handful  and  put  into  the  same,  and  because 
I  had  nothing  to  relish  it,  I  went  forth  again  and  pulled  up  a  sassafras  root,  and 
sliced  a  piece  and  boiled  it  till  it  had  a  good  relish.  Of  this  broth  I  gave  him  a  pint, 
which  he  drank  and  liked  it  well ;  after  this  his  sight  mended,  and  he  took  some 
rest.  That  morning  he  caused  me  to  spend  in  going  among  the  sick  in  the  town, 
requesting  me  to  wash  their  mouths,  and  give  them  some  of  the  same  I  gave  him. 
This  pains  I  took  willingly,  though  it  were  much  offensive  to  me. 

"  When  the  messengers  were  returned,  finding  his  stomach  come  to  him,  he  would 
not  have  the  chickens  killed,  but  kept  them  for  breed.  Neither  durst  we  give  him 
any  physic,  because  he  was  so  much  altered,  not  doubting  of  his  recovery  if  he  were 
careful.  Upon  his  recovery  he  brake  forth  into  these  speeches :  '  Now  I  see  the  En 
glish  are  my  friends,  and  love  me  ;  whilst  I  live  I  will  never  forget  this  kindness  they 
have  showed  me.'  At  our  coming  away  he  called  Hobamock  to  him,  and  privately  told 
him  of  the  plot  of  the  Massachusetts  againt  Wcston's  colony,  and  so  against  us.  But  he 
would  neither  join  therein,  nor  give  way  to  any  of  his.  With  this  he  charged  him  to 
acquaint  me,  by  the  way,  that  I  might  inform  the  Governor.  Being  fitted  for  our  re 
turn,  we  took  leave  of  him,  who  returned  many  thanks  to  our  Governor,  and  also  to 
ourselves,  for  our  labor  and  love ;  the  like  did  all  that  were  about  him.  So  we 
departed." 

In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Winslow  went  to  England  as  agent  to  the 
colony,  to  give  an  account  of  their  proceedings  to  the  adventurers,  and  procure  such 
things  as  were  necessary.  Whilst  he  was  in  England  he  published  a  narrative  of  the 
settlement  and  transactions  of  the  colony  at  Plymouth,  under  this  title :  "  Good 
News  from  New  England ;  or,  A  Relation  of  things  Remarkable  in  that  Plantation. 
By  E.  Winslow." 

This  narrative  is  abridged  in  Purchas'  Pilgrims,  and  has  been  of  great  service  to  all 
succeeding  historians.  To  it  he  subjoined  an  account  of  the  manners  and  customs, 
the  religious  opinions  and  ceremonies  of  the  Indian  natives  ;  which,  being  an  original 
work  and  now  rarely  to  be  found,  is  inserted  in  the  Appendix. 

In  the  following  spring  (March,  1624)  Mr.  Winslow  returned  from  England,  hav 
ing  been  absent  no  longer  than  six  months,  bringing  a  good  supply  of  clothing  and 
other  necessaries,  and,  what  was  of  more  value  than  any  other  supply,  three  heifers 
and  one  bull — the  first  neat  cattle  brought  into  New  England. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  203 

The  same  year  he  went  again  to  England,  where  he  had  an  opportunity  of  cor 
recting  a-  mistake  which  had  been  made  in  his  former  voyage.  The  adventurers  had 
then,  in  the  same  ship  with  the  cattle,  sent  over  John  Lyford,  as  a  minister,  who  was 
soon  suspected  of  being  a  person  unfit  for  that  office.  When  Mr.  Winslow  went  again  to 
England  he  imparted  this  suspicion,  and  at  a  meeting  of  the  adventurers,  it  appeared 
on  examination  that  Lyford  had  been  a  minister  in  Ireland,  where  his  conduct  had 
been  so  bad  as  to  oblige  him  to  quit  that  kingdom,  and  that  the  adventurers  had 
been  imposed  upon  by  false  testimony  concerning  him.  With  this  discovery,  Mr. 
Winslow  came  back  to  Plymouth  in  1625,  and  found  the  court  sitting  on  the  affair  of 
Oldham,  who  had  returned  after  banishment.  The  true  characters  of  these  impostors 
being  thus  discovered,  they  were  both  expelled  from  the  plantation. 

About  the  same  time,  Governor  Bradford  having  prevailed  on  the  people  of  Plym 
outh  to  choose  five  assistants  instead  of  one,  Mr.  Winslow  was  first  elected  to  this 
office,  in  which  hq  was  continued  till  1633,  when  by  the  same  influence  he  was  chosen 
Governor  for  one  year. 

Mr.  Winslow  was  a  man  of  great  activity  and  resolution,  and  therefore  well  qual 
ified  to  conduct  enterprises  for  the  benefit  'of  the  colony.  He  frequently  went  to 
Penobscot,  Kennebec,  and  Connecticut  Rivers  on  trading  voyages,  and  rendered 
himself  useful  and  agreeable  to  the  people. 

In  1635  he  undertook  another  agency  in  England  for  the  colonies  of  Plymouth 
and  Massachusetts — partly  on  occasion  of  the  intrusions  which  were  made  on  the 
territory  of  New  England  by  the  French  on  the  east  and  by  the  Dutch  on  the  west,  and 
partly  to  answer  complaints  which  had  been  made  to  the  Government  against  the 
Massachusetts  colony  by  Thomas  Morton,  who  had  been  twice  expelled  for  his  mis 
behavior. 

At  that  time  the  care  of  the  colonies  was  committed  to  a  number  of  bishops, 
lords,  and  gentlemen,  of  whom  Archbishop  Laud  was  at  the  head.  It  was  also  in 
contemplation  to  establish  a  general  government  in  America,  which  would  have  su 
perseded  the  charters  of  the  colonies. 

Winslow's  situation  at  that  time  was  critical  and  his  treatment  was  severe.  In 
his  petition  to  the  commissioners  he  set  forth  the  encroachments  of  the  French  and 
Dutch,  and  prayed  for  "  a  special  warrant  to  the  English  colonies  to  defend  them 
selves  against  all  foreign  enemies."  Governor  Winthrop  censured  this  petition  as 
"  ill-advised,  because  such  precedents  might  endanger  their  liberties  ;  that  they  should 
do  nothing  but  by  commission  out  of  England." 

The  petition,  however,  was  favorably  received  by  some  of  the  Board.  Winslow 
was  heard  several  times  in  support  of  it,  and  pointed  out  a  way  in  which  the  object 
might  have  been  attained  without  any  charge  to  the  Crown,  by  furnishing  some  of 
the  chief  men  of  the  colonies  with  authority,  which  they  would  exercise  at  their 
own  expense  and  without  any  public  national  disturbance.  This  proposal  crossed 
the  design  of  George  and  Mason,  whose  aim  wac  to  establish  a  general  government ; 
and  the  Archbishop,  who  was  engaged  in  their  interest,  put  a  check  to  Winslow's 
proposal  by -questioning  him  on  Morton's  accusation  for  his  own  personal  conduct  in 
America.  The  offenses  alleged  against  him  were  that  he — not  being  in  holy  orders, 
but  a  mere  layman — had  taught  publicly  in  the  church  and  had  officiated  in  the  cele 
bration  of  marriages.  To  the  former  Winslow  answered  "  that  sometimes,  when  the 
church  was  destitute  of  a  minister,  he  had  exercised  his  gift  for  the  edification  of  his 


THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

brethren."  To  the  latter,  "  that,  though  he  had  officiated  as  a  magistrate  in  the  sol 
emnizing  of  marriage,  yet  he  regarded  it  only  as  a  civil  contract ;  that  the  people  of 
Plymouth  had  for  a  long  time  been  destitute  of  a  minister,  and  were  compelled  by 
necessity  to  have  recourse  to  the  magistrate  in  that  solemnity ;  that  this  was  not  to 
them  a  novelty — having  been  accustomed  to  it  in  Holland,  where  he  himself  had 
been  married  by  a  Dutch  magistrate  in  the  State  house."  On  this  honest  confession 
the  Archbishop  pronounced  him  guilty  of  the  crime  of  separation  from  the  national 
Church,  and  prevailed  on  the  Board  to  consent  to  his  imprisonment.  He  was  there 
fore  committed  to  the  Fleet  prison,  where  he  lay  confined  seventeen  weeks ;  but 
after  that  time,  on  petitioning  the  Board,  he  obtained  release. 

At  his  return  to  New  England  the  colony  showed  him  the  highest  degree  of  re 
spect  by  choosing  him  their  Governor  for  the  succeeding  year  (1636).  In  this  office 
he  conducted  himself  greatly  to  their  satisfaction.  In  1644  he  was  again  honored 
with  the  same  appointment,  and,  in  the  intermediate  years,  was  the  first  on  the  list 
of  magistrates. 

When  the  colonies  of  New  England  entered  into  a  confederation  for  their  mutual 
defense  in  1643,  Mr-  Winslow  was  chosen  one  of  the  commissioners  on  behalf  of 
Plymouth,  and  was  continued  in  that  office  till  1646,  when  he  was  solicited  by  the 
colony  of  Massachusetts  to  go  again  to  England  to  answer  to  the  complaints  of 
Samuel  Gorton  and  others,  who  had  charged  them  with  religious  intolerance  and 
persecution.  The  times  being  changed  and  the  Puritans  being  in  power,  Mr.  Wins- 
low  had  great  advantage  in  this  business,  from  the  credit  and  esteem  which  he  en 
joyed  with  that  party.  We  have  no  account  of  the  particulars  of  this  agency,  but 
only  in  general,  that,  "  by  his  prudent  management,  he  prevented  any  damage  and 
cleared  the  colony  from  any  blame  or  dishonor." 

One  design  of  the  confederation  of  the  colonies  was  to  promote  the  civilization 
of  the  Indians  and  their  conversion  to  the  Christian  religion.  In  this  great  and  good 
work  Mr.  Winslow  was  from  principle  very  zealously  engaged.  In  England  he 
employed  his  interest  and  friendship  with  members  of  the  Parliament,  and  other  gen 
tlemen  of  quality  and  fortune,  to  erect  a  corporation  there  for  the  prosecution  of  the 
design.  For  this  purpose  an  act  of  Parliament  was  passed  (1649),  incorporating  a 
society  in  England  "  for  propagating  the  Gospel  in  New  England."  The  commis 
sioners  of  the  United  Colonies  were  constituted  a  Board  of  Correspondents,  and  dis 
tributors  of  the  money,  which  was  supplied  in  England  by  charitable  donations  from 
all  the  cities,  towns,  and  parishes  in  the  kingdom.  By  the  influence  and  exertions 
of  both  these  respectable  bodies,  ministers  were  supported  among  the  Indians  of 
New  England ;  the  Bible  and  other  books  of  piety  were  translated  into  the  Indian 
tongue,  and  printed  for  their  use ;  and  much  pains  were  taken  by  several  worthy 
ministers,  and  other  gentlemen,  to  instruct  the  Indians,  and  reduce  them  to  a  civil 
ized  life.  This  society  is  still  in  existence,  and,  till  the  revolution  in  America,  they 
kept  up  a  Board  of  Correspondents  at  Boston,  but  since  that  period  it  has  been 
discontinued.  Of  this  corporation,  at  its  first  establishment,  Mr.  Winslow  was  a  very 
active  and  faithful  member  in  England,  where  his  reputation  was  great  and  his 
abilities  highly  valued  by  the  prevailing  party,  who  found  him  so  much  employment 
there,  and  elsewhere,  that  he  never  returned  to  New  England. 

When  Oliver  Cromwell  (1655)  planned  an  expedition  against  the  Spaniards  in  the 
West  Indies,  and  sent  Admiral  Penn  and  General  Venables  to  execute  it,  he  ap- 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  205 

pointed  three  commissioners  to  superintend  and  direct  their  operations,  of  which 
number  Winslow  was  the  chief;  the  other  two  were  Richard  Holdrip  and  Edward 
Blagge.  Their  object  was  to  attack  St.  Domingo,  the  only  place  of  strength  which 
the  Spaniards  had  in  Hispaniola. 

The  commanders  disagreed  in  their  tempers  and  views,  and  the  control  of  the 
commissioners  was  of  no  avail.  The  troops,  ill  appointed  and  badly  provided,  were 
landed  at  too  great  a  distance  from  the  city,  and  lost  their  way  in  the  woods.  Worn 
with  hunger  and  thirst,  heat  and  fatig'ue,  they  were  routed  by  an  inconsiderable 
number  of  Spaniards ;  six  hundred  were  killed,  and  the  remnant  took  refuge  on 
board  their  vessels. 

To  compensate  as  far  as  possible  for  this  unfortunate  event,  the  fleet  sailed  for 
Jamaica,  which  surrendered  without  any  resistance.  But  Mr.  Winslow,  who  partook 
of  the  chagrin  of  the  defeat,  did  not  enjoy  the  pleasure  of  the  victory.  In  the  pas 
sage  between  Hispaniola  and  Jamaica,  the  heat  of  the  climate  threw  him  into  a 
fever,  which,  operating  with  the  dejection  of  his  mind,  put  an  end  to  his  life  on  the 
8th  of  May,  1655,  in  the  sixty-first  year  of  his  age.  His  body  was  committed  to  the 
deep  with  the  honors  of  war,  forty-two  guns  being  fired  by  the  fleet  on  that  occasion. 

The  following  well-meant,  but  inelegant  lines  were  written  by  one  of  the  passen 
gers  on  board  the  same  ship  in  which  he  died  : 

"  The  eighth  of  May,  west  from  'Spaniola  shore, 
God  took  from  us  our  grand  commissioner, 
Winslow  by  name  ;  a  man  in  chiefest  trust, 
Whose  life  was  sweet  and  conversation  just ; 
Whose  parts  and  wisdom  most  men  did  excel ; 
An  honor  to  his  place,  as  all  can  tell." 

Before  his  departure  from  New  England  Mr.  Winslow  had  made  a  settlement  on 
a  valuable  tract  of  land  in  Marshfield,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Carswell,  prob 
ably  from  a  castle  and  seat  of  that  name  in  Staffordshire.  His  son,  Josiah  Winslow, 
was  a  magistrate  and  Governor  of  the  colony,  and  general  of  the  New  England 
forces,  in  the  war  with  the  Indians,  called  Philip's  war.  He  died  in  1630.  Isaac, 
the  son  of  Josiah  Winslow,  sustained  the  chief  civil  and  military  offices  in  the  county 
of  Plymouth,  after  its  incorporation  with  Massachusetts,  and  was  President  of  the 
Provincial  Council.  He  died  in  1738.  John  Winslow,  the  son  of  Isaac,  was  a  cap 
tain  in  the  unfortunate  expedition  to  Cuba  in  1740,  and  afterward  an  officer  in  the 
British  service,  and  major-general  in  several  expeditions  to  Kennebec,  Nova  Scotia, 
and  Crown  Point.  He  died  in  1774,  aged  seventy-one.  His  son,  Dr.  Isaac  Winslow, 
is  now  in  possession  of  the  family  estate  at  Marshfield.  By  the  favor  of  this  gentle 
man,  the  letter-books  and  journals  of  his  late  father,  Major-General  Winslow,  with 
many  ancient  family  papers,  containing  a  fund  of  genuine  information,  are  deposited 
in  the  library  of  the  Historical  Society.  There  are  several  other  reputable  branches 
of  this  family  in  New  England  and  Nova  Scotia. 


206  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 


MILES    STANDISH. 

MILES  STANDISH — A  SOLDIER  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS — EMBARKS  FOR  AMERICA — COMPELS  COR- 
B1TANT  TO  SUBMIT — HIS  RESOLUTE  CONDUCT  WITH  THE  INDIANS— HIS  EXPEDITION  TO 
WESSAGUSSET  AND  CAPE  ANN — MR.  HUBBARD'S  OBSERVATIONS  RELATING  TO  HIM — MR. 
ROBINSON'S  LETTER — STANDISH  RETURNS  TO  PLYMOUTH — EXPEDITION  AGAINST  MORTON — 
HIS  SETTLEMENT  AT  DANBURY — HIS  DEATH  AND  DESCENDANTS— STITH'S  REMARKS  ON 
SENDING  CONVICTS  TO  VIRGINIA. 

THIS  intrepid  soldier,  the  hero  of  New  England,  as  John  Smith  was  of  Virginia, 
was  a  native  of  Lancashire,  in  the  north  of  England  ;  but  the  date  of  his  birth  is  not 
preserved.  Descended  from  the  younger  branch  of  a  family  of  distinction,  he  was 
"  heir  apparent  to  a  great  estate  of  lands  and  livings,  surreptitiously  detained  from 
him,"  which  compelled  him  to  seek  subsistence  for  himself.  Though  small  in  stature, 
he  had  an  active  genius,  a  sanguine  temper,  and  a  strong  constitution.  These 
qualities  led  him  to  the  profession  of  arms;  and  the  Netherlands  being,  in  his  youth, 
a  theater  of  war,  he  entered  into  the  service  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  in  aid  of  the  Dutch  ; 
and,  after  the  truce,  settled  with  the  English  refugees  at  Leyden. 

When  they  meditated  a  removal  to  America,  Standish,  though  not  a  member  of 
their  church,  was  thought  a  proper  person  to  accompany  them.  Whether  he  joined 
them  at  their  request  or  his  own  motion,  does  not  appear ;  but  he  engaged  with  zeal 
and  resolution  in  their  enterprise,  and  embarked  with  the  first  company,  in  1620. 

On  their  arrival  at  Cape  Cod,  he  was  appointed  commander  of  the  first  party  of 
sixteen  men,  who  went  ashore  on  discovery ;  and  when  they  began  their  settlement 
at  Plymouth  he  was  unanimously  chosen  captain,  or  chief  military  commander.  In 
several  interviews  with  the  natives  he  was  the  first  to  meet  them,  and  was  generally 
accompanied  with  a  very  small  number  of  men,  selected  by  himself. 

After  the  league  was  made  with  Masassoit,  one  of  his  petty  sachems,  Corbitant, 
became  discontented,  and  was  meditating  to  join  with  the  Narragansets  against  the 
English.  Standish,  with  fourteen  men  and  a  guide,  went  to  Corbitant's  place  (Swanzey), 
and  surrounded  his  house ;  but  not  finding  him  at  home,  they  informed  his  people 
of  their  intention  of  destroying  him  if  he  should  persist  in  his  rebellion.  Corbitant, 
hearing  of  his  danger,  made  an  acknowledgment  to  Masassoit,  and  entreated  his 
mediation  with  the  English  for  peace.  'He  was  soon  after  [September.  13,  1621] 
admitted,  with  eight  other  chiefs,  to  subscribe  an  instrument  of  submission  to  the 
English  Government. 

In  every  hazardous  enterprise  Captain  Standish  was  ready  to  put  himself  fore 
most,  whether  the  objects  were  discovery,  traffic,  or  war,  and  the  people,  animated 
by  his  example,  and  confiding  in  his  bravery  and  fidelity,  thought  themselves  safe 
under  his  command. 

When  the  town  of  Plymouth  [1622]  was  inclosed  and  fortified,  the  defense  of  it 
was  committed  to  the  Captain,  who  made  the  most  judicious  disposition  of  their 
force.  He  divided  them  into  four  squadrons,  appointing  those  whom  he  thought 
most  fit,  to  command  ;  and  ordered  every  man,  on  any  alarm,  to  repair  to  his  respect 
ive  station,  and  put  himself  under  his  proper  officer.  A  select  company  was 
appointed,  in  case  of  accidental  fire,  to  mount  guard,  with  their  backs  to  the  fire, 
that  they  might  prevent  the  approach  of  an  enemy  during  the  conflagration. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  207 

Being  sent  on  a  trading  voyage  to  Matachiest  [between  Barnstable  and  Yarmouth 
Feb.,  1623],  a  severe  storm  came  on,  during  the  first  night,  by  which  the  harbor  was 
filled  with  ice,  and  Captain  Standish,  with  his  party,  was  obliged  to  lodge  in  one  of 
the  huts  of  the  savages.  They  came  together  in  a  considerable  number,  and,  under 
the  mask  of  friendship,  promised  to  supply  him  with  corn.  Standish,  suspecting  by 
their  number  that  their  intention  was  hostile,  would  not  permit  his  men  to  lie  down 
all  at  once,  but  ordered  them  to  sleep  and  watch  by  turns.  In  the  morning  a  discov 
ery  was  made  that  some  things  had  been  stolen  from  his  shallop.  The  captain  im 
mediately  went  with  his  whole  force,  consisting  of  six  men,  surrounded  the  house  of 
the  sachem  lanough,  and  obliged  him  to  find  the  thief  and  restore  the  stolen  things. 
This  resolute  behavior  struck  them  with  awe ;  the  trade  went  on  peaceably,  and  when 
the  harbor  was  cleared  the  shallop  came  off  with  a  load  of  corn,  and  arrived  safely  at 
Plymouth. 

This  was  the  first  suspicion  of  a  conspiracy,  which  had  for  some  time  been  form 
ing  among  the  Indians,  to  destroy  the  English.  In  the  following  month  [March]  he 
had  another  specimen  of  their  insolence  at  Manomet,  whither  he  went  to  fetch  home 
the  corn  which  Governor  Bradford  had  bought  in  the  preceding  autumn.  The  cap 
tain  was  not  received  with  that  welcome  which  the  Governor  had  experienced.  Two 
Indians  from  Massachusetts  were  there,  one  of  whom  had  an  iron  dagger,  which  he 
had  gotten  from  some  of  Weston's  people  at  Wessagusset  [Weymouth],  and  which 
he  gave  to  Canacum,  the  sachem  of  Manomet,  in  the  view  of  Standish.  The  present 
was  accompanied  with  a  speech,  which  the  captain  did  not  then  perfectly  understand, 
but  the  purport  of  it  was,  "  That  the  English  were  too  strong  for  the  Massachusetts 
Indians  to  attack  without  help  from  the  others :  because  if  they  should  cut  off  the 
people  in  their  bay,  yet  they  feared  that  those  of  Plymouth  would  revenge  their 
death.  He,  therefore,  invited  the  sachem  to  join  with  them  and  destroy  both  col 
onies.  He  magnified  his  own  strength  and  courage,  and  derided  the  Europeans  be 
cause  he  had  seen  them  die,  crying  and  making  sour  faces,  like  children."  An  Indian 
of  Paomet  was  present,  who  had  formerly  been  friendly,  and  now  professed  the  same 
kindness,  offering  his  personal  service  to  get  the  corn  on  board  the  shallop,  though 
he  had  never  done  such  work  before ;  and  inviting  the  captain  to  lodge  in  his  hut,  as 
the  weather  was  cold.  Standish  passed  the  night  by  his  fire,  but  though  earnestly 
pressed  to  take  his  rest,  kept  himself  continually  in  motion,  and  the  next  day,  by  the 
help  of  the  squaws,  got  his  corn  on  board,  and  returned  to  Plymouth.  It  was  after 
ward  discovered  that  this  Indian  intended  to  kill  him  if  he  had  fallen  asleep. 

About  the  same  time  happened  Mr.  Winslow's  visit  to  Masassoit  in  his  sickness, 
and  a  full  discovery  of  the  plot  which  the  Indians  at  Massachusetts  had  contrived  to 
destroy  the  .English.  The  people  whom  Weston  had  sent  to  plant  a  colony  at  Wes 
sagusset  were  so  disorderly  and  imprudent,  that  the  Indians  were  not  only  disgusted 
with  them,  but  despised  them.  These  were  destined  to  be  the  first  victims.  Their 
overseer,  John  Sanders,  was  gone  to  Monhegan  to  meet  the  fishermen  at  their  com 
ing  to  the  coast,  and  get  some  provisions.  During  his  absence  the  Indians  had  grown 
more  insolent  than  before ;  and  it  was  necessary  that  some  force  should  be  sent 
thither,  as  well  to  protect  the  colony  as  to  crush  the  conspiracy.  Standish  was-  the 
commander  of  the  party ;  and  as  this  was  his  capital  exploit,  it  may  be  most  satisfac 
tory  and  entertaining  to  give  the  account  of  it  as  related  by  Mr.  Winslow  in  his  nar 
rative  : 


208  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

"  The  2$d  of  March  [1623]  being  a  yearly  Court  day,  we  came  to  this  conclusion  : 
that  Captain  Standish  should  take  as  many  men  as  he  thought  sufficient  to  make  his 
party  good  against  all  the  Indians  in  Massachusetts  Bay ;  and  because  it  is  impossible 
to  deal  with  them  in  open  defiance,  but  to  take  them  in  such  traps  as  they  lay  for 
others  ;  therefore,  that  he  should  pretend  trade,  as  at  other  times  ;  but  first  to  go  to  the 
English  and  acquaint  them  with  the  plot  and  the  end  of  his  own  coming,  that  by 
comparing  it  with  their  carriage  towards  them,  he  might  better  judge  of  the  certainty 
of  it,  and  more  fitly  take  opportunity  to  revenge  the  same  ;  but  should  forbear,  if  it 
were  possible,  till  such  time  as  he  could  make  sure  of  Wittuwamat,  a  bloody  and  bold 
villain,  whose  head  he  had  orders  to  bring  with  him.  Upon  this,  Captain  Standish 
made  choice  of  eight  men,  and  would  not  take  more,  because  he  would  prevent 
jealousy.  On  the  next  day,  before  he  could  go,  came  one  of  Weston's  company  to 
us,  with  a  pack  on  his  back,  who  made  a  pitiful  narration  of  their  lamentable  and 
weak  estate,  and  of  the  Indians'  carriage;  whose  boldness  increased  abundantly,  in 
somuch  as  they  would  take  their  victuals  out  of  their  pots,  and  eat  before  their  faces ; 
yea,  if  in  any  thing  they  gainsaid  them,  they  were  ready  to  hold  a  knife  at  their 
breasts.  He  said  that,  to  give  them  content,  they  had  hanged  one  of  the  company 
who  had  stolen  their  corn,  and  yet  they  regarded  it  not ;  that  another  of  them  had 
turned  savage ;  that  their  people  had  mostly  forsaken  the  town,  and  made  their  ren 
dezvous  where  they  got  their  victuals,  because  they  would  not  take  pains  to  bring  it 
home  ;  that  they  had  sold  their  clothes  for  corn,  and  were  ready  to  perish  with 
hunger  and  cold,  and  that  they  were  dispersed  into  three  companies,  having  scarcely 
any  powder  and  shot.  As  this  relation  was  grievous  to  us,  so  it  gave  us  good  en 
couragement  to  proceed;  and  the  wind  coming  fair  the  next  day,  March  25,  Captain 
Standish  being  now  fitted,  set  forth  for  Massachusetts. 

"  The  captain  being  come  to  Massachusetts,  went  first  to  the  ship,  but  found 
neither  man  nor'dog  therein.  On  the  discharge  of  a  musket,  the  master  and  some 
others  showed  themselves,  who  were  on  shore  gathering  ground-nuts  and  other  food. 
After  salutation,  Captain  Standish  asked  them  how  they  durst  so  leave  the  ship,  and 
live  in  such  security?  They  answered,  like  men  senseless  of  their  own  misery,  that 
they  feared  not  the  Indians,  but  lived  and  suffered  them  to  lodge  with  them,  not 
having  a  sword  nor  a  gun,  or  needing  the  same.  To  which  the  captain  replied,  that 
if  there  were  no  cause,  he  was  glad.  But  upon  further  inquiry,  understanding  that 
those  in  whom  John  Sanders  had  reposed  most  confidence  were  at  the  plantation, 
thither  he  went  and  made  known  the  Indians'  purpose,  and  the  end  of  his  own  com 
ing  ;  and  told  them  that  if  they  durst  not  stay  there,  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Gov- 
enor  and  people  of  Plymouth  to  receive  them  till  they  could  be  better  provided  for. 
These  men  answered  that  they  could  expect  no  better;  and  it  was  of  God's  mercy 
that  they  were  not  killed  before  his  coming,  desiring  that  he  would  neglect  no  op 
portunity  to  proceed ;  hereupon  he  advised  them  to  secrecy,  and  to  order  one-third 
of  their  company  that  were  farthest  off  to  come  home,  and  on  pain  of  death  to  keep 
there,  himself  allowing  them  a  pint  of  Indian  corn  to  a  man  for  a  day,  though  that 
was  spared  out  of  our  seed.  The  weather  proving  very  wet  and  stormy,  it  was  the 
longer  before  he  could  do  anything. 

"  In  the  meantime  an  Indian  came  to  him  and  brought  some  furs,  but  rather  to 
get  what  he  could  from  the  captain  than  to  trade,  and  though  the  captain  carried 
things  as  smoothly  as  he  could,  yet  at  his  return  the  Indian  reported  that  he  saw  by 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  209 

his  eyes  that  he  was  angry  in  his  heart,  and  therefore  began  to  suspect  themselves  dis 
covered.  This  caused  one  Pecksout,  who  was  a  Pinese  [chief],  being  a  man  of 
a  notable  spirit,  to  come  to  Hobamock  [Standish's  Indian  guide  and  interpreter] 
and  tell  him  that  he  understood  the  captain  was  come  to  kill  himself  and  the  rest  of 
the  savages  there.  'Tell  him,'  said  he,  'we  know  it,  but  fear  him  not,  neither  will 
we  shun  him  ;  but  let  him  begin  when  he  dare,  he  shall  not  take  us  at  unawares.' 
Many  times  after,  divers  of  them,  severally,  or  a  few  together,  came  to  the  plantation, 
where  they  would  whet  and  sharpen  the  points  of  their  knives  before  his  face,  and 
use  many  other  insulting  gestures  and  speeches.  Among  the  rest,  Wittuwamat 
bragged  of  the  excellency  of  his  knife,  on  the  handle  of  which  was  pictured  a  wom 
an's  face.  '  But,'  said  he,  '  I  have  another  at  home,  wherewith  I  have  killed  both 
French  and  English,  and  that  hath  a  man's  face  on  it,  and  by  and  by  these  two  must 
be  married.'  Further  he  said  of  that  knife  which  he  there  had,  Hinnain  namcn, 
hinnain  michen,  matta  cuts,  that  is  to  say,  by  and  by  it  should  sec,  by  and  by  it  should 
eat,  but  not  speak.  Also  Pecksout  being  a  man  of  greater  stature  than  the  captain, 
told  him, '  Though  you  are  a  great  captain,  yet  you  are  but  a  little  man  ;  though  I  be 
no  sachem,  yet  I  am  a  man  of  great  strength  and  courage.'  These  things  the  cap 
tain  observed,  but  for  the  present  bore  them  with  patience. 

"On  the  next  day,  seeing  he  could  not  get  many  of  them  together  at  once,  but 
Pecksout  and  Wittuwamat  being  together  with  another  man  and  the  brother  of  Wit 
tuwamat,  a  youth  of  eighteen,  putting  many  tricks  on  the  weaker  sort  of  men,  and 
having  about  as  many  of  his  own  men  in  the  same  room,  the  captain  gave  the  word 
to  his  men,  and  the  door  being  fast  shut,  he  begun  himself  with  Pecksout,  and  snatch 
ing  the  knife  from  his  neck,  after  much  struggling  killed  him  therewith  ;  the  rest  kill 
ed  Wittuwamat  and  the  other  man ;  tne  youth  they  took  and  hanged.  It  is  incredi 
ble  how  many  wounds  these  men  received  before  they  died,  not  making  any  fearful 
noise,  but  catching  at  their  weapons  and  striving  to  the  last.  Hobamock  stood  by  as  a 
spectator,  observing  how  our  men  demeaned  themselves  in  the  action  ;  which  being 
ended,  he,  smiling,  brake  forth  and  said:  'Yesterday  Pecksout  bragged  of  his  own 
strength  and  stature,  and  told  you  that  though  you  were  a  great  captain,  yet  you 
were  but  a  little  man  ;  but  to-day  I  see  you  are  big  enough  to  lay  him  on  the  ground.' 

"  There  being  some  women  at  the  same  time  there,  Captain  Standish  left  them  in 
the  custody  of  Weston's  people  at  the  town,  and  sent  word  to  another  company  to  kill 
those  Indian  men  that  were  among  them.  These  killed  two  more ;  himself  with 
some  of  his  own  men  went  to  another  place  and  killed  another,  but  through  the  neg 
ligence  of  one  man  an  Indian  escaped,  who  discovered  and  crossed  their  proceedings. 

"  Captain  Standish  took  one-half  of  his  men  with  one  or  two  of  Weston's  and 
Hobamock,  still  seeking  them.  At  length  they  espied  a  file  of  Indians  making  toward 
them,  and  there  being  a  small  advantage  in  the  ground  by'reason  of  a  hill,  both  com 
panies  strove  for  it.  Captain  Standish  got  it,  whereupon  the  Indians  retreated,  and 
took  each  man  his  tree,  letting  fly  their  arrows  amain,  especially  at  himself  and 
Hobamock.  Whereupon  Hobamock  cast  off  his  coat  and  chased  them  so  fast  that 
our  people  were  not  able  to  hold  way  with  him.  They  could  have  but  one  certain 
mark,  the  arm  and  half  the  face  of  a  notable  villain  as  he  drew  [his  bow]  at  Captain 
Standish,  who  with  another,  both  discharged  at  him  and  brake  his  arm.  Whereupon 
they  fled  into  a  swamp ;  when  they  were  in  the  thicket  they  parlied,  but  got  nothing 
but  foul  language.  So  our  captain  dared  the  sachem  to  come  out  and  fight  like  a 
27 


210  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

man,  showing  how  base  and  womanlike  he  was  in  tonguing  it  as  he  did  ;  but  he  re 
fused  and  fled.  So  the  captain  returned  to  the  plantation,  where  he  released  the 
women  and  took  not  their  beaver  coats  from  them,  nor  suffered  the  least  discourtesy 
to  be  offered  them. 

"  Now  were  Weston's  people  resolved  to  leave  the  plantation  and  go  to  Monhe- 
gan,  hoping  to  get  passage  and  return  [to  England]  with  the  fishing-ships.  The  cap* 
tain  told  them  that  for  his  own  part  he  durst  live  there  with  fewer  men  than  they 
were,  yet  since  they  were  otherwise  minded,  according  to  his  orders  from  the  Gov 
ernor  and  people  of  Plymouth,  he  would  help  them  with  corn — which  he  did,  scarce 
leaving  himself  more  than  brought  them  home.  Some  of  them  disliked  to  go  to 
Monhegan ;  and,  desiring  to  go  with  him  to  Plymouth,  he  took  them  into  the  shal 
lop  ;  and,  seeing  the  others  set  sail  and  clear  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  he  took  leave 
and  returned  to  Plymouth,  bringing  the  head  of  VVittuwamat,  which  was  set  up  on 
the  fort. 

"  This  sudden  and  unexpected  execution  had  so  terrified  and  amazed  the  other 
people  who  intended  to  join  with  the  Massachusencks  against  us  that  they  forsook 
their  houses — running  to  and  fro  like  men  distracted — living  in  swamps  and  other 
desert  places,  and  so  brought  disease  upon  themselves,  whereof  many  are  dead— as 
Canacum,  sachem  of  Manomet ;  Aspinet,  of  Nauset ;  and  lanough,  of  Mantachiest. 
This  sachem  [lanough],  in  the  midst  of  these  distractions,  said  'the  God  of  the 
English  was  offended  with  them  and  would  destroy  them  in  His  anger.'  From  one 
of  these  places  a  boat  was  sent  with  presents,  to  the  Governor,  hoping  thereby  to 
work  their  peace ;  but  the  boat  was  lost  and  three  of  the  people  drowned.  Only 
one  escaped,  who  returned  ;  so  that  none  of  them  durst  come  among  us." 

The  Indian  who  had  been  confined  at  Plymouth  on  his  examination  confessed 
the  plot,  in  which  five  persons  were  principally  concerned,  of  whom  two  were  killed. 
He  protested  his  own  innocence,  and  his  life  was  spared  on  condition  that  he  would 
carry  a  message  to  his  sachem  (Obtakiest),  demanding  three  of  Weston's  men  whom 
he  held  in  custody.  A  woman  returned  with  his  answer,  that  the  men  were  killed 
before  the  message  arrived,  for  which  he  was  very  sorry. 

Thus  ended  Weston's  plantation  within  one  year  after  it  began.  He  had  been 
one  of  the  adventurers  to  Plymouth,  but  quitted  them  and  took  a  separate  patent, 
and  his  plantation  was  intended  to  rival  that  of  Plymouth.  He  did  not  come  in 
person  to  America  till  after  the  dispersion  of  his  people — some  of  whom  he  found 
among  the  eastern  fishermen,  and  from  them  he  first  heard  of  the  ruin  of  his  enter 
prise.  In  a  storm  he  was  cast  away  between  the  rivers  of  Piscataqua  and  Merri- 
mack,  and  was  robbed  by  the  natives  of  all  which  he  had  saved  from  the  wreck. 
Having  borrowed  a  suit  of  clothes  from  some  of  the  people  at  Piscataqua,  he  came 
to  Plymouth;  where,  in  consideration  of  his  necessity, the  Government  lent  him  two 
hundred  weight  of  beaver,  with  which  he  sailed  to  the  eastward  with  such  of  his 
own  people  as  were  disposed  to  accompany  him.  It  is  observed  that  he  never  re 
paid  the  debt  but  with  enmity  and  reproach. 

The  next  adventure  in  which  we  find  Captain  Standish  engaged  was  at  Cape  Ann, 
where  the  fishermen  of  Plymouth  had  in  1624  erected  a  stage,  and  a  company  from  the 
west  of  England  in  the  following  year  had  taken  possession  of  it.  Standish  was  or 
dered  from  Plymouth  with  a  party  to  retake  it,  but  met  a  refusal.  The  controversy 
grew  warm,  and  high  words  passed  on  both  sides.  But  the  prudence  of  Roger  Conant, 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE   EARLY   DISCOVERERS.*  211 

agent  for  the  west  countrymen,  and  of  Mr.  Pierce,  master  of  their  ship,  prevented 
matters  from  coming  to  extremity.  The  ship's  crew  lent  their  assistance  in  building 
another  stage,  which  the  Plymouth  fishermen  accepted  in  lieu  of  the  former,  and 
thus  peace  and  harmony  were  restored.  Mr.  Hubbard,  who  has  preserved  the  mem 
ory  of  this  affair,  reflects  on  Captain  Standish  in  the  following  manner : 

"  He  had  been  bred  a  soldier  in  the  low  countries,  and  never  entered  into  the 
school  of  Christ  or  of  John  the  Baptist ;  or,  if  ever  he  was  there,  he  had  forgot  his 
first  lessons — to  offer  violence  to  no  man,  and  to  part  with  the  cloak  rather  than 
needlessly  contend  for  the  coat,  though  taken  away  without  order.  A  little  chimney 
is  soon  fired,  so  was  the  Plymouth  captain  ;  a  man  of  very  small  stature,  yet  of  a 
very  hot  and  angry  temper.  The  fire  of  his  passion,  soon  kindled  and  blown  up 
into  a  flame  by  hot  words,  might  easily  have  consumed  all,  had  it  not  been  season 
ably  quenched." 

When  the  news  of  the  transactions  at  Wessagusset,  where  Standish  had  killed  the 
Indians,  was  carried  to  Europe,  Mr.  Robinson  from  Leyden  wrote  to  the  Church  of 
Plymouth,  "to  consider  the  disposition  of  their  captain,  who  was  of  a  warm  temper. 
He  hoped  the  Lord  had  sent  him  among  them  for  good,  if  they  used  him  right ;  but 
he  doubted  whether  there  was  not  wanting  that  tenderness  of  the  life  of  man,  made 
after  God's  image,  which  was  meet ;  and  he  thought  it  would  have  been  happy  if 
they  had  converted  some  before  they  had  killed  any." 

The  best  apology  for  Captain  Standish  is,  that  as  a  soldier  he  had  been  accustomed 
to  discipline  and  obedience ;  that  he  considered  himself  as  the  military  servant  of 
the  colony,  and  received  his  orders  from  the  Governor  and  people.  Sedentary 
persons  are  not  always  the  best  judges  of  a  soldier's  merit  or  feelings.  Men  of  his 
own  profession  will  admire  the  courage  of  Standish,  his  promptitude  and  decision  in 
the  execution  of  his  orders.  No  one  has  charged  him  either  with  failure  in  point 
of  obedience  or  of  wantonly  exceeding  the  limits  of  his  commission.  If  the  arm  of 
flesh  were  necessary  to  establish  the  rights  and  defend  the  lives  and  property  of 
colonists  in  a  new  country,  surrounded  with  enemies  and  false  friends,  certainly  such 
a  man  as  Standish,  with  all  his  imperfections,  will  hold  a  high  rank  among  the 
worthies  of  New  England.  Mr.  Prince  does  not  scruple  to  reckon  him  among  those 
heroes  of  antiquity  "  who  chose  to  suffer  affliction  with  the  people  of  God  ;  who 
through  faith  subdued  kingdoms,  wrought  righteousness,  obtained  promises,  stopped 
the  mouths  of  lions,  waxed  valiant  in  fight,  and  turned  to  flight  the  armies  of  the 
aliens;"  and  even  Mr.  Hubbard,  in  another  part  of  his  history,  says  that  Captain 
Standish  "  was  a  gentleman  very  expert  in  military  service  ;  by  whom  the  people 
were  all  willing,  to  be  ordered  in  those  concerns.  He  was  likewise  improved 
[employed]  to  good  acceptance  and  success  in  affairs  of  the  greatest  moment  in  that 
colony,  to  whose  interest  he  continued  firm  and  steadfast  to  the  last,  and  always 
managed  his  trust  with  great  integrity  and  faithfulness." 

Two  ships  which  had  come  with  supplies  to  the  colony  the  same  year  (1625)  re 
turned  in  the  autumn  with  cargoes  of  fish  and  furs.  In  one  of  these  Standish 
embarked  as  agent  for  the  colony,  and  arrived  safely  in  England  ;  the  other  was 
captured  by  a  Turkish  ship  of  war,  and  the  loss  of  her  valuable  cargo  was  a  severe 
blow  to  the  colony.  He  arrived  in  a  very  unfortunate  time :  the  plague  raging  in 
London,  carried  off  more  than  forty  thousand  people  in  the  space  of  one  year.  Com 
merce  was  stagnated,  the  merchants  and  members  of  the  Council  of  New  England 


212  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

were  dispersed  and  no  meeting  could  be  holden.  All  that  Captain  Standish  could 
do,  was,  by  private  conference,  to  prepare  the  way  for  a  composition  with  the 
company  of  adventurers,  and  by  the  help  of  a  few  friends,  with  great  trouble  and 
danger,  to  procure  a  small  quantity  of  goods  for  the  colony,  amounting  to  ,£150, 
which  he  took  up  at  the  exorbitant  interest  of  50  per  cent.  With  this  insufficient, 
but  welcome  supply,  he  returned  to  Plymouth  in  the  spring  of  1626  ;  bringing  the 
sorrowful  news  of  the  death  of  Mr.  Robinson  and  Mr.  Cushman. 

Several  attempts  were,  about  this  time,  made  to  form  plantations,  within  the 
Bay  of  Massachusetts,  at  Cape  Ann  and  Piscataqua.  Among  these  adventurers  was 
one  Captain  Wollaston,  "a  man  of  considerable  parts,  and  with  him  three  or  four 
more  of  some  eminence,  who  brought  over  many  servants  and  much  provisions." 
He  pitched  on  the  southern  .side  of  the  bay,  at  the  head  of  the  creek,  and  called  an 
adjoining  hill  Mount  Wollaston,  [Quincy].  One  of  his  company  was  Thomas 
Morton,  "  a  pettifogger  of  Furnival's  Inn,"  who  had  some  property  of  his  own,  or  of 
other  men  committed  to  him.  After  a  short  trial,  Wollaston,  not  finding  his  ex 
pectations  realized,  went  to  Virginia,  with  a  great  part  of  the  servants ;  and  being 
better  pleased  with  that  country,  sent  for  the  rest  to  come  to  him.  Morton  thought 
this  a  proper  opportunity  to  make  himself  head  of  the  company;  and,  in  a  drunken 
frolic,  persuaded  them  to  depose  Filcher,  the  lieutenant,  and  set  up  for  liberty  and 
equality. 

Under  this  influence  they  soon  became  licentious  and  debauched.  They  sold 
their  goods  to  the  natives  for  furs,  taught  them  the  use  of  arms,  and  employed  them 
in  hunting.  They  invited  and  received  fugitives  from  all  the  neighboring  settle 
ments;  and  thus  endangered  their  safety,  and  obliged  them  to  unite  their  strength 
in  opposition  to  them.  Captain  Endicott,  from  Naumkeag,  made  them  a  visit,  and 
gave  them  a  small  check,  by  cutting  down  a  May-pole,  which  they  had  erected  as  a 
central  point  of  dissipation  and  extravagance ;  but  it  was  reserved  for  Captain 
Standish  to  break  up  their  infamous  combination.  After  repeated  friendly  admoni 
tions,  which  were  disregarded,  at  the  request  and  joint  expense  of  the  scattered 
planters,  and  by  order  of  the  Government  of  Plymouth,  he  went  to  Mount  Wol 
laston,  and  summoned  Morton  to  surrender.  Morton  prepared  for  his  defense, 
armed  his  adherents,  heated  them  with  liquor,  and  answered  Standish  with  abusive 
language.  But,  when  he  stepped  out  of  his  door,  to  take  aim  at  his  antagonist, 
the  captain  seized  his  musket  with  one  hand  and  his  collar  with  the  other,  and  made 
him  prisoner.  The  others  quietly  submitted.  No  blood  was  shed  nor  a  gun  fired. 
They  were  all  conducted  to  Plymouth,  and  then  sent  to  England ;  where  Morton 
was  treated  with  less  severity  than  he  deserved,  and  was  permitted  to  return  and 
disturb  the  settlements,  till  the  establishment  of  the  Massachusetts  colony,  when 
he  retired  to  Piscataqua,  and  there  ended  his  days. 

After  this  encounter,  which  happened  in  1628,  we  have  no  particular  account  of 
Captain  Standish.  He  is  not  mentioned  in  the  account  of  the  Pequot  war,  in  1637. 
He  was  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  or  assistants  of  Plymouth  colony  as  long  as 
he  lived.  As  he  advanced  in  years  he  was  much  afflicted  with  the  stone  and  the 
strangury;  he  died  in  1656,  being  then  very  old,  at  Duxbury,  near  Plymouth,  where 
he  had  a  tract  of  land,  which  to  this  day  is  known  by  the  name  of  Captain's  Hill. 

He  had  one  son,  Alexander,  who  died  in  Duxbury.  The  late  Dr.  Wheelock, 
founder  of  Dartmouth  College,  and  Mr.  Kirkland,  missionary  to  the  Indians,  were 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  2i:j 

descended  from  him.  One  of  his  grandsons  was  in  possession  of  his  coat  of  mail, 
which  is  now  supposed  to  be  lost  ;  but  his  sword  is  preserved  in  the  cabinet  of  the 
Historical  Society,  of  which  one  of  his  descendants,  John  Thornton  Kirkland,  is  a 
member.  His  name  is  still  venerated,  and  the  merchants  of  Plymouth  and  Boston 
have  named  their  ships  after  him.  His  posterity  chiefly  reside  in  several  towns  of 
the  county  of  Plymouth. 


JOHN    WINTHROP, 

FIRST     GOVERNOR     OF     MASSACHUSETTS. 

JOHN  WINTHROP — HIS  BIRTH  AND  ANCESTRY — FIRST  GOVERNOR  OF  THE  COLONIES — HIS  CHAR 
ACTER—EXAMINATION  OF  HIS  ACCOUNTS  AND  HONORABLE  RESULT— HIS  HUMILITY,  FIRM 
NESS,  AND  DECISION — HIS  DIFFICULTIES  WITH  MRS.  HUTCHINSON  AND  HER  FOLLOWERS — 
HIS  FIRM  AND  CORRECT  CONDUCT  WITH  THE  CHURCH  AT  BOSTON— HIS  OPINIONS  OF 
DEMOCRACY,  MAGISTRACY,  AND  LIBERTY — HIS  PECUNIARY  EMBARRASSMENTS  AND  AFFLIC 
TIONS —  HIS  DEATH  —  PRESERVATION  OF  HIS  PICTURE  IN  THE  SENATE  CHAMBER  OF 
MASSACHUSETTS — HIS  POSTERITY. 

THIS  worthy  gentleman  was  descended  from  a  family  remarkable  for  its  attach 
ment  to  the  Reformed  religion,  from  the  earliest  period  of  the  Reformation.  His 
grandfather,  Adam  Winthrop,  was  an  eminent  lawyer  and  lover  of  the  Gospel,  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  and  brother  to  a  memorable  friend  of  the  Reformation,  in  the 
reign  of  Mary  I.,  in  whose  hands  the  martyr  Pliilpot  left  his  paper,  which  makes  a 
considerable  part  of  the  History  of  the  Martyrs.  His  father,  Adam  Winthrop,  was 
a  gentleman  of  the  same  profession  and  character.  Governor  Winthrop  was  born  at 
the  family  seat  at  Groton,  in  Suffolk,  June  12,  1587,  and  was  bred  to  the  law,  though 
he  had  a  strong  inclination  to  theological  studies.  At  the  age  of  eighteen  he  was 
made  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and  his  virtues  became  conspicuous.  He  was  exemplary 
in  his  profession  as  an  upright  and  impartial  magistrate,  and  in  his  private  character 
as  a  Christian.  He  had  wisdom  to  discern,  and  fortitude  to  do  right  in  the  execution 
of  his  office  ;  and,  as  a  gentleman,  was  remarkable  for  liberality  and  hospitality. 
These  qualities  rendered  him  dear  to  men  of  sobriety  and  religion,  and  fitted  him  to 
engage  in  the  great  and  difficult  work  of  founding  a  colony. 

When  the  design  of  settling  a  colony  in  New  England  was  by  some  eminent  per 
sons  undertaken,  this  gentleman  was,  by  the  consent  of  all,  chosen  for  their  leader. 
Having  converted  a  fine  estate  of  six  or  seven  hundred  pounds  sterling  per  annum 
into  money,  he  embarked  for  New  England,  in  the  forty-third  year  of  his  age,  and 
arrived  at  Salem,  with  the  Massachusetts  charter,  June  12,  1630.  Within  five  days 
he,  with  some  of  the  principal  persons  of  the  colony,  traveled  through  the  woods 
twenty  miles,  to  look  out  a  convenient  situation  for  a  town,  in  some  part  of  the  Bay 
of  Massachusetts.  Some  of  them  built  their  huts  on  the  north  side  of  Charles' 
River  [Charlestown],  but  the  Governor,  and  most  of  the  assistants,  pitched  upon  the 
peninsula  of  Shawmut,  and  lived  there  the  first  winter,  intending  in  the  spring  to 
build  a  fortified  town,  but  undetermined  as  to  its  situation.  On  the  6th  of  December 
they  resolved  to  fortify  the  isthmus  of  that  peninsula ;  but,  changing  their  minds 


214  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

before  the  month  expired,  they  agreed  upon  a  place  about  three  miles  above 
Charlestown,  which  they  called  first  Newtown,  and  afterward  Cambridge,  where  they 
engaged  to  build  houses  the  ensuing  spring.  The  rest  of  the  winter  they  suffered 
much  by  the  severity-of  the  season,  and  were  obliged  to  live  upon  acorns,  ground 
nuts,  and  shell-fish.  One  of  the  poorer  sort,  coming  to  the  Governor  to  complain, 
was  told  that  the  last  batch  was  in  the  oven,  but  of  this  he  had  his  share.  They  had 
appointed  the  22d  of  February  for  a  fast ;  but  before  it  came  a  ship  arrived  with 
provisions,  and  they  turned  it  into  a  day  of  thanksgiving. 

In  the  spring  of  1631,  in  pursuance  of  the  intended  plan,  the  Governor  set  up 
the  frame  of  a  house  at  Newtown ;  the  Deputy  Governor  also  built  one,  and 
removed  his  family.  About  this  time  Chicketawbu,  the  chief  of  the  Indians  in  that 
neighborhood,  made  a  visit  to  the  Governor,  with  high  professions  of  friendship. 
The  apprehension  of  danger  from  the  Indians  abated,  and  the  scheme  of  a  fortified 
town  was  gradually  laid  aside ;  though  if  it  had  been  retained,  the  peninsula  would 
have  been  a  situation  far  preferable  to  Newtown.  The  Governor  took  down  his 
frame  and  removed  it  to  Shawmut,  which  was  finally  determined  upon  for  the  me 
tropolis,  and  named  Boston. 

The  three  following  years  he  was  continued,  by  annual  election,  at  the  head  of 
the  government,  for  which  office  he  was  eminently  qualified,  and  in  which  he  shone 
with  a  lustre  which  would  have  done  him  honor  in  a  larger  sphere  and  a  more  ele 
vated  situation.  He  was  the  father,  as  well  as  the  Governor,  of  an  infant  planta 
tion.  His  time,  his  study,  his  exertions,  his  influence,  and  his  interest  were  all 
employed  in  the  public  service.  His  wisdom,  patience,  and  magnanimity  were  con 
spicuous  in  the  most  severe  trials,  and  his  exemplary  behavior  as  a  Christian  added 
a  splendor  to  all  his  rare  qualifications.  He  maintained  the  dignity  of  a  Governor 
with  the  obliging  condescension  of  a  gentleman,  and  was  so  deservedly  respected 
and  beloved,  that  when  Archbishop  Laud,  hearkening  to  some  calumnies  raised 
against  the  country  on  account  of  their  Puritan  principles,  summoned  one  Mr. 
Cleaves  before  King  Charles  I.,  in  hopes  of  getting  some  accusation  against  the 
Governor,  he  gave  such  an  account  of  his  laudable  deportment  in  his  station,  and 
withal  of  the  devotion  with  which  prayers  were  made,  both  in  private  and  public, 
for  the  King,  that  Charles  expressed  his  concern  that  so  worthy  a  person  as  Mr. 
Winthrop  should  be  no  better  accommodated  than  in  an  American  wilderness. 

He  was  an  example  to  the  people  of  that  frugality,  decency,  and  temperance 
which  were  necessary  in  their  circumstances,  and  even  denied  himself  many  of  the 
elegancies  and  superfluities  of  life  which  his  rank  and  fortune  gave  him  a  just  title 
to  enjoy,  both  that  he  might  set  them  a  proper  example,  and  be  the  better  enabled 
to  exercise  that  liberality  in  which  he  delighted,  even,  in  the  end,  to  the  actual  im 
poverishment  of  himself  and  his  family.  He  would  often  send  his  servants  on  some 
errand,  at  meal-times,  to  the  houses  of  his  neighbors,  to  see  how  they  were  provided 
with  food ;  and  if  there  was  a  deficiency,  would  supply  them  from  his  own  table. 
The  following  singular  instance  of  his  charity,  mixed  with  humor,  will  give  us  an 
idea  of  the  man.  In  a  very  severe  winter,  when  wood  began  to  be  scarce  in  Boston, 
he  received  private  information  that  a  neighbor  was  wont  to  help  himself  from  the 
pile  at  his  door.  "  Docs  he?  "  said  the  Governor;  "  call  him  to  me,  and  I  will  take  a 
course  with  him  that  shall  cure  him  of  stealing."  The  man  appeared,  and  the  Gov 
ernor  addressed  him  thus :  "  Friend,  it  is  a  cold  winter,  and  I  hear  you  are  meanly 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  215 

provided  with  wood  ;  you  are  welcome  to  help  yourself  at  my  pile  till  the  winter  is 
over."  And  then  merrily  asked  his  friend  whether  he  had  not  put  a  stop  to  the 
man's  stealing ! 

In  the  administration  of  justice,  he  was  for  tempering  the  severity  of  law  with 
the  exercise  of  mercy.  He  judged  that  in  the  infancy  of  a  plantation,  justice  should 
be  administered  with  more  lenity  than  in  a  settled  state.  But  when  other  gentle 
men  of  learning  and  influence  had  taken  offense  at  his  lenity,  and  adopted  an  opirt- 
ion  that  a  stricter  discipline  was  necessary,  he  submitted  to  their  judgment,  and 
strictly  adhered  to  the  proposals  which  were  made  to  support  the  dignity  of  govern 
ment,  by  an  appearance  of  union  and  firmness,  and  a  concealment  of  differences  and 
dissensions  among  the  public  officers. 

His  delicacy  was  so  great  that  though  he  could  not  without  incivility  decline  ac 
cepting  gratuities  from  divers  towns,  as  well  as  particular  persons,  for  his  public  serv 
ices,  yet  he  took  occasion  in  a  public  speech,  at  his  third  election,  to  declare  that  "  he 
received  them  with  a  trembling  hand  in  regard  of  God's  Word  and  his  own  infirmity," 
and  desired  them,  that  for  the  future  they  would  not  be  offended  if  he  should 
wholly  refuse  such  presents. 

In  the  year  1634,  and  the  two  years  following,  he  was  left  out  of  the  magistracy. 
Though  his  conduct,  from  his  first  engaging  in  the  service  of  the  colony,  had  been  ir 
reproachable,  yet  the  envy  of  some  raised  a  suspicion  of  his  fidelity,  and  gave  him  a 
small  taste  of  what,  in  other  popular  governments,  their  greatest  benefactors  have 
had  a  large  share  of.  An  inquiry  having  been  made  of  his  receipts  and  disburse 
ments  of  the  public  moneys  during  his  past  administration,  though  it  was  conducted 
in  a  manner  too  harsh  for  his  delicate  sensibility,  yet  he  patiently  submitted  to  the 
examination  of  his  accounts,  which  ended  to  his  honor.  Upon  which  occasion  he 
made  a  declaration  which  he  concluded  in  these  words :  "  In  the  things  which  I  offer, 
I  refer  myself  to  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  the  Court,  with  this  protestation,  that  it 
repenteth  me  not  of  my  cost  and  labor  bestowed  in  the  service  of  this  Common 
wealth  ;  but  I  do  heartily  bless  the  Lord  our  God  that  He  has  been  pleased  to  honor 
me  so  far  as  to  call  for  anything  He  hath  bestowed  upon  me  for  the  service  of  His 
church  and  people  here  ;  the  prosperity  whereof,  and  His  gracious  acceptance,  shall 
be  an  abundant  recompense  to  me." 

The  same  rare  humility  and  steady  equality  of  mind  were  conspicuous  in  his  be 
havior,  when  a  pretense  was  raised  to  get  him  left  out  of  the  government,  lest  by  the  too 
frequent  choice  of  one  man,  the  office  should  cease  to  be  elective,  and  seem  to  be  his  by 
prescription.  This  pretense  was  advanced  even  in  the  election  sermons,  and  when  he 
was  in  fact  reduced  to  a  lower  station  in  the  government,  he  endeavored  to  serve  the 
people  as  faithfully  as  in  the  highest,  nor  would  he  suffer  any  notice  to  be  taken  of 
some  undue  methods,  which  were  used  to  have  him  left  out  of  the  choice.  An  in 
stance  of  this  rare  temper,  and  the  happy  fruit  of  it,  deserves  remembrance.  There  was 
a  time  when  he  received  a  very  angry  letter  from  a  member  of  the  Court,  which  hav 
ing  read,  he  delivered  back  to  the  messenger  with  this  answer:  "  I  am  not  willing  to 
keep  by  me  such  a  matter  of  provocation."  Shortly  after  the  writer  of  this  letter 
was  compelled  by  the  scarcity  of  provision  to  send  to  buy  one  of  the  Governor's  cat 
tle  ;  he  begged  him  to  accept  it  as  a  gift,  in  token  of  his  good-will.  On  which  the 
gentleman  came  to  him  with  this  acknowledgment :  "  Sir,  your  overcoming  yourself 
hath  overcome  me." 


216  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

But  though  condescending  and  gentle  on  every  occasion  of  personal  ill-treatment, 
yet  where  the  honor  of  government  or  religion,  and  the  interest  of  the  people  were 
concerned,  he  was  equally  firm  and  intrepid,  standing  foremost  in  opposition  to  those 
whom  he  judged  to  be  really  public  enemies,  though  in  the  disguise  of  warm  and 
zealous  friends.  Of  this  number  was  the  famous  ANNA  HUTCHINSON,  a  woman  of  a 
masculine  understanding  and  consummate  art,  who  held  private  lectures  to  the 
women  at  her  house,  in  which  she  advanced  these  doctrines,  viz :  That  the  Holy 
Ghost  dwells  personally  in  a  justified  person,  and  that  sanctification  does  not  evidence 
justification."  Those  who  held  with  her  were  said  to  be  "  under  a  covenant  of  grace," 
and  those  who  opposed  her  "  under  a  covenant  of  works."  Into  those  two  denomina 
tions  the  whole  colony  began  to  be  divided.  Her  adherents  prevailed  in  1636,  to 
choose  for  Governor,  HENRY  VANE,  a  young  gentleman  of  an  apparently  grave  and 
serious  deportment,  who  had  just  arrived  from  England,  and  who  had  paid  great 
attention  to  this  woman,  and  seemed  zealously  attached  to  her  distinguishing  tenets. 
Winthrop,  then  Deputy  Governor,  not  only  differed  in  sentiment,  but  saw  the  perni 
cious  influence  of  this  controversy  with  regret,  and  feared,  that  if  it  were  suffered  to 
prevail,  it  would  endanger  the  existence  of  the  colony.  In  the  heat  of  the  contro 
versy,  Wheelwright,  a  zealous  sectarian,  preached  a  sermon,  which  not  only  carried 
these  points  to  their  utmost  length,  but  contained  some  expressions  which  the  Court 
laid  hold  of  as  tending  to  sedition,  for  which  he  was  examined  ;  but  a  more  full 
inquiry  was  deferred  for  that  time.  Some  warm  brethren  of  Boston  petitioned  the 
Court  in  Wheelwright's  favor,  reflecting  on  their  proceedings,  which  raised  such  a 
resentment  in  the  Court  against  the  town  that  a  motion  was  made  for  the  next  election 
to  be  made  at  Cambridge.  Vane,  the  Governor,  having  no  negative  voice,  could  only 
show  his  dislike  by  refusing  to  put  the  question.  Winthrop,  the  Deputy  Governor, 
declined  it,  as  being  an  inhabitant  of  Boston  ;  the  question  was  then  put  by  Endicot, 
of  Salem,  and  carried  for  the  removal. 

At  the  opening  of  the  election  (May  17,  1637),  a  petition  was  again  presented  by 
many  inhabitants  of  Boston,  which  Vane  would  have  read  previous  to  the  choice. 
Winthrop,  who  clearly  saw  that  this  was  a  contrivance  to  throw  all  into  confusion, 
and  spend  the  day  in  debate,  that  the  election  might  be  prevented  for  that  time, 
opposed  the  reading  of  the  petition  until  the  election  should  be  over.  Vane  and  his 
party  were  strenuous,  but  Winthrop  called  to  the  people  to  divide,  and  the  majority 
appeared  for  the  election.  Vane  still  refused,  till  Winthrop  said  he  would  proceed 
without  him,  which  obliged  him  to  submit.  The  election  was  carried  in  favor  of 
Winthrop  and  his  friends.  The  sergeants  who  had  waited  on  Vane  to  the  place  of 
election,  threw  down  their  halberds,  and  refused  to  attend  the  newly-elected  Gov- 
enor;  he  took  no  other  notice  of  the  affront  than  to  order  his  own  servants  to  bear 
them  before  him,  and  when  the  people  expressed  their  resentment,  he  begged  them 
to  overlook  the  matter. 

The  town  of  Boston  being  generally  in  favor  of  the  new  opinions,  the  Governor 
grew  unpopular  there,  and  a  law  which  was  passed  this  year  of  his  restoration  to 
office,  increased  their  dislike.  Many  persons  who  were  supposed  to  favor  those  opin 
ions  were  expected  from  England,  to  prevent  whose  settlement  in  the  country,  the 
Court  laid  a  penalty  on  all  who  should  entertain  any  strangers,  or  allow  them  the  use 
of  any  house,  or  lot,  above  three  weeks,  without  liberty  first  granted.  This  severe 
order  was  so  ill  received  in  Boston,  that  on  the  Governor's  return  from  the  Court  of 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  21T 

Cambridge,  they  all  refused  to  go  out  to  meet  him,  or  to  show  him  any  token  of  re 
spect.  The  other  towns  on  this  occasion  increased  their  respect  toward  him,  and 
the  same  summer,  in  a  journey  to  Ipswich,  he  was  guarded  from  town  to  town  with 
more  ceremony  than  he  desired. 

The  same  year  a  synod  was  called  to  determine  on  the  controverted  points,  in 
which  assembly  Winthrop,  though  he  did  not  preside,  yet,  as  the  head  of  the  civil 
magistracy,  was  obliged  often  to  interpose  his  authority,  which  he  did  with  wisdom 
and  gravity,  silencing  passionate  and  impertinent  speakers,  desiring  that  the  divine 
oracles  might  be  allowed  to  express  their  own  meaning,  and  be  appealed  to  for  the 
decision  of  the  controversy ;  and  when  he  saw  heat  and  passion  prevail  in  the  assembly, 
he  would  adjourn  it,  that  time  might  be  allowed  for  cool  consideration,  by  which 
prudent  management  the  synod  came  to  an  amicable  agreement  in  condemning  the 
errors  of  the  day.  But  the  work  was  not  wholly  done  until  the  erroneous  persons 
were  banished  from  the  colony.  This  act  of  severity  the  Court  thought  necessary  for 
the  peace  of  the  Commonwealth.  Toleration  had  not  then  been  introduced  into  any 
of  the  Protestant  countries,  and  even  the  wisest  and  best  men  were  afraid  of  it  as  the 
parent  of  all  error  and  mischief. 

Some  of  the  zealous  opinionists  in  the  Church  of  Boston  would  have  had  the 
elders  proceed  against  the  Governor  in  the  way  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  for  his  ac 
tivity  in  procuring  the  sentence  of  banishment  on  their  brethren.  Upon  this  occasion, 
in  a  well-judged  speech  to  the  congregation,  he  told  them  that  "  though  in  his  private 
capacity  it  was  his  duty  to  submit  to  the  censure  of  his  brethren,  yet  he  was  not 
amenable  to  them  for  his  conduct  as  a  magistrate,  even  though  it  were  unjust.  That, 
in  the  present  case,  he  had  acted  according  to  his  conscience  and  his  oath,  and  by 
the  advice  of  the  elders  of  tlie  Church,  and  was  fully  satisfied  that  it  would  not  have 
been  consistent  with  the  public  peace  to  have  done  otherwise."  These  reasons  satis 
fied  the  uneasy  brethren,  and  his  general  condescending  and  obliging  deportment  so 
restored  him  to  their  affections,  that  he  was  held  in  greater  esteem  than  before ;  as  a 
proof  of  this,  upon  occasion  of  a  loss  which  he  had  sustained  in  his  temporal  estate, 
they  made  him  a  present  amounting  to  several  hundred  pounds. 

A  warm  dispute  having  arisen  in  the  General  Court  concerning  the  negative  voice 
of  the  Upper  House,  the  Governor  published  his  sentiments  in  writing,  some  pas 
sages  of  which,  giving  great  offense,  he  took  occasion  at  the  next  meeting  of  the 
Court  in  a  public  speech  to  tell  them  "  that,  as  to  the  matter  of  his  writing,  it  was 
according  to  his  judgment,  which  was  not  at  his  own  disposal,  and  that  having  ex 
amined  it  by  the  rules  of  reason,  religion,  and  custom,  he  saw  no  cause  to  retract  it ; 
but  as  for  the  manner,  which  was  wholly  his  own,  he  was  ready  to  acknowledge  what 
ever  was  blameable.  He  said  that  what  he  wrote  was  on  great  provocation  and  to 
vindicate  himself  and  others  from  unjust  aspersions,  yet  he  ought  not  to  have 
allowed  a  distemper  of  spirit,  nor  to  have  been  so  free  with  the  reputation  of  his 
brethren  ;  that  he  might  have  maintained  his  cause  without  casting  any  reflection  on 
them,  and  that  he  perceived  an  unbecoming  pride  and  arrogancy  in  some  of  his  ex 
pressions,  for  which  he  desired  forgiveness  of  God  and  man  !  "  By  this  condescend 
ing  spirit  he  greatly  endeared  himself  to  his  friends,  and  his  enemies  were  ashamed 
of  their  opposition. 

He  had  not  so  high  an  opinion  of  a  dcinocratical  government  as  some  other  gen 
tlemen  of  equal  wisdom   and   goodness,  but   plainly  perceived  a  danger  in  referring 
28 


218  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

matters  of  counsel  and  judicature  to  the  body  of  the  people;  and,  when  those  who 
had  removed  to  Connecticut  were  about  forming  their  government,  he  warned  them 
of  this  danger  in  a  friendly  and  faithful  letter,  wherein  are  these  remarkable  words : 
"  The  best  part  of  a  community  is  always  the  least,  and  of  that  best  part  the  wiser 
is  still  less  ;  wherefore  the  old  canon  was,  Choose  ye  out  judges,  and  thou  shalt  bring 
the  matter  before  the  judge." 

In  1645,  when  he  was  Deputy  Governor,  a  great  disturbance  was  raised  by  some 
petitioners  from  Hingham,  who  complained  that  the  fundamental  laws  of  England 
were  not  owned  in  the  colony  as  the  basis  of  government;  that  civil  privileges  were 
denied  to  men,  merely  for  not  being  members  of  the  churches;  and  they  could  not 
enjoy  divine  ordinances  because  they  belonged  to  the  Church  of  England.  With 
these  complaints  they  petitioned  for  liberty  of  conscience — or,  if  that  could  not  be 
granted— for  freedom  from  taxes  and  military  services.  The  petition  concluded  with 
a  menace,  that,  in  case  of  a  refusal,  complaint  would  be  had  to  the  Parliament  of 
England.  This  petition  gave  much  offense,  and  the  petitioners  were  cited  to  Court 
and  fined  as  "movers  to  sedition."  Winthrop  was  active  in  their  prosecution,  but  a 
party  in  the  House  of  Deputies  was  so  strong  in  their  favor  as  to  carry  a  vote  re 
quiring  him  to  answer  for  his  conduct  in  public ;  the  result  of  which  was  that  he  was 
honorably  acquitted.  Then,  resuming  his  seat,  he  took  that  opportunity  publicly  to 
declare  his  sentiments  on  the  questions  concerning  the  authority  of  the  magistracy 
and  the  liberty  of  the  people.  "  You  have  called  us,"  said  he,  "  to  office,  but,  being 
called,  we  have  our  authority  from  God.  It  is  the  ordinance  of  God,  and  hath  the 
image  of  God  stamped  on  it ;  and  the  contempt  of  it  hath  been  vindicated  by  God 
with  terrible  examples  of  His  vengeance.  When  you  choose  magistrates,  you  take 
them  from  among  yourselves:  men  subject  to  the  like  passions  with  yourselves.  If 
you  see  our  infirmities,  reflect  on  your  own,  and  you  will  not  be  so  severe  on  ours. 
The  covenant  between  us  and  you  is,  that  we  shall  govern  you  and  judge  your  causes 
according  to  the  laws  of  God  and  our  best  skill.  As  for  our  skill,  you  must  run  the 
hazard  of  it ;  and  if  there  be  an  error — not  in  the  will,  but  the  skill — it  becomes  you 
to  bear  it.  Nor  would  I  have  you  mistake  in  the  point  of  your  liberty.  There  is  a 
liberty  of  corrupt  nature,  which  is  inconsistent  with  authority,  impatient  of  restraint, 
the  grand  enemy  of  truth  and  peace,  and  all  the  ordinances  of  God  are  bent  against 
it.  But  there  is  a  civil,  moral,  federal  liberty,  which  is  the  proper  end  and  object  of 
authority — a  liberty  for  that  only  which  is  JUST  and  GOOD.  For  this  liberty  you 
are  to  stand  with  your  lives ;  and  whatever  crosses  it,  is  not  authority,  but  a  dis 
temper  thereof.  This  liberty  is  maintained  in  a  way  of  subjection  to  authority,  and 
the  authority  set  over  you  will,  in  all  administrations  for  your  good,  be  quietly  sub 
mitted  to  all  but  such  as  have  a  disposition  to  shake  off  the  yoke  and  lose  their  lib 
erty  by  murmuring  at  the  honor  and  power  of  authority." 

This  kind  of  argument  was  frequently  urged  by  the  fathers  of  New  England  in 
justification  of  their  severity  toward  those  who  dissented  from  them.  They  main 
tained  that  all  men  had  liberty  to  do  right,  but  no  liberty  to  do  wrong.  However 
true  this  principle  may  be  in  point  of  morality,  yet  in  matters  of  opinion,  in  modes 
of  faith,  worship,  and  ecclesiastical  order,  the  question  is,  who  shall  be  the  judge  of 
right  and  wrong?  and  it  is  too  evident  from  their  conduct,  that  they  supposed  the 
power  of  judging  to  be  in  those  who  were  vested  with  authority ;  a  principle  de 
structive  of  liberty  of  conscience,  and  the  right  of  private  judgment,  and  big  with 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS. 

all  the  horrors  of  persecution.  The  exercise  of  such  authority  they  condemned  in 
the  high  church  party,  who  had  oppressed  them  in  England  ;  and  yet,  such  is  the 
frailty  of  human  nature,  they  held  che  same  principles,  and  practiced  the  same  op 
pressions  on  those  who  dissented  from  them.  Winthrop,  before  he  left  England, 
was  of  more  catholic  spirit  than  some  of  his  brethren  ;  after  he  had  come  to  Amer 
ica,  he  fell  in  with  the  reigning  principle  of  intolerancy,  which  almost  all  the  Re 
formers  unhappily  retained  as  a  relic  of  the  persecuting  Church,  from  which  they  had 
separated  ;  but  as  he  advanced  in  life,  he  resumed  his  former  moderation  ;  and  in 
the  time  of  his  last  sickness,  when  Dudley,  the  Duputy  Governor,  pressed  him  to 
sign  an  order  for  the  banishment  of  a  person  who  was  deemed  heterodox,  he  refused, 
saying,  that  "  he  had  done  too  much  of  that  work  already." 

Having  devoted  the  greatest  part  of  his  interest  to  the  service  of  the  public,  and 
suffering  many  losses  by  accidents,  and  by  leaving  the  management  of  his  private 
affairs  to  unfaithful  servants,  whilst  his  whole  time  and  attention  were  employed  in 
the  public  business,  his  fortune  was  so  much  impaired,  that  some  years  before  his 
death,  he  was  obliged  to  sell  the  most  of  his  estate  for  the  payment  of  an  accumu 
lated  debt.  He  also  met  with  much  affliction  in  his  family,  having  buried  three 
wives  and  six  children.  These  troubles,  joined  to  the  opposition  and  ill-treatment 
which  he  frequently  met  with  from  some  of  the  people,  so  preyed  upon  his  nature, 
already  much  worn  by  the  toils  and  hardships  of  planting  a  colony  in  a  wilderness, 
that  he  perceived  a  decay  of  his  faculties  seven  years  before  he  reached  his  grand 
climateric,  and  often  spoke  of  his  approaching  dissolution,  with  a  calm  resignation  to 
the  will  of  Heaven.  At  length,  when  he  had  entered  the  sixty-third  year  of  his 
age,  a  fever  occasioned  by  a  cold,  after  one  month's  confinement,  put  an  end  to  his 
life  on  the  26th  of  March,  1649. 

The  island  called  Governor's  Island,  in  the  harbor  of  Boston,  was  granted  to  him, 
and  still  remains  in  the  possession  of  his  descendants.  His  picture  is  preserved  in 
the  Senate  Chamber,  with  those  of  other  ancient  Governors.  The  house  in  which 
he  lived  remained  till  1775,  when,  with  many  other  old  wooden  buildings,  it  was 
pulled  down  by  the  British  troops  for  fuel.  He  kept  an  exact  journal  of  the  occur 
rences  and  transactions  in  the  colony  during  his  residence  in  it.  This  journal  was  of 
great  service  to  several  historians,  particularly  Hubbard,  Mather,  and  Prince.  It  is 
still  in  possession  of  the  Connecticut  branch  of  his  family,  and  was  published  at 
Hartford  in  1790.  It  affords  a  more  exact  and  circumstantial  detail  of  events  within 
that  period,  than  any  compilation  which  has  been  or  can  be  made  from  it ;  the  prin 
ciples  and  conduct  of  this  truly  great  and  good  man,  therein  appear  in  the  light 
which  he  himself  viewed  them  ;  while  his  abilities  for  the  arduous  station  which  he 
held,  the  difficulties  which  he  had  to  encounter,  and  his  fidelity  in  business,  are  dis 
played  with  that  truth  and  justice  in  which  they  ought  to  appear. 

He  had  five 'sons  living  at  his  decease,  all  of  whom,  notwithstanding  the  reduc 
tion  of  his  fortune,  acquired  and  possessed  large  property,  and  were  persons  of  emi 
nence.  Many  of  his  posterity  have  borne  respectable  characters,  and  filled  some  of 
the  principal  places  of  trust  and  usefulness. 


220  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

JOHN    WINTHROP,    F.R.S., 

GOVERNOR  OF  CONNECTICUT. 

JOHN  WINTHROP,  GOVERNOR  OF  CONNECTICUT — HIS  BIRTH  AND  EDUCATION — HIS  REMOVAL 
TO  NEW  ENGLAND — OBTAINS  A  CHARTER  INCORPORATING  CONNECTICUT  AND  NEW  HAVEN- 
GOVERNOR  OF  THE  COLONY  OF  CONNECTICUT — ELECTED  FELLOW  OF  THE  ROYAL  SOCIETY 
— HIS  DEATH. 

JOHN  WINTHROP,  eldest  son  of  Governor  Winthrop,  by  his  first  wife,  was  born 
at  Groton,  in  Suffolk,  Feb.  12,  1605.  His  fine  genius  was  much  improved  by  a  liberal 
education,  in  tlr?  Universities  of  Cambridge  and  Dublin,  and  by  traveling  through 
most  of  the  European  kingdoms,  as  far  as  Turkey.  He  c;mie  to  New  England  with 
his  father's  family,  Nov.  4,  1631,  and  though  not  above  twenty-six  years  of  age,  was, 
by  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  freemen,  appointed  a  magistrate  of  the  colony  of 
which  his  father  was  Governor.  He  rendered  many  services  to  the  country,  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  particularly  in  the  year  1634,  when  returning  to  England,  he  was 
by  the  stress  of  weather  forced  into  Ireland  ;  where  meeting  with  many  influential 
persons  at  the  house  of  Sir  John  Closworthy,  he  had  an  opportunity  to  promote  the 
interest  of  the  colony,  by  their  means. 

The  next  year  he  came  back  to  New  England,  with  powers  from  the  Lords  Say 
and  Brooke  to  settle  a  plantation  on  Connecticut  River.  But,  finding  that  some 
worthy  persons  from  Massachusetts  had  already  removed,  and  others  were  about 
removing  to  make  a  settlement  on  that  river  at  Hartford  and  Wethersficld,  he  gave 
them  no  disturbance;  but,  having  made  an  amicable  agreement  with  them,  built 
a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  furnished  it  with  artillery  and  stores  which 
had  been  sent  over,  and  began  a  town  there,  which,  from  the  two  lords  who  had  a 
principal  share  in  the  undertaking,  was  called  Saybrook.  This  fort  kept  the  Indians 
in  awe,  and  proved  a  security  to  the  planters  on  the  river. 

When  they  had  formed  themselves  into  a  body  politic  they  honored  him  with  an 
election  to  the  magistracy,  and  afterward  chose  him  Governor  of  the  colony.  At 
the  restoration  of  King  Charles  II.  he  undertook  a  voyage  to  England,  on  the  behalf 
of  the  people  both  of  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  ;  and,  by  his  prudent  address, 
obtained  from  the  King  a  charter,  incorporating  both  colonies  into  one,  with  a  grant 
of  privileges  and  powers  of  government  superior  to  any  plantation  which  had  been 
settled  in  America.  During  this  negotiation,  at  a  private  conference  with  the  King, 
he  presented  his  Majesty  with  a  ring  which  King  Charles  I.  had  given  to  his  grand 
father.  This  present  rendered  him  very  acceptable  to  the  King,  and  greatly  facili 
tated  the  business.  The  people,  at  his  return,  expressed  their  gratitude  to  him  by 
electing  him  to  the  office  of  Governor,  for  fourteen  years  together,  till  his  death. 

Mr.  Winthrop's  genius  led  him  to  philosophical  inquiries,  and  his  opportunities 
for  conversing  with  learned  men  abroad  furnished  him  with  a  rich  variety  of  knowl 
edge,  particularly  of  the  mineral  kingdom  ;  and  there  are  some  valuable  communica 
tions  of  his  in  the  Philosophical  Transactions,  which  procured  him  the  honor  of  being 
elected  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society.  He  had  also  much  skill  in  the  art  of  physic; 
and  generously  distributed  many  valuable  medicines  among  the  people,  who  con- 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  221 

stantly  applied  to  him  whenever  they  had  need,  and  were  treated  with  a  kindness 
that  did  honor  to  their  benefactor. 

His  many  valuable  qualities  as  a  gentleman,  a  Christian,  a  philosopher,  and  a 
public  ruler,  procured  him  the  universal  respect  of  the  people  under  his  government ; 
and  his  unwearied  attention  to  the  public  business,  and  great  understanding  in  the  art 
of  government,  was  of  unspeakable  advantage  to  them.  Being  one  of  the  commis 
sioners  of  the  United  Colonies  of  New  England,  in  the  year  1676,  in  the  height  of 
the  first  general  Indian  war,  as  he  wa£  attending  the  service  at  Boston,  he  fell  sick 
of  a  fever,  and  died  on  the  5th  of  April,  in  the  seventy-first  year  of  his  age,  and  was 
honorably  buried  in  the  same  tomb  with  his  excellent  father. 


UNIVEKSITY 


GEORGE    CALVERT,    CECILIUS    CALVERT    (LORDS 
BALTIMORE),     LEONARD    CALVERT. 

GEORGE  CALVERT — HIS  BIRTH  AND  EDUCATION — IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  SIR  ROBERT  CECIL — HE 
IS  MADE  SECRETARY  CF  STATE — HE  RECEIVES  A  PENSION  FROM  KING  JAMES — BECOMES  A 
CATHOLIC— CREATED  BARON  OF  BALTIMORE — HE  ATTEMPTS  A  SETTLEMENT  AT  NEW 
FOUNDLAND — VISITS  VIRGINIA.— RECEIVES  A  GRANT  OF  THE  TERRITORY  NORTH  OF  THE 
POTOWMACK — HIS  DEATH — HIS  CHARACTER — CECIL  CALVERT — HE  RECEIVES  A  PATENT  OF 
MARYLAND  —  SETTLES  THE  COLONY  —  APPOINTS  HIS  BROTHER,  LEONARD,  GOVERNOR- 
LEONARD  CALVERT — CONDUCTS  SETTLERS  TO  THE  COLONY. 

GEORGE  CALVERT  was  descended  from  a  noble  family  of  Flanders,  and  born  at 
Kipling,  in  Yorkshire  (1582).  He  received  his  education  at  Trinity  College,  in 
Oxford,  and,  after  taking  his  bachelor's  degree  (1597),  traveled  over  the  continent  of 
Europe.  At  his  return  to  England,  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  James  I.,  he  was 
taken  into  the  office  of  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  Secretary  of  State ;  and  when  Sir  Robert 
was  advanced  to  the  Lord  High  Treasurer,  he  retained  Calvert  in  his  service,  and 
employed  him  in  several  weighty  matters  of  state. 

By  the  interest  of  Sir  Robert,  then  Earl  of  Salisbury,  he  was  appointed  one  of  the 
clerks  of  the  council,  and  received  the  honor  of  knighthood  (1617),  and  in  the  following 
year  was  made  Secretary  of  State,  in  the  room  of  Sir  Thomas  Lake.  Conceiving  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham  to  have  been  instrumental  in  his  preferment,  he  presented  him 
with  a  jewel  of  great  value;  but  the  duke  returned  it,  with  a  message  that  he  owed 
his  advancement  to  his  own  merit  and  the  good  pleasure  of  his  sovereign,  who  was 
fully  sensible  of  it.  His  great  knowledge  of  public  business,  and  his  diligence  and 
fidelity  in  conducting  it,  had  rendered  him  very  acceptable  to  the  King,  who  granted 
him  a  pension  of  ^1,000  out  of  the  customs. 

In  1624  he  conscientiously  became  a  Roman  Catholic,  and  having  freely  owned 
his  principles  to  the  King,  resigned  his  office.  This  ingenuous  confession  so  affected 
the  mind  of  James,  that  he  not  only  continued  him  on  the  list  of  Privy  Counselors, 
but  created  him  Baron  of  Baltimore,  in  the  County  of  Longford,  in  Ireland. 

Whilst  he  was  Secretary  of  State  and  one  of  the  committee  of  trade  and  planta- 


222  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

tions,  he  obtained  from  the  King  a  patent  for  the  south-eastern  peninsula  of  New 
foundland,  which  he  named  the  Province  of  Avalon — from  Avalonius,  a  monk,  who 
was  supposed  to  have  converted  the  British  King  Lucius  and  all  his  court  to  Chris 
tianity  ;  in  remembrance  of  which  event  the  Abbey  of  Glastonbury  was  founded  at 
Avalon,  in  Somersetshire.  Sir  George  gave  his  province  this  name,  imagining  it  would 
be  the  first  place  in  North  America  where  the  Gospel  would  be  preached. 

At  Ferryland,  in  his  Provinee  of  Avalon,  he  built  a  fine  house,  and  spent  £25,000 
in  advancing  his  plantation,  which  he  visited  twice  in  person.  But  it  was  so  annoyed 
by  the  French  that  though  he  once  repulsed  and  pursued  their  ships  and  took  sixty 
prisoners,  yet  he  found  his  province  so  much  exposed  to  their  insults  and  the  trouble 
and  expense  of  defending  it  so  very  great,  that  he  was  obliged  to  abandon  it,  and  be 
content  with  the  loss  of  what  he  had  laid  out  in  the  improvement  of  a  territory,  the 
soil  and  climate  of  which  were  considered  as  unfavorable  to  his  views. 

Being  still  inclined  to  form  a  settlement  in  America,  whither  he  might  retire  with 
his  family  and  friends  of  the  same  religious  principles,  he  made  a  visit  to  Virginia,  the 
fertility  and  advantages  of  which  had  been  highly  celebrated,  and  in  which  he  had 
been  interested,  as  one  of  the  adventurers.  But  the  people  there  being  Protestants 
of  the  Church  of  England,  regarded  him  with  a  jealous  eye  on  account  of  his  religion ; 
and  by  their  unwelcome  reception  of  him,  he  was  discouraged  from  settling  within 
their  jurisdiction. 

In  visiting  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake  he  observed  that  the  Virginians  had  established 
trading  houses  on  some  of  the  islands ;  but  that  they  had  not  extended  their  planta 
tions  to  the  northward  of  the  river  Potowmack,  although  the  country  there  was 
equally  valuable  with  that  which  they  had  planted. 

When  he  returned  to  England  he  applied  to  King  Charles  I.  for  the  grant  of  a 
territory  northward  of  the  Potowmack,  and  the  King,  who  had  as  great  an  affection 
for  him  as  had  hi»  father,  James,  readily  complied  with  his  request.  But  owing  to 
the  tedious  forms  of  public  business  before  a  patent  could  be  completed  and  pass  the 
seals,  Lord  Baltimore  died  at  London,  on  the  I5th  of  April,  1632,  in  the  fifty-first  year 
of  his  age. 

The  character  of  this  noble  man  is  thus  drawn.  Though  he  was  a  Roman  Catholic, 
he  kept  himself  disengaged  from  all  interests,  behaving  with  such  moderation  and  pro 
priety,  that  all  parties  were  pleased  with  him,  and  none  complained  of  him.  He  was 
a  man  of  great  good  sense,  not  obstinate  in  his  opinions,  taking  as  much  pleasure  in 
hearing  the  sentiments  of  others  as  in  delivering  his  own.  Whilst  he  was  Secretary 
of  State,  he  examined  all  letters,  and  carried  to  the  King  every  night  an  exact  and 
well-digested  account  of  affairs.  He  agreed  with  Sir  John  Popham  in  the  design  of 
foreign  plantations,  but  differed  in  the  manner  of  executing  it.  Popham  was  for  extir 
pating  the  original  inhabitants ;  Calvert  was  for  civilizing  and  converting  them.  The 
former  was  for  present  profit ;  the  latter  for  reasonable  expectation,  and  for  employing 
Governors  who  were  not  interested  merchants,  but  unconcerned  gentlemen  ;  he  was 
for  granting  liberties  with  caution,  leaving  every  one  to  provide  for  himself  by  his 
own  industry,  and  not  to  depend  on  a  common  interest.  He  left  something  respect 
ing  America  in  writing,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  it  was  ever  printed. 

After  the  death  of  Sir  George,  the  patent  was  again  drawn  in  the  narne  of  his 
eldest  son,  Cecil,  Lord  Baltimore,  and  passed  the  seals  on  the  28th  of  June,  1632. 
The  original  draught  being  in  Latin,  the  patentee  is  called  Cecilius  and  the  country 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE   EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  223 

"  Terra  Maria,  alias  Maryland,"  in  honor  of  Henrietta  Maria,  the  Queen  consort  of 
Charles  I. 

From  the  great  precision  of  this  charter  the  powers  which  it  gives  to  the  proprie 
tor,  and  the  privileges  and  exemptions  which  it  grants  to  the  people,  it  is  evident  that 
Sir  George  himself  was  the  chief  penman  of  it.  One  omission  was  soon  discovered  ; 
no  provision  was  made  that  the  laws  should  be  transmitted  to  the  sovereign  for  his 
approbation  or  disallowance.  The  commissioners  of  trade  and  plantations  made  a 
representation  of  this  defect  to  the  House  of  Commons,  in  1633,  and  an  act  of  Parlia 
ment  was  proposed  as  the  only  remedy. 

The  province  of  Maryland  is  thus  described.  All  that  part  of  a  peninsula  in 
America,  lying  between  the  ocean  on  the  east,  and  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake  on  the 
west  and  divided  from  the  other  part  by  a  right  line  drawn  from  Watkin's  Point,  in 
the  aforesaid  bay,  on  the  west,  to  the  main  ocean  on  the  east.  Thence  to  that  part 
of  Delaware  Bay  on  the  north  which  lieth  under  the  fortieth  degree  of  north  latitude 
from  the  equinoctial,  where  New  England  ends.  Thence  in  a  right  line,  by  the 
degree  aforesaid,  to  the  true  meridian  of  the  first  fountains  of  the  river  Potowmack. 
Thence  following  the  course  of  said  river  to  its  mouth,  where  it  falls  into  the  Bay  of 
Chesapeake.  Thence  on  a  right  line,  across  the  bay  to  Watkin's  Point :  with  all  the 
islands  and  islets  within  these  limits. 

This  region  was  erected  into  a  province,  and  the  proprietor  was  invested  with 
palatine  honors.  In  conjunction  with  the  freemen  or  their  delegates  he  had  legisla 
tive,  and,  in  person,  or  by  officers  of  his  own  appointment,  he  had  executive  powers. 
He  had  also  the  advowson  of  churches,  the  erection  of  manors,  boroughs,  cities,  and 
ports ;  saving  the  liberty  of  fishing  and  drying  fish,  which  was  declared  common  to 
all  the  King's  subjects.  The  charter  provided,  that  if  any  doubts  should  arise  con 
cerning  the  sense  of  it,  such  an  interpretation  should  be  given  as  would  be  most 
favorable  to  the  interest  of  the  proprietor. 

The  territory  is  said  to  be  "  in  the  parts  of  America  not  yet  cultivated,  though 
inhabited  by  a  barbarous  people,"  and  it  is  provided,  that  the  province  "  should  not 
be  holden  or  reputed  as  part  of  Virginia,  or  of  any  other  colony,  but  immediately 
dependent  on  the  Crown  of  England."  These  clauses,  together  with  the  con 
struction  put  on  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  proved  the  ground  of  long  and 
bitter  controversies,  one  of  which  was  not  closed  till  after  the  lapse  of  a  century. 

Twelve  years  before  the  date  of  the  charter  (1620),  John  Porey,  some  time  secre 
tary  of  Virginia,  who  had  sailed  into  the  northern  part  of  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake, 
reported  that  he  found  near  one  hundred  English  people  very  happily  settled  there, 
and  engaged  in  a  fur  trade  with  the  natives.  In  the  year  before  the  date  of  the 
charter  (1631),  King  Charles  had  granted  a  license  under  the  privy  seal  of  Scotland, 
to  Sir  William  Alexander,  proprietor  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  to  William  Cleyborne, 
counselor  and  secretary  of  Virginia,  to  trade  in  those  parts  of  America  for  which 
there  had  not  been  a  patent  granted  to  others  ;  and  sent  an  order  to  the  Governor 
of  Virginia  to  permit  them  freely  to  trade  there.  In  consequence  of  which,  Sir  John 
Harvey  and  his  council,  in  the  same  year,  had  granted  to  the  said  Cleyborne  a  per 
mission  to  sail  and  traffic  to  the  "  adjoining  plantations  of  the  Dutch,  or  to  any  En 
glish  plantation  on  the  territory  of  America."  As  nothing  is  said  in  these  instru 
ments  of  the  Swedes,  v/ho  first  planted  the  shores  of  the  Bay  of  Delaware,  it  has 
been  inferred  by  the  advocates  of  Baltimore,  that  they  had  not  settled  there  previous 


224  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

to  the  charter  of  Maryland  ;  though  the  family  of  Perm  insisted  on  it  as  a  fact,  that 
the  occupancy  of  the  Swedes  was  prior  to  that  period.  In  consequence  of  the 
license  given  to  Cleyborne,  he  and  his  associates  had  made  a  settlement  on  the  Isle 
of  Kent,  far  within  the  limits  of  Maryland  ;  and  claimed  a  monopoly  of  the  trade  of 
the  Chesapeake.  Thc-j  people,  it  is  said,  sent  Burgesses  to  the  Legislature  of 
Virginia,  and  were  considered  as  subject  to  its  jurisdiction,  before  the  establishment 
of  Maryland. 

After  receiving  the  charter,  Lord  Baltimore  began  to  prepare  for  the  collecting 
and  transporting  a  colony  to  America.  At  first  he  intended  to  go  in  person,  but 
afterward  changed  his  mind,  and  appointed  his  brother,  Leonard  Calvert,  Governor, 
with  two  assistants,  Jeremy  Hawly  and  Thomas  Cornwallis.  These,  with  about  two 
hundred  persons,  of  good  families  and  of  the  Roman  Catholic  persuasion,  embarked 
at  Cowes,  at  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  on  the  22d  of  November,  1633,  and  after  a  cir 
cuitous  voyage  through  the  We.st  India  Islands,  touching  first  at  Barbadoes  and  then 
at  St.  Christopher's,  they  came  to  anchor  before  Point  Comfort,  in  Virginia,  on  the 
241)1  of  February,  1634;  and,  on  going  up  to  Jamestown,  delivered  to  Governor 
Harvey  the  letters  which  the  King  had  written  in  their  favor.  The  Governor  and 
his  council  received  them  with  that  civility  which  was  due  to  the  command  of  their 
sovereign  ;  but  they  resolved  "  to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  prior  settlement."  They 
afforded  to  the  new  colony  supplies  of  provision  for  domestic  use,  but  considered 
them  as  intruders  on  their  territory,  and  as  obstructing  that  traffic  from  which  they 
had  derived  and  expected  to  derive  much  advantage. 

On  the  3d  of  March,  Calvert,  with  his  colony,  proceeded  in  the  Bay  of  Chesapeake 
to  the  northward,  and  entered  the  Potowmack,  up  which  he  sailed  twelve  leagues, 
and  came  to  anchor  under  an  island,  which  he  named  St.  Clement.  Here  he  fired  his 
cannon,  erected  a  cross,  and  took  possession  "  in  the  name  of  the  Saviour  of  the  world 
and  the  King  of  England."  Thence  he  went  with  his  pinnaces  fifteen  leagues  higher 
to  the  Indian  town  of  Potowmack,  on  the  Virginia  side  of  the  river,  now  called  New 
Marlborough,  where  he  was  received  in  a  friendly  manner  by  the  guardian  regent,  the 
prince  of  the  country  being  a  minor.  Thence  he  sailed  twelve  leagues  farther,  to  the 
town  of  Piscataway,  on  the  Maryland  side,  where  he  found  Henry  Fleet,  an  English 
man,  who  had  resided  several  years  among  the  natives,  and  was  held  by  them  in  great 
esteem.  He  procured  an  interview  between  Calvert  and  the  Werowance,  or  lord  of 
the  place,  and  officiated  as  their  interpreter.  Calvert,  determining  to  pursue  a  course 
of  conduct  founded  on  pacific  and  honorable  intentions,  asked  the  Werowance  whether 
he  was  willing  that  he  and  his  people  should  settle  in  his  country.  His  answer  was 
short  and  prudent  :  "  I  will  not  bid  you  to  go,  nor  to  stay;  but  you  may  use  your 
own  discretion."  This  interview  was  held  on  board  the  Governor's  pinnace;  the 
natives  on  shore  crowded  to  the  water's  edge  to  look  after  their  sovereign,  and  were 
not  satisfied  of  his  safety  till  he  stood  up  and  showed  himself  to  them. 

Having  made  this  discovery  of  the  river,  and  convinced  the  natives  that  his  de 
signs  were  amicable,  the  Governor,  not  thinking  it  advisable  to  make  his  first  settle 
ment  so  high  up  the  river,  sailed  down  to  the  ships,  taking  Fleet  with  him  for  a  guide. 
The  natives,  who,  when  they  first  saw  the  ships  and  heard  the  guns,  had  fled  from  St. 
Clement's  Island  and  its  neighborhood,  returned  to  their  habitations,  and  seemed  to 
repose  confidence  in  their  new  friends ;  but  this  was  not  deemed  a  proper  station. 
Under  the  conduct  of  Fleet,  the  Governor  visited  a  creek  on  the  northern  side  of  the 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  225 

Potowmack,  about  four  leagues  from  its  mouth,  where  was  an  Indian  village,  sur 
rounded  by  corn-fields,  and  called  Yoacomaco.  Calvert  went  on  shore,  and  acquaint 
ed  the  prince  of  the  place  with  his  intention  ;  who  was  rather  reserved  in  his  answer, 
but  entertained  him  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  gave  him  a  lodging  in  his  own  bed. 

On  the  next  day  he  showed  Calvert  the  country,  which  pleased  him  so  well  that 
he  determined  there  to  fix  his  abode,  and  treated  with  the  prince  about  purchasing 
the  place.  Calvert  presented  him  and  his  principal  men  with  English  cloth,  axes, 
hoes,  and  knives ;  and  they  consented  that  their  new  friends  should  reside  in  one  part 
of  their  town,  and  themselves  in  the  other  part,  till  the  next  harvest ;  when  they 
promised  to  quit  the  place,  and  resign  it  wholly  to  them.  Both  parties  entered  into 
a  contract  to  live  together  in  a  friendly  manner;  or,  if  any  injury  should  be  done  on 
either  side,  the  offending  party  should  make  satisfaction.  Calvert  having  given  them 
what  he  deemed  a  valuable  consideration,  with  which  they  appeared  to  be  content, 
they  readily  quitted  a  number  of  their  houses  and  retired  to  the  others ;  and,  it  being 
the  season  for  planting,  both  parties  went  to  work.  Thus  on  the  2/th  of  March, 
1634,  the  English  colony  took  peaceable  possession  of  the  country  of  Maryland  ;  and 
gave  to  the  town  the  name  of  St.  Mary,  and  to  the  creek  on  which  it  was  situate,  the 
name  of  St.  George. 

The  desire  of  quieting  the  natives  by  giving  them  a  reasonable  and  satisfactory 
compensation  for  their  lands,  is  a  trait  in  the  character  of  the  first  planters  whieh 
will  always  do  honor  to  their  memory. 

It  was  a  fortunate  circumstance  for  these  adventurers  that,  previous  to  their 
arrival,  the  Indians  of  Yoacomaco  had  resolved  to  quit  their  country  and  retire  to 
the  westward,  that  they  might  be  free  from  the  incursions  of  the  Susquehanocks,  a 
powerful  and  warlike  nation  residing  between  the  Bays  of  Chesapeake  and  Delaware, 
who  frequently  invaded  them  and  carried  off  their  provisions  and  women.  Some 
had  actually  removed  and  others  were  preparing  to  follow,  but  were  encouraged  to 
remain  another  season  by  the  presence  of  the  English.  They  lived  on  friendly  terms 
with  the  colony.  The  men  assisted  them  in  hunting  and  fishing,  the  women  taught 
them  to  manage  the  planting  and  culture  of  corn  and  making  it  into  bread,  and  they 
were  compensated  for  their  labor  and  kindness  in  such  tools  and  trinkets  as  were 
pleasing  to  them.  According  to  their  promise  they  quitted  the  place  wholly  in  the 
following  year,  and  the  colony  had  full  and  quiet  possession. 

At  his  first  settlement  in  this  place  Calvert  erected  a  house,  and  mounted  a  guard 
for  the  security  of  his  people  and  stores.  He  was  soon  after  visited  by  Sir  John 
Harvey  and  by  several  of  the  Indian  princes.  At  an  entertainment  on  board  one  of 
the  ships,  the  Werowance  of  Patuxent  was  seated  between  the  Governor  of  Virginia 
and  the  Governor  of  Maryland.  One  of  his  own  subjects  coming  on  board  and  see 
ing  his  sovereign  in  that  situation  started  with  surprise,  thinking  him  a  prisoner,  as 
he  had  been  once  before  to  the  Virginians.  The  Prince  rose  from  the  table  and  sat 
isfied  the  Indian  that  he  was  safe,  which  prevented  his  affectionate  subject  from  leap 
ing  into  the  water  as  he  had  attempted.  This  Werowance  was  so  much  pleased  with 
the  conduct  of  Calvert  and  his  people,  that,  after  many  other  compliments,  he  said 
to  them  at  parting :  "  I  love  the  English  so  well,  that,  if  I  knew  they  would  kill  me, 
I  would  command  my  people  not  to  revenge  my  death ;  because  I  am  sure  they 
would  not  kill  me  but  through  my  own  fault." 

The  colony  had  brought  with  them  English  meal,  but  they  found  Indian  corn  in 
2t) 


226  THE    AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

great  plenty,  both  at  Barbadoes  and  Virginia ;  and,  by  the  next  spring,  they  were 
able  to  export  one  thousand  bushels  to  New  England  and  Newfoundland,  for  which 
they  received  dried  fish  and  other  provisions  in  return.  They  procured  cattle,  swine, 
and  poultry  from  Virginia.  They  were  very  industrious  in  building  houses  and  mak 
ing  gardens,  in  which  they  sowed  the  seeds  of  European  esculent  vegetables,  and 
had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  them  come  to  high  perfection.  They  suffered  much  in 
their  health  by  the  fever  and  ague,  and  many  of  them  died  ;  but,  when  the  sur 
vivors  were  seasoned  to  the  climate,  and  had  learned  the  use  of  indigenous  medic 
inal  remedies,  they  enjoyed  their  health  much  better.  The  country  had  so  many 
natural  advantages  that  it  soon  became  populous.  Many  Roman  Catholic  families 
from  England  resorted  thither,  and  the  proprietor,  with  a  degree  of  wisdom  and 
generosity  then  unparalleled  but  in  Holland,  after  having  established  the  Christian 
religion  upon  the  footing  of  common  law,  granted  liberty  of  conscience  and  equal 
privileges  to  Christians  of  every  denomination.  With  this  essential  benefit  was  con 
nected  security  of  property.  Lands  were  given  in  lots  of  fifty  acres  to  every  emi 
grant  in  absolute  fee  simple.  Under  such  advantages  the  people  thought  them 
selves  so  happy,  that,  in  an  early  period  of  their  colonial  existence,  they  in  return 
granted  to  the  proprietor  a  subsidy  of  fifteen  pounds  of  tobacco  on  every  poll  "  as 
a  testimony  of  their  gratitude  for  his  great  charge  and  solicitude  in  maintaining  the 
government,  in  protecting  the  inhabitants  in  their  rights,  and  for  reimbursing  his 
vast  expense;"  which,  during  the  first  two  years,  exceeded  forty  thousand  pounds 
sterling. 


WILLIAM    PENN. 


WILLIAM  PENN— HIS  BIRTH  AND  EDUCATION— HE  TRAVELS  TO  FRANCE— GOES  TO  IRELAND- 
ATTACHES  HIMSELF  TO  THE  QUAKERS— HIS  ARREST  AND  DISCHARGE — DISCARDED  BY  HIS 
FATHER — BECOMES  AN  ITINERANT  PREACHER— IMPRISONED  IN  THE  TOWER— HIS  SECOND 
JOURNEV  TO  IRELAND— HIS  FATHER  RECONCILED  TO  HIM — HIS  IMPRISONMENT  IN  NEW 
GATE—HE  PLEADS  FOR  THE  QUAKERS  BEFORE  PARLIAMENT— RECEIVES  A  CHARTER  OF 
PENNSYLVANIA — HIS  TERMS  OF  SETTLEMENT — SENDS  A  LETTER  TO  THE  INDIANS — EMBARKS 
WITH  A  NUMBER  OF  QUAKERS  FOR  AMERICA — ARRIVES  AT  NEWCASTLE— GOES  TO  CHESTER 
— NAMES  HIS  SETTLEMENT  PHILADELPHIA — SPECIMEN  OF  HIS  STYLE  OF  PREACHING — HIS 
DEPARTURE  FOR  ENGLAND — HE  PUBLISHES  A  BOOK  ON  THE  LIBERTY  OF  CONSCIENCE — 
SUSPECTED  OF  BEING  AN  ENEMY  TO  KING  WILLIAM— HE  IS  INVOLVED  IN  DEBT — HIS 
PRUDENT  MEASURES — SIGNS  A  NEW  CHARTER — RETURNS  TO  ENGLAND — HIS  EMBARRASS 
MENTS—HIS  DEATH. 

THE  founder  of  Pennsylvania  was  the  grandson  of  Captain  Giles  Penn,  an 
English  Consul  in  the  Mediterranean,  and  the  son  of  Sir  William  Penn,  an  Admiral 
of  the  English  navy,  in  the  protectorate  of  Cromwell,  and  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II., 
in  which  office  he  rendered  very  important  services  to  the  nation,  particularly  by  the 
conquest  of  Jamaica  from  the  Spaniards,  and  in  a  naval  victory  over  the  Dutch. 
William  was  born  October  14,  1644,  in  the  parish  of  St.  Catharine,  near  the  Tower 
of  London,  educated  at  Chigwell,  in  Essex,  and  at  a  private  school  in  London  ;  and 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  22T 

in  the  fifteenth  year  of  his  age  entered  as  a  student  and  gentleman  commoner  of 
Christ  Church,  in  Oxford. 

His  genius  was  bright,  his  disposition  sober  and  studious,  and,  being  possessed 
of  a  lively  imagination  and  a  warm  heart,  the  first  turn  of  his  mind  toward  religious 
subjects  was  attended  with  circumstances  bordering  on  enthusiasm.  Having  re 
ceived  his  first  impressions  from  the  preaching  of  Thomas  Loe,  an  itinerant  Quaker, 
he  conceived  a  favorable  opinion  of  the  flights  and  refinements  of  that  rising  sect, 
which  led  him,  while  at  the  University,  in  conjunction  with  some  other  students,  to 
withdraw  from  the  established  worship,  and  hold  a  private  meeting,  where  they 
preached  and  prayed  their  own  way.  The  discipline  of  the  University  being  very 
strict  in  such  matters,  he  was  fined  for  the  sin  of  nonconformity.  This  served  to  fix 
him  more  firmly  in  his  principles  and  habits,  and  exposed  his  singularity  more  openly 
to  the  world.  His  conduct  being  then  deemed  obstinate,  he  was,  in  the  sixteenth 
year  of  his  age,  expelled  as  an  incorrigible  offender  against  the  laws  of  uniformity. 

On  his  return  home  he  found  his  father  highly  incensed  against  him.  As  neither 
remonstrances,  nor  threatenings,  nor  blows  could  divest  him  of  his  religious  attach 
ments,  he  was,  for  a  while,  turned  out  of  the  house ;  but  by  the  influence  of  his 
mother  he  was  so  far  restored  to  favor  as  to  be  sent  to  France,  in  company  with 
some  persons  of  quality,  with  a  view  to  unbend  his  mind  and  refine  his  manners. 
Here  he  learned  the  language  of  the  country,  and  acquired  such  a  polite  and  courtly 
behavior,  that  his  father,  after  two  years'  absence,  received  him  with  joy,  hoping 
that  the  object  of  his  wishes  was  attained.  He  was  then  admitted  into  Lincoln's 
Inn,  where  he  studied  law  till  the  plague  broke  out  in  1665,  when  he  returned  to  his 
father's  house. 

About  this  time  (1666),  the  King's  coffers  being  low,  and  claims  for  unrewarded 
services  being  importunate,  grants  were  frequently  made  of  lands  in  Ireland;  and 
the  merits  of  Sir  William  Penn  being  not  the  least  conspicuous,  he  received  a  valu 
able  estate  in  the  county  of  Cork,  and  committed  the  management  of  it  to  his  son, 
then  in  the  twenty-second  year  of  his  age.  Here  he  met  with  his  old  friend  Loe,  and 
immediately  attached  himself  to  the  Society  of  Quakers,  though  at  that  time  they 
were  subject  to  severe  persecution.  This  might  have  operated  as  a  discouragement 
to  a  young  gentleman  of  such  quality  and  expectations,  especially  as  he  exposed 
himself  thereby  to  the  renewed  displeasure  of  a  parent  who  loved  him,  had  not  the 
integrity  and  fervor  of  his  mind  induced  him  to  sacrifice  all  worldly  considerations  to 
the  dictates  of  his  conscience. 

It  was  not  long  before  he  was  apprehended  at  a  religious  "  conventicle,"  and,  with 
eighteen  others,  committed  to  prison  by  the  Mayor  of  Cork ;  but  upon  his  writing  a 
handsome  address  to  the  Earl  of  Orrery,  Lord  President  of  Munster,  in  which  he 
very  sensibly  pleaded  for  liberty  of  conscience,  and  professed  his  desire  of  a  peace 
able,  and  his  abhorrence  of  a  tumultuous  and  disrespectful,  separation  from  the 
established  worship,  he  was  discharged.  This  second  stroke  of  persecution  engaged 
him  more  closely  to  the  Quakers.  He  associated  openly  with  them,  and  bore,  with 
calmness  and  patience,  the  cruel  abuse  which  was  liberally  bestowed  on  that  singular 
party. 

His  father,  being  informed  of  his  conduct,  remanded  him  home;  and  though  now 
William's  age  forbade  his  trying  the  force  of  that  species  of  discipline  to  which,  as  a 
naval  commander,  he  had  been  accustomed,  yet  he  plied  him  with  those  arguments 


THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

* 

which  it  was  natural  for  a  man  of  the  world  to  use,  and  which,  to  such  an  one,  would 
have  been  prevailing.  The  principal  one  was  a  threatening  to  disinherit  him  ;  and 
to  this  he  humbly  submitted,  though  he  could  by  no  means  be  persuaded  to  take 
off  his  hat  in  presence  of  the  King,  the  Duke  of  York,  or  his  father.  For  this  in 
flexibility  he  was  again  turned  out  of  doors ;  upon  which  he  commenced  as  an  itinerant 
preacher,  and  had  much  success  in  making  proselytes.  In  these  excursions  the 
opposition  which  he  met  with  from  the  clergy  and  the  magistracy  frequently  brought 
him  into  difficulties,  and  sometimes  to  imprisonment ;  but  his  integrity  was  so  mani 
fest,  and  his  patience  so  invincible,  that  his  father  at  length  became  softened  toward 
him,  and  not  only  exerted  his  interest  to  release  him  from  confinement,  but  winked 
at  his  return  to  the  family  whenever  it  suited  his  convenience.  His  mother  was 
always  his  friend,  and  often  supplied  his  necessities  without  the  knowledge  of  the 
father. 

In  the  year  1668  he  commenced  as  author,  and  having  written  a  book  entitled 
"  The  Sandy  Foundation  Shaken,"  which  gave  great  offense  to  the  spiritual  lords,  he 
was  imprisoned  in  the  Tower,  and  the  visits  of  his  friends  were  forbidden.  But  his 
adversaries  found  him  proof  against  all  their  efforts  to  subdue  him  ;  for  a  message 
being  brought  to  him  by  the  Bishop  of  London,  that  he  must  either  publicly  recant  or  die 
a  prisoner,  his  answer  was :  "  My  prison  shall  be  my  grave.  I  owe  my  conscience  to 
no  man.  They  are  mistaken  in  me  ;  I  value  not  their  threats.  They  shall  know  that 
I  can  weary  out  their  malice,  and  baffle  all  their  designs  by  the  spirit  of  patience." 
During  this  confinement  he  wrote  his  famous  book,  "  No  Cross,  no  Crown,"  and  an 
other,  "  Innocency  with  her  open  face,"  in  which  he  explained  and  vindicated  the 
principles  which  he  had  advanced  in  the  book  for  which  he  was  imprisoned. 
This,  with  a  letter* which  he  wrote  to  Lord  Arlington,  Secretary  of  State,  aided  by 
the  interest  which  his  father  had  at  court,  procured  his  release,  after  seven  months' 
confinement. 

Soon  after  this  he  made  another  visit  to  Ireland  to  settle  his  father's  concerns,  in 
which  he  exerted  himself  with  great  industry  and  success.  Here  he  constantly  ap 
peared  at  the  meetings  of  the  Quakers,  and  not  only  officiated  as  a  preacher,  but  used 
his  interest  with  the  Lord-Lieutenant  and  others  of  his  nobility,  to  procure  indul 
gence  for  them,  and  get  some  of  them  released  from  their  impris9nment. 

In  1670  an  act  of  Parliament  was  made  which  prohibited  the  meetings  of  dissent 
ers  under  severe  penalties.  The  Quakers  being  forcibly  debarred  entering  their 
meeting-house  in  Grace  Church  Street,  London,  assembled  before  it  in  the  street, 
where  Penn  preached  to  a  numerous  concourse,  and  being  apprehended  on  the  spot 
by  a  warrant  from  the  Lord  Mayor,  was  committed  to  Newgate,  and  at  the  next  ses 
sion  took  his  trial  at  the  Old  Bailey,  where  he  pleaded  his  own  cause  with  the  free 
dom  of  an  Englishman  and  the  magnanimity  of  a  hero.  The  jury  at  first  brought 
in  their  verdict,  "guilty  of  speaking  in  Grace  Church  Street ;  "  but  this  being  unsatis 
factory  to  the  Court,  they  were  detained  all  night,  and  the  next  day  returned  their 
verdict,  "  not  guilty."  The  Court  were  highly  incensed  against  them,  fined  them  forty 
marks  each,  and  imprisoned  them  along  with  Penn,  till  their  fines  and  fees  were  paid. 
An  unlucky  expression  which  dropped  from  the  recorder  on  this  trial,  rendered  the 
cause  of  the  Quakers  popular,  and  their  persecutors  odious :  "  It  will  never  be  well 
with  us,"  said  the  infamous  Sir  John  Howell,  "till  something  like  the  Spanish  Inqui 
sition  be  established  in  England."  The  triumph  of  Penn  was  complete  ;  being  ac- 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF  THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  229 

quitted  by  his  peers,  he  was  released  from  prison,  on  the  payment  of  his  fees,  and 
returned  to  the  zealous  exercise  of  his  ministry. 

His  conduct  under  this  prosecution  did  him  great  honor.  His  father  became  per 
fectly  reconciled  to  him,  and  soon  after  died,  leaving  his  parental  blessing  and  a 
plentiful  estate.  This  accession  of  fortune  made  no  alteration  in  his  manners  or 
habits ;  he  continued  to  preach,  to  write,  and  to  travel  as  before,  and  within  a  few 
months  afterward,  was  taken  up  again  for  preaching  in  the  street,  and  carried  to  the 
Tower;  from  whence,  after  a  long  examination,  he  was  sent  to  Newgate,  and  being 
discharged  without  any  trial,  at  the  end  of  nine  months,  he  went  over  to  Holland  and 
Germany,  where  he  continued  traveling  and  preaching,  till  the  King  published  his 
declaration  of  indulgence  to  tender  consciences  ;  upon  which  he  returned  to  England, 
married  a  daughter  of  Sir  William  Springet,  and  settled  at  Rickmansworth,  in  Here 
fordshire,  where  he  pursued  his  studies,  and  multiplied  his  controversial  writings  for 
about  five  years. 

In  1677  he  "  had  a  drawing  "to  renew  his  travels  in  Holland  and  Germany,  in 
company  with  Fox,  Barclay,  Keith,  and  several  others  of  his  brethren.  The  induce 
ment  to  this  journey  was  the  candid  reception  which  had  been  given  by  divines, 
and  other  learned  men  in  Germany,  to  the  sentiments  of  every  well-meaning  preacher 
who  dissented  from  the  Church  of  Rome.  In  the  course  of  these  travels  they  set 
tled  the  order  of  church  government,  discipline,  correspondence,  and  marriage 
among  their  friends  in  Holland  ;  dispersed  their  books  among  all  sorts  of  people 
who  were  inclined  to  receive  them  ;  visited  many  persons  of  distinction,  and  wrote 
letters  to  others,  particularly  to  the  King  of  Poland  and  the  Elector  Palatine.  They 
were  received  very  courteously  by  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  granddaughter  of  King 
James  I.,  then  resident  at  Herwerden,  who,  though  not  perfectly  initiated  into  the 
mystery  of  "  the  holy  silence,"  yet  had  been  brought  to  "  a  waiting  frame,"  and 
admitted  them  to  several  private  meetings  and  conferences  in  her  apartments,  in 
company  with  the  Countess  of  Homes,  and  other  ladies,  her  attendants;  and  after 
ward  kept  up  a  correspondence  with  Mr.  Penn  till  her  death. 

On  his  return  to  England,  he  found  his  friends  suffering  by  the  operation  of  a 
law  made  against  Papists,  the  edge  of  which  was  unjustly  turned  against  them.  The 
law  required  a  certain  oath  to  be  tendered  to  those  who  were  suspected  of  popery; 
and  because  the  Quakers  denied  the  lawfulness  of  oaths  in  any  case  whatever,  they 
were  obliged  to  bear  the  penalty  annexed  to  the  refusal  of  this  oath,  which  was  no 
less  than  a  fine  of  twenty  pounds  per  month,  or  two-thirds  of  their  estate.  By 
Penn's  advice  they  petitioned  the  Parliament  for  redress  of  this  grievance,  and  after 
explaining  the  reason  of  their  declining  the  oath,  offered  to  give  their  word  to  the 
same  purport,  and  to  submit  to  the  penalty,  "  if  they  should  be  found  faulty."  Penn 
had  a  hearing  before  a  committee  of  Parliament,  when  he  pleaded  the  cause  of  his 
friends  and  of  himself,  in  a  sensible,  decent,  convincing  manner  ;  and  what  he  said 
had  so  much  weight,  that  the  committee  agreed  to  insert  in  a  bill  then  pending,  a 
proviso  for  their  relief.  The  bill  passed  the  Commons,  but  before  it  could  be  got 
through  the  House  of  Lords,  it  was  lost  by  a  sudden  prorogation  of  Parliament. 

We  have  hitherto  viewed  Mr.  Penn  as  a  Christian  and  a  preacher ;  and  he  appears 
to  have  been  honest,  zealous,  patient,  and  industrious  in  the  concerns  of  religion. 
His  abilities  and  his  literary  acquirements  were  eminently  serviceable  to  the  frater 
nity  with  which  he  was  connected  ;  and  it  was  owing  to  his  exertions,  in  conjunction 


230  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

with  Barclay  and  Keith,  that  they  were  formed  into  order,  and  that  a  regular  cor 
respondence  and  discipline  were  established  among  the  several  societies  of  them 
dispersed  in  Europe  and  America.  His  writings  served  to  give  the  world  a  more 
just  and  favorable  idea  of  their  principles,  than  could  be  had  from  the  harangue  of 
illiterate  preachers,  or  the  rhapsodies  of  enthusiastic  writers ;  while  his  family  and 
fortune  procured  for  them  a  degree  of  respectability  at  home  and  abroad.  His  con 
troversial  writings  are  modest,  candid,  and  persuasive.  His  book,  entitled  "The 
Christian  Quaker,"  is  a  sensible  vindication  of  the  doctrine  of  Universal  Saving 
Light.  His  style  is  clear  and  perspicuous;  and  though  he  does  not  affect  so  much 
scholastic  subtility  in  his  argumentation  as  his  friend  Barclay,  yet  he  is  by  no  means 
inferior  to  him  in  solidity  of  reasoning.  His  character  is  thus  drawn  by  the  editor 
of  his  works:  "Our  worthy  friend,  William  Penn,  was  known  to  be  a  man  of  great 
abilities;  of  an  excellent  sweetness  of  disposition;  of  quick  thought  and  ready 
utterance  ;  full  of  love,  without  dissimulation  ;  as  extensive  in  charity  as  comprehen 
sive  in  knowledge,  so  ready  to  forgive  enemies,  that  the  ungrateful  were  not  except- 
ed.  He  was  learned  without  vanity ;  apt  without  forwardness ;  facetious  in  con 
versation,  yet  weighty  and  serious ;  of  an  extraordinary  greatness  of  mind,  yet  void 
of  the  stain  of  ambition." 

We  shall  now  view  him  in  the  character  of  a  legislator,  in  which  respect  his  learn 
ing,  his  sufferings,  his  acquaintance  with  mankind,  and  his  genuine  liberality,  were  of 
great  use  to  him.  Among  his  various  studies  he  had  not  omitted  to  acquaint  him 
self  with  the  principles  of  law  and  government;  and  he  had  more  especial  induce 
ments  to  this,  from  the  prosecutions  and  arrests  which  he  frequently  suffered,  into 
the  legality  of  which  it  was  natural  for  him  to  inquire.  He  had  observed  in  his  travels 
abroad,  as  well  as  in  his  acquaintance  at  home,  the  workings  of  arbitrary  power  and 
the  mischiefs  of  usurpation  ;  and  he  had  studied  the  whole  controversy  between  regal 
and  popular  claims :  the  result  of  which  was,  that  government  must  be  founded  in 
justice,  and  exercised  with  moderation.  One  of  his  maxims  was,  that  "the  people 
being  the  wife-politic  of  the  prince,  is  better  managed  by  wisdom  than  ruled  by  force." 
His  own  feelings,  as  well  as  reflections,  led  him  to  adopt  the  most  liberal  idea  of  tol 
eration.  Freedom  of  profession  and  inquiry,  and  a  total  abhorrence  of  persecution 
for  conscience  sake,  were  his  darling  principles ;  and  it  is  a  singular  circumstance  in 
the  history  of  mankind,  that  Divine  Providence  should  give  to  such  a  man  as  William 
Penn  an  opportunity  to  make  a  fair  and  consistent  experiment  of  these  excellent  max 
ims,  by  establishing  a  colony  in  America  on  the  most  liberal  principles  of  toleration, 
at  a  time  when  the  policy  of  the  oldest  nations  in  Europe  was' ineffectually  employed 
in  endeavoring  to  reduce  the  active  minds  of  men  to  a  most  absurd  uniformity  in 
articles  of  faith  and  modes  of  worship. 

It  has  been  observed  that  his  father,  Sir  William  Penn,  had  merited  much  by  his 
services  in  the  English  navy.  There  were  also  certain  debts  due  to  him  from  the 
Crown  at  the  time  of  his  death,  which  the  royal  treasures  were  poorly  able  to  dis 
charge.  His  son,  after  much  solicitation,  found  no  prospect  of  getting  his  due,  in  the 
common  mode  of  payment,  and  therefore  turned  his  thoughts  toward  obtaining  a 
grant  of  land  in  America,  on  which  he  might  make  the  experiment  of  settling  a  col 
ony,  and  establishing  a  government  suited  to  his  own  principles  and  views. 

Mr.  Penn  had  been  concerned,  with  several  other  Quakers,  in  purchasing  of  Lord 
Berkeley  his  patent  of  West  Jersey  ;  to  make  a  settlement  for  their  persecuted 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE   EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  231 

brethren  in  England,  many  of  whom  transported  themselves  thither  in  hope  of  an  ex 
emption  from  the  troubles  which  they  had  endured  from  the  execution  of  the  penal 
laws  against  dissenters.  But  they  found  themselves  subject  to  the  arbitrary  imposi 
tions  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  who  governed  the  Duke  of  York's  territory,  and  exer 
cised  the  jurisdiction  over  all  the  settlements  on  both  sides  the  Delaware.  Penn  and 
his  associates  remonstrated  against  his  conduct,  but  their  efforts  proved  ineffectual. 
However,  the  concern  which  Penn  had  in  this  purchase  gave  him  not  only  a  taste  for 
speculating  in  landed  interest,  but  a  knowledge  of  the  middle  region  of  the  American 
coasts  ;  and  being  desirous  of  acquiring  a  separate  estate,  where  he  might  realize  his 
sanguine  wishes,  he  had  great  advantage  in  making  inquiry  and  determining  on  a 
place. 

Having  examined  all  the  former  grants  to  the  companies  of  Virginia  and  New  En 
gland,  the  Lord  Baltimore  and  the  Duke  of  York,  he  fixed  upon  a  territory  bounded 
on  the  east  by  the  bay  and  river  of  Delaware,  extending  southward  to  Lord  Balti 
more's  province  of  Maryland,  westward  as  far  as  the  western  extent  of  Maryland,  and 
northward  "as  far  as  plantable."  For  this  he  petitioned  the  King;  and  being  ex 
amined  before  the  Privy  Council,  on  the  I4th  of  June,  concerning  those  words  of  his 
petition,  "  as  far  as  plantable,"  he  declared  "  that  he  should  be  satisfied  with  the  ex 
tent  of  three  degrees  of  latitude ;  and  that  in  lieu  of  such  a  grant,  he  was  willing  to 
remit  his  debt  from  the  Crown,  or  some  part  of  it,  and  to  stay  for  the  remainder  till 
his  Majesty  should  be  in  a  better  condition  to  satisfy  it." 

Notice  of  this  application  was  given  to  the  agents  of  the  Duke  of  York  and  Lord 
Baltimore,  and  inquiry  was  made  how  far  the  pretensions  of  Penn  might  consist  with 
the  grants  already  made  to  them.  The  peninsula  between  the  bays  of  Chesapeake 
and  Delaware  had  been  planted  by  detached  companies  of  Swedes,  Finlanders,  Dutch, 
and  English.  It  was  first  by  force,  and  afterward  by  treaty,  brought  under  the  do 
minion  of  the  Crown  of  England.  That  part  of  it  which  bordered  on  the  Delaware 
was  within  the  Duke  of  York's  patent,  while  that  which  joined  on  the  Chesapeake 
was  within  the  grant  to  Lord  Baltimore. 

The  Duke's  agent  consented  that  Penn  should  have  the  land  west  of  Delaware 
and  north  of  Newcastle,  "  in  consideration  of  the  reason  he  had  to  expect  favor 
from  his  Majesty."  Lord  Baltimore's  agent  petitioned  that  Penn's  grant  might 
be  expressed  to  lie  north  of  Susquehannah  fort,  and  of  a  line  drawn  east  and  west 
from  it,  and  that  he  might  not  be  allowed  to  sell  arms  and  ammunition  to  the  In 
dians.  To  these  restrictions  Penn  had  no  objection. 

The  draft  of  a  charter  being  prepared,  it  was  submitted  to  Lord  Chief-Justice 
North,  who  was  ordered  to  provide  by  fit  clauses  for  the  interest  of  the  King  and  the 
encouragement  of  the  planters.  While  it  was  under  consideration,  the  Bishop' of 
London  petitioned  that  Penn  might  be  obliged  by  his  pateut  to  admit  a  chaplain  of 
his  lordship's  appointment,  at  the  request  of  any  number  of  the  planters.  The 
giving  a  name  to  the  province  was  left  to  the  King. 

The  charter,  consisting  of  twenty-three  sections,  "penned  with  all  the  appearance 
of  candor  and  simplicity,"  was  signed  and  sealed  by  King  Charles  II.,  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1681.  It  constitutes  William  Penn,  and  his  heirs,  true  and  absolute  proprie 
taries  of  the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  saving  to  the  Crown  their  allegiance  and  the 
sovereignty.  It  gives  him,  his  heirs  and  their  deputies,  power  to  make  laws  "  for 
the  good  and  happy  government  of  the  country,"  by  advice  of  the  freemen,  and  to 


232  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

erect  courts  of  justice  for  the  execution  of  those  laws,  provided  they  be  not  repug 
nant  to  the  laws  of  England.  For  the  encouragement  of  planters,  they  were  to 
enjoy  the  privileges  of  English  subjects,  paying  the  same  duties  in  trade;  and  no 
taxes  were  to  be  levied  on  them,  but  by  their  own  Assemblies  or  by  acts  of  Parlia 
ment.  With  respect  to  religion,  no  more  is  said  than  what  the  Bishop  of  London 
had  suggested,  that  if  twenty  inhabitants  should  desire  a  preacher  of  his  lordship's 
approbation,  he  should  be  allowed  to  reside  in  the  province.  This  was  perfectly 
agreeable  to  Mr.  Penn's  professed  principles  of  liberty  of  conscience ;  but  it  may 
seem  rather  extraordinary  that  this  distinguished  leader  of  a  sect,  who  so  pointedly 
denied  the  lawfulness  of  war,  should  accept  the  powers  given  him  in  the  sixteenth 
article  of  the  charter,  "  to  levy,  muster,  and  train  all  sorts  of  men  ;  to  pursue  and 
vanquish  enemies;  to  take  and  put  them  to  death  by  the  laws  of  war;  and  to  do 
everything  which  belonged  to  the  office  of  Captain-General  in  an  army."  Mr.  Penn, 
for  reasons  of  state,  might  find  it  convenient  that  he  and  his  heirs  should  be  thus  in 
vested  with  the  power  of  the  sword,  though  it  was  impossible  for  him  or  them  to 
exercise  it,  without  first  apostatizing  from  their  religious  profession. 

The  charter  being  thus  obtained,  he  found  himself  authorized  to  agree  with  such 
persons  as  were  disposed  to  be  adventurers  to  his  new  province.  By  a  public  adver 
tisement,  he  invited  purchasers,  and  described  the  country  with  a  display  of  the  ad 
vantages  which  might  be  expected  from  a  settlement  in  it.  This  induced  many 
single  persons,  and  some  families,  chiefly  of  the  denomination  of  Quakers,  to  think 
of  a  removal.  A  number  of  merchants  and  others  formed  themselves  into  a  com 
pany,  for  the  sake  of  encouraging  the  settlement  and  trade  of  the  country,  and 
purchased  twenty  thousand  acres  of  his  land.  They  had  a  president,  treasurer, 
secretary,  and  a  committee  of  twelve,  who  resided  in  England  and  transacted  their 
common  business.  Their  objects  were  to  encourage  the  manufacturers  of  leather 
and  glass,  the  cutting  and  sawing  of  timber,  and  the  whale-fishery. 

The  land  was  sold  at  the  rate  of  twenty  pounds  for  every  thousand  acres. 
They  who  rented  lands  were  to  pay  one  penny  yearly  per  acre.  Servants,  when 
their  terms  were  expired,  were  entitled  to  fifty  acres,  subject  to  two  shillings  per 
annum;  and  their  masters  were  allowed  fifty  acres  for  each  servant  so  liberated,  but 
subject  to  four  shillings  per  annum  ;  or  if  the  master  should  give  the  servant  fifty 
acres  out  of  his  own  division,  he  might  receive  from  the  proprietor  one  hundred 
acres,  subject  to  six  shillings  per  annum.  In  every  hundred  thousand  acres,  the 
proprietor  reserved  ten  for  himself. 

The  quit  rents  were  not  agreed  to  without  difficulty.  The  purchasers  remon 
strated  against  them  as  a  burden,  unprecedented  in  any  other  American  colony. 
But  Peun  distinguished  between  the  character  of  proprietor  and  Governor,  urging 
the  necessity  of  supporting  government  with  dignity,  and  that  by  complying  with 
this  expedient,  they  would  be  freed  from  other  taxes.  Such  distinctions  are  very 
convenient  to  a  politician,  and  by  this  insinuation  the  point  was  carried :  upon 
which  it  was  remarked  (perhaps  too  severely),  that  "  less  of  the  man  of  God  now 
appeared,  and  more  of  the  man  of  the  world." 

According  to  the  powers  given  by  the  charter  "  for  regulating  and  governing 
property  within  the  province,"  he  entered  into  certain  articles  with  the  purchasers 
and  adventurers  (July  u,  1681)  which  were  entitled  "Conditions  and  Concessions." 
These  related  to  the  laying  out  roads,  city  and  country  lots,  the  privilege  of  water 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  233 

courses,  the  property  of  mines  and  minerals,  the  reservation  of  timber  and  mulberry 
trees,  the  terms  of  improvement  and  cultivation,  the  traffic  with  the  Indians  and  the 
means  of  preserving  peace  with  them,  of  preventing  debtors  and  other  defaulters 
from  making  their  escape,  and  of  preserving  the  morals  of  the  planters  by  the  exe 
cution  of  the  penal  laws  of  England  till  an  Assembly  should  meet. 

These  preliminaries  being  adjusted,  the  first  colony  under  his  authority  came  over 
to  America  and  began  their  settlement  above  the  confluence  of  the  Schuylkill  with 
the  Delaware.  By  them  the  proprietor  sent  a  letter  to  the  Indians  informing  them 
that  "  the  GREAT  GOD  had  been  pleased  to  make  him  concerned  in  their  part  of  the 
world,  and  that  the  King  of  the  country  where  he  lived  had  given  him  a  great  prov 
ince  therein,  but  that  he  did  not  desire  to  enjoy  it  without  their  consent ;  that  he 
was  a  man  of  peace,  and  that  the  people  whom  he  sent  were  of  the  same  disposition  ; 
but  if  any  difference  should  happen  between  them,  it  might  be  adjusted  by  an  equal 
number  of  men  chosen  on  both  sides."  With  this  letter  he  appointed  commis 
sioners  to  treat  with  the  Indians  about  purchasing  land,  and  promised  them  that  he 
would  shortly  come  and  converse  with  them  in  person. 

About  this  time  (November,  1681)  he  was  elected  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society. 
The  next  spring  he  completed  a  frame  of  government  (April  25,  1682),  with  the 
express  design  "  to  support  power  in  reverence  with  the  people,  and  to  secure  the 
people  from  the  abuse  of  power."  It  is  prefaced  with  a  long  discourse  on  the  nat 
ure,  origin,  use,  and  abuse  of  government ;  which  shows  that  he  had  not  only  well 
studied  the  subject,  but  that  he  was  fond  of  displaying  his  knowledge. 

By  this  frame  of  government  there  was  to  be  a  Provincial  Council,  consisting  of 
seventy-two  persons  (answering  to  the  number  of  elders  in  the  Jewish  sanhedrim), 
who  were  to  be  divided  into  three  classes — twenty-four  to  serve  for  three  years, 
twenty-four  for  two  years,  and  twenty-four  for  one  year — the  vacancies  thus  made  to 
be  supplied  by  new  elections ;  and,  after  seven  years,  every  one  of  those  who  went 
off  yearly  were  to  be  incapable  of  re-election  for  one  year  following.  This  rotation 
was  intended  "that  all  might  be  fitted  for  government  and  have  experience  of  the 
care  and  burthen  of  it."  Of  this  council  two-thirds  were  to  be  a  quorum,  and  the 
consent  of  two-thirds  of  this  quorum  was  to  be  had  in  all  matters  of  moment ;  but 
in  matters  of  lesser  moment,  one-third  might  be  a  quorum,  the  majority  of  whom 
might  determine.  The  distinction  between  matters  of  moment  and  of  lesser  mo 
ment  was  not  defined,  nor  was  it  declared  who  was  to  be  judge  of  the  distinction. 
The  Governor  was  not  to  have  a  negative,  but  a  treble  voice.  The  Council  were  to 
prepare  and  propose  bills  to  the  General  Assembly,  which  were  to  be^published 
thirty  days  before  its  meeting.  When  met,  the  Assembly  might  deliberate  eight 
days ;  but  on  the  ninth  were  to  give  their  assent  or  dissent  to  the  proposed  biJls — 
two-thirds  of  them  to  be  a  quorum.  With  respect  to  the  number  of  the  Assembly, 
it  was  provided  that  the  first  year  all  the  freemen  in  person  might  compose  it ;  after 
ward,  a  delegation  of  two  hundred,  which  might  be  increased  to  five  hundred.  The 
Governor  with  the  Council  to  be  the  supreme  executive,  with  a  parental  and  prudential 
authority,  and  to  be  divided  into  four  departments  of  eighteen  each — one  of  which 
was  called  a  committee  of  plantations,  another  of  justice  and  safety,  another  of  trade 
and  revenue,  and  another  of  manners,  education,  and  arts. 

To  this  frame  of  government  was  subjoined  a  body  of  fundamental  laws  agreed 
upon  by  Penn  and  the  adventurers  in  London,  which  respected  moral,  political,  and 
30 


234  THE    AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

economical  matters,  which  were  not  to  be  altered  but  by  the  consent  of  the  Gov 
ernor  or  his  heirs,  and  six  parts  in  the  seven  of  the  freemen  met  in  Provincial  Coun 
cil  and  Assembly.  In  this  code  we  find  that  celebrated  declaration  which  has  con 
tributed  more  than  anything  else  to  the  prosperity  of  Pennsylvania,  viz,  "  That  all 
persons  living  in  the  province,  who  confess  and  acknowledge  the  ONE  almighty  and 
eternal  GOD  to  be  the  Creator,  Upholder,  and  Ruler  of  the  world,  and  hold  them 
selves  obliged  in  conscience  to  live  peaceably  and  justly  in  civil  society,  shall  in  no 
ways  be  molested  for  their  religious  persuasion  or  practice  in  matters  of  faith  and  wor 
ship  ;  nor  shall  they  be  compelled  at  any  time  to  frequent  or  maintain  any  religious 
worship,  place,  or  ministry  whatever."  To  which  was  added  another  equally  conducive 
to  the  welfare  of  society  :  "  That,  according  to  the  good  example  of  the  primitive  Chris 
tians  and  the  ease  of  the  creation,  every  first  day  of  the  week,  called  the  Lord's  day, 
people  shall  abstain  from  their  common  daily  labor,  that  they  may  the  better  dispose 
themselves  to  worship  God  according  to  their  understandings." 

These  laws  were  an  original  compact  between  the  Governor  and  the  freemen  of 
the  colony.  They  appear  to  be  founded  in  wisdom  and  equity,  and  some  of  them 
have  been  copied  into  the  declarations  of  rights  prefixed  to  several  of  the  present 
republican  constitutions  in  America.  The  system  of  government  which  Penn  pro 
duced  has  been  regarded  as  an  Utopian  project ;  but,  though  in  some  parts  visionary 
and  impracticable,  yet  it  was  liberal  and  popular,  calculated  to  gain  adventurers  with 
a  prospect  of  republican  advantages.  Some  of  its  provisions,  particularly  the  rotation 
of  the  Council,  have  been  adopted  by  a  very  enlightened  body  of  American  legislators, 
after  the  expiration  of  a  century.  The  experiment  is  now  in  operation,  and  without 
experiment  nothing  can  be  fairly  decided  in  the  political  any  more  than  in  the 
physical  world. 

Having,  by  the  help  of  Sir  William  Jones  and  other  gentlemen  of  the  long  robe, 
constructed  a  plan  of  government  for  his  colony,  Mr.  Penn  prepared  to  make  the 
voyage  to  America,  that  he  might  attempt  the  execution  of  it. 

A  part  of  the  lands  comprehended  within  his  grant  had  been  subject  to  the  gov 
ernment,  which  was  exercised  by  the  deputy  of  the  Duke  of  York.  To  prevent  any 
difficulty,  he  thought  it  convenient  to  obtain  from  the  Duke  a  deed  of  sale  of  the 
province  of  Pennsylvania,  which  he  did  on  the  2ist  of  August,  1682;  and  by  two 
subsequent  deeds,  in  the  same  month,  the  Duke  conveyed  to  him  the  town  of  New 
castle,  situate  on  the  western  side  of  the  Delaware,  with  a  circle  of  twelve  miles 
radius  from  the  center  of  the  town,  and  from  thence  extending  southerly  to  the 
Hoar  Kills,  at  Cape  Hcnlopen,  the  western  point  of  the  entrance  of  Delaware  Bay  ; 
which  tract  contained  the  settlements  made  by  the  Dutch,  Swedes,  and  Fins.  This 
was  called  the  Territory,  in  distinction  from  the  Province,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  was 
divided  into  three  counties,  Newcastle,  Kent,  and  Sussex. 

At  this  time  the  penal  laws  against  dissenters  were  executed  with  rigor  in  En 
gland,  which  made  many  of  the  Quakers  desirous  of  accompanying  or  following  Penn 
into  America,  where  they  had  a  prospect  ol  the  most  extensive  liberty  of  conscience. 
Having  chosen  some  for  his  particular  companions,  he  embarked  with  them  in 
August,  1682,  and  from  the  Downs,  where  the  ship  lay  waiting  for  a  wind,  he  wrote 
an  affectionate  letter  to  his  friends,  which  he  called  "  a  farewell  to  England."  After 
a  pleasant  passage  of  six  weeks,  they  came  within  sight  of  the  American  coast,  and 
were  refreshed  by  the  land  breezes,  at  the  distance  of  twelve  leagues.  As  the  ship 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  235 

sailed  up  the  Delaware,  the  inhabitants  came  on  board,  and  saluted  the  new  Governor 
with  an  air  of  joy  and  satisfaction.  He  landed  at  Newcastle,  and  summoned  the 
people  to  meet  him,  when  possession  of  the  soil  was  given  him  in  the  legal  form  of 
that  day;  and  he  entertained  them  with  a  speech,  explaining  the  purpose  of  his 
coming  and  the  views  of  his  government,  assuring  them  of  his  intention  to  preserve 
civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  exhorting  them  to  peace  and  sobriety.  Having 
renewed  the  commissions  of  their  former  magistrates,  he  went  to  Chester,  where  he 
repeated  the  same  things,  and  received  their  congratulations.  The  Swedes  appointed 
a  delegate  to  compliment  him  on  his  arrival,  and  to  assure  him  of  their  affection  and 
fidelity. 

At  this  time  the  number  of  inhabitants  was  about  three  thousand.  The  first 
planters  were  the  Dutch,  and  after  them  the  Swedes  and  Fins.  There  had  been 
formerly  disputes  among  them,  but  for  above  twenty  years  they  had  been  in  a  state 
of  peace.  The  Dutch  were  settled  on  the  bay,  and  applied  themselves  chiefly  to 
trade  ;  at  Newcastle  they  had  a  court-house  and  a  place  of  worship.  The  Swedes 
and  Fins  lived  higher  up  the  river,  and  followed  husbandry.  Their  settlements  were 
Christina,  Tenecum,  and  Wicoco  ;  at  each  of  which  they  had  a  church.  They  were  a 
plain,  robust,  sober,  and  industrious  people,  and  most  of  them  had  large  families.  The 
colony  which  Penn  had  sent  the  year  before  began  their  settlement  above  Wicoco, 
and  it  was,  by  special  direction  of  the  proprietor,  called  PHILADELPHIA.  The  prov 
ince  was  divided  into  three  counties,  Chester,  Buckingham,  and  Philadelphia. 

Three  principal  objects  engaged  the  attention  of  Mr.  Penn ;  one  was  to  unite  the 
territory  with  the  province ;  another  was  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  the  Indians ; 
and  the  third  was  to  lay  out  a  capital  city. 

The  first  was  entered  upon  immediately.  Within  a  month  after  his  arrival  he 
called  a  General  Assembly  at  Chester,  when  the  Constitution,  which  had  been  formed 
in  England,  was  to  undergo  an  experiment. 

The  freemen  both  of  the  province  and  territory  were  summoned  to  compose  this 
Assembly  in  person.  Instead  of  which,  they  elected  twelve  members  in  each  county, 
amounting  in  all  to  seventy-two,  the  precise  number  which  by  the  frame  of  govern 
ment  was  to  compose  one  house  only.  The  elections  were  accompanied  by  petitions 
to  the  Governor,  importing  that  the  fewness  of  the  people,  their  inability  in  estate, 
and  unskillfulness  in  government,  would  not  permit  them  to  serve  in  so  large  a  coun 
cil  and  assembly,  and  therefore  it  was  their  desire  that  the  twelve  now  returned  from 
each  county,  might  serve  both  for  Provincial  Council  and  General  Assembly,  with  the 
same  powers  and  privileges  which  by  the  charter  were  granted  to  the  whole." 

The  members  were  accordingly  distributed  into  two  houses ;  three  out  of  each 
county  made  a  council,  consisting  of  eighteen,  and  the  remaining  part  formed  an 
Assembly  of  fifty-four.  In  this  Assembly  was  passed  "  the  act  of  settlement,"  in 
which  the  frame  of  government  made  in  England,  being  styled  a  probationary  act,  was 
so  far  changed,  as  that  three  persons  of  each  county  might  compose  the  Council, 
and  fix  the  Assembly.  After  several  other  "  variations,  explanations,  and  additions," 
requested  by  the  Assembly,  and  yielded  to  by  the  Governor,  the  aforesaid  charter 
and  frame  of  government  was  "  recognized  and  accepted,  as  if  with  these  alterations 
it  was  supposed  to  be  complete."  The  Assembly  is  styled  "  the  General  Assembly 
of  the  province  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  territories  thereunto  belonging." 

Thus  the  lower  counties  at  this  time  manifested  their  willingness  to  be  united 


836  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

with  the  province  of  Pennsylvania  ;  but  the  proprietor  had  not  received  from  the 
Crown  any  right  of  jurisdiction  over  that  territory,  though  the  Duke  had  sold  him 
the  right  of  soil,  and  it  was  not  in  the  power  of  the  people,  as  subjects  of  the  King 
of  England,  to  put  themselves  under  any  form  of  government,  without  the  royal 
authority.  The  want  of  this,  with  the  operation  of  other  causes,  produced  difficul 
ties  which  afterward  rendered  this  union  void,  and  the  three  lower  counties  had  a 
separate  Assembly,  though  under  the  same  Governor. 

Mr.  Penn's  next  object  was  to  treat  with  the  natives.  The  benevolence  of  his 
disposition  led  him  to  exercise  great  tenderness  toward  them,  which  was  much  in 
creased  by  an  opinion  which  he  had  formed,  and  which  he  openly  avowed,  that  they 
were  descendants  of  the  ten  dispersed  tribes  of  Israel.  He  traveled  into  the  country, 
visited  them  in  their  cabins,  was  present  at  their  feasts,  conversed  with  them  in  a  free 
and  familiar  manner,  and  gained  their  affection  by  his  obliging  carriage,  and  his  fre 
quent  acts  of  generosity.  But  on  public  occasions  he  received  them  with  ceremony, 
and  transacted  business  with  solemnity  and  order. 

In  one  of  his  excursions  in  the  winter  he  found  a  chief  warrior  sick,  and  his  wife 
preparing  to  sweat  him,  in  the  usual  manner,  by  pouring  water  on  a  heap  of  hot 
stones,  in  a  closely-covered  hut,  and  then  plunging  him  into  the  river,  through  a  hole 
cut  in  the  ice.  To  divert  himself  during  the  sweating  operation,  the  chief  sang  the 
achievements  of  his  ancestors,  then  his  own,  and  concluded  his  song  with  this  reflec 
tion  :  "  Why  are  we  sick,  and  these  strangers  well  ?  It  seems  as  if  they  were  sent  to 
inherit  the  land  in  our  stead  !  Ah  !  it  is  because  they  love  the  Great  Spirit,  and  we 
do  not ! '  The  sentiment  was  rational,  and  such  as  often  occurred  to  the  sagacious 
among  the  natives.  We  can  not  suppose  it  was  disagreeable  to  Mr.  Penn,  whose 
view  was  to  impress  them  with  an  idea  of  his  honest  and  pacific  intentions,  and  to 
make  a  fair  bargain  with  them. 

Some  of  their  chiefs  made  him  a  voluntary  present  of  the  land  which  they 
claimed ;  others  sold  it  at  a  stipulated  price.  The  form  of  one  of  these  treaties  is 
thus  described,  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  his  friends  in  England  :  "  The  King 
sat  in  the  middle  of  a  half  moon,  and  had  his  council,  old  and  wise,  on  each  hand. 
Behind,  at  a  little  distance,  sat  the  young  ones,  in  the  same  figure.  Having  consulted 
and  resolved  the  business,  the  King  ordered  one  of  them  to  speak  to  me.  He  stood 
up,  came  to  me,  took  me  by  the  hand,  saluted  me  in  the  name  of  the  King,  told  me 
he  was  ordered  by  the  King  to  speak  to  me,  and  that  now  it  was  not  he  that  spoke, 
but  the  King,  because  what  he  should  say  was  the  King's  mind.  [Having  made  an 
apology  for  their  delay],  he  fell  to  the  bounds  of  the  land  they  had  to  dispose  of, 
and  the  price,  which  is  now  dear,  that  which  would  once  have  bought  twenty  miles, 
not  now  buying  two.  During  the  time  this  person  was  speaking,  not  a  man  of  them 
was  observed  to  whisper  or  smile.  When  the  purchase  was  agreed,  great  promises 
passed  between  us  of  kindness  and  good  neighborhood,  and  that  the  English  and 
Indians  must  live  in  love,  as  long  as  the  sun  gave  light.  Which  done,  another  made 
speech  to  the  Indians  in  the  name  of  all  the  sachems,  first  to  tell  them  what  was 
done,  next  to  charge  them  to  love  the  Christians,  to  live  in  peace  with  me  and  my 
people,  and  that  they  should  never  do  me  or  my  people  any  wrong.  At  every  sen 
tence  of  which  they  shouted,  and  said  Amen,  in  their  way.  The  pay  or  presents  I 
made  them  were  not  hoarded  by  the  particular  owners,  but  the  neighboring  Kings 
and  clans  being  present  when  the  goods  were  brought  out,  the  parties  chiefly  con- 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  237 

cerned  consulted  what  and  to  whom  they  should  give  them.  To  every  King,  then, 
by  the  hands  of  a  person,  for  that  work  appointed,  was  a  proportion  sent,  sorted 
and  folded,  with  that  gravity  which  is  admirable.  Then  that  King  subdivided  it  in 
like  manner  among  his  dependents,  they  hardly  leaving  themselves  an  equal  share 
with  one  of  their  subjects." 

Mr.  Penn  was  so  happy  as  to  succeed  in  his  endeavors  to  gain  the  good-will  of 
the  Indians.  They  have  frequently,  in  subsequent  treaties  many  years  after,  ex 
pressed  great  veneration  for  his  memory ;  and  to  perpetuate  it,  they  have  given  to 
the  successive  Governors  of  Pennsylvania  the  name  of  Onas,  which  signifies  a  Pen. 
By  this  name  they  are  commonly  known  and  addressed  in  the  speeches  made  by  the 
Six  Nations  in  all  their  treaties. 

One  part  of  his  agreement  with  the  Indians  was,  that  they  should  sell  no  lands 
to  any  person  but  to  himself  or  his  agents ;  another  was,  that  his  agents  should  not 
occupy  nor  grant  any  lands  but  those  which  were  fairly  purchased  of  the  Indians. 
These  stipulations  were  confirmed  by  subsequent  acts  of  Assembly ;  and  every  bar 
gain  made  between  private  persons  and  the  Indians  without  leave  of  the  proprietor, 
was  declared  void.  The  charter  which  Mr.  Penn  had  obtained  of  the  Crown,  com 
prehended  a  far  greater  extent  of  territory  than  it  was  proper  for  him  at  first  to 
purchase  of  the  natives. 

He  did  not  think  it  for  his  interest  to  take  any  more  at  once  than  he  had  a  pros 
pect  of  granting  away  to  settlers.  But  his  colony  increased  beyond  his  expectation, 
and  when  new  tracts  were  wanted,  the  Indians  rose  in  their  demands.  His  first  pur 
chases  were  made  at  his  own  expense,  and  the  goods  delivered  on  these  occasions 
went  by  the  name  of  presents.  In  a  course  of  time  when  a  treaty  and  a  purchase 
went  on  together,  the  Governor  and  his  successors  made  the  speeches,  and  the  As 
sembly  were  at  the  expense  of  the  presents.  When  one  paid  the  cost,  and  the  other 
enjoyed  the  profit,  a  subject  of  altercation  arose  between  the  proprietary  and  the 
popular  interests,  which  other  causes  contributed  to  increase  and  inflame. 

The  purchases  which  Mr.  Penn  made  of  the  Indians  were  undoubtedly  fair  and 
honest ;  and  he  is  entitled  to  praise  for  his  wise  and  peaceable  conduct  toward  them. 
But  there  is  such  a  thing  as  overrating  true  merit.  He  has  been  celebrated  by  a 
late  author,  as  having  in  these  purchases  "  set  an  example  of  moderation  and  justice 
in  America,  which  was  never  thought  of  before  by  the  Europeans."  It  had  been  a 
common  thing  in  New  England,  for  fifty  years  before  his  time,  to  make  fair  and 
regular  purchases  of  land  from  the  Indians ;  and  many  of  their  deeds  are  preserved 
in  the  public  records.  As  early  as  1633  a  law  was  enacted  in  the  colony  of  Massa 
chusetts,  that  "  no  person  shall  put  any  of  the  Indians  from  their  planting  grounds 
or  fishing  places ;  and  that  upon  complaint  and  proof  thereof,  they  shall  have  relief 
in  any  of  the  courts  of  justice,  as  the  English  have."  To  prevent  frauds  in  private- 
bargains,  it  was  ordered  by  the  same  act,  that  "  no  person  shall  buy  land  of  any 
Indian,  without  license  first  had  and  obtained  of  the  General  Court."  Other  regu 
lations  respecting  traffic  with  them  were  made  at  the  same  time,  which  bear  the 
appearance,  not  only  of  justice  and  moderation,  but  of  a  parental  regard  to  their 
interest  and  property. 

Nor  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  other  Europeans  neglected  their  duty  in  these  re 
spects.  Several  purchases  were  made  before  Penn's  time  in  New  Jersey.  Mr.  Penn 
himself,  in  one  of  his  letters,  speaking  of  the  quarrels  between  the  Dutch  and  the 


238  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

Swedes,  who  had  occupied  the  lands  on  the  Delaware  before  him,  says :  "  The  Dutch, 
who  were  the  first  planters,  looked  on  them  [the  Swedes]  as  intruders  on  their  purchase 
and  possession."  Of  whom  could  the  Dutch  have  purchased  those  lands  but  of  the 
natives?  They  could  not  have  occupied  them  without  the  consent  of  the  Indians, 
who  were  very  numerous,  and  could  easily  have  extirpated  them,  or  prevented  their 
settlement.  It  is  probable  that  this  Dutch  purchase  is  referred  to  in  that  part  of 
Penn's  letter  before  quoted,  where  he  speaks  of  the  land  at  that  time  (1683)  as  dearer 
than  formerly,  for  how  could  this  have  been  ascertained  but  by  comparing  his  with 
former  purchases? 

It  may  then  be  proper  to  consider  Mr.  Pcnn  as  having  followed  the  "  examples 
of  justice  and  moderation  "  which  had  been  set  by  former  Europeans,  in  their  conduct 
toward  the  natives  of  America :  and  as  having  united  his  example  with  theirs,  for  the 
imitation  of  succeeding  adventurers.  This  will  give  us  the  true  idea  of  his  merit, 
without  detracting  from  the  respect  due  to  those  who  preceded  him  in  the  arduous 
work  of  colonizing  America. 

Mr.  Penn  easily  foresaw  that  the  situation  of  his  province,  and  the  liberal  encourage 
ment  which  he  had  given  to  settlers,  would  draw  people  of  all  denominations  thither, 
and  render  it  a  place  of  commerce ;  he  therefore  determined  to  lay  the  plan  of  a 
capital  city,  which  in  conformity  to  his  catholic  and  pacific  ideas,  he  called  Philadcl- 
phia.  The  site  of  it  was  a  neck  of  land  between  the  river  Delaware,  on  the  east,  and 
the  Schuylkill,  Hiding  Creek,  a  branch,  on  the  west ;  and  he  designed  that  the  city 
should  extend  from  one  to  the  other,  the  distance  being  two  miles.  This  spot  was 
chosen  on  account  of  the  firm  soil,  the  gentle  rising  from  each  river  toward  the  midst, 
the  numerous  springs,  the  convenience  of  coves  capable  of  being  used  as  docks,  the 
depth  of  water  for  ships  of  burthen,  and  the  good  anchorage.  The  ground  was  sur 
veyed,  and  a  plan  of  the  intended  city  was  drawn  by  Thomas  Holme,  surveyor-gen 
eral.  Ten  streets,  of  two  miles  in  length,  were  laid  out  from  river  to  river,  and 
twenty  streets,  of  one  mile  in  length,  crossing  them  at  right  angles.  Four  squares  were 
reserved  for  common  purposes,  one  in  each  quarter  of  the  city,  and  in  the  center,  on 
the  most  elevated  spot,  was  a  larger  square  of  ten  acres,  in  which  were  to  be  built  a 
state-house,  a  market-house,  a  school-house,  and  a  place  of  worship.  On  the  side  of 
each  river  it  was  intended  to  build  wharves  and  warehouses,  and  from  each  front 
street  nearest  to  the  rivers,  an  open  space  was  to  be  left,  in  the  descent  to  the  shores, 
which  would  have  added  much  to  the  beauty  of  the  city.  All  owners  of  1,000  acres 
were  entitled  to  a  city  lot  in  the  front  streets  or  in  the  central  high  street,  and  before 
each  house  was  to  be  an  open  court,  planted  with  rows  of  trees.  Smaller  purchasers 
were  to  be  accommodated  in  the  other  streets ;  and  care  was  taken  in  all,  that  no 
building  should  encroach  on  the  street  lines.  This  last  regulation  has  been  always 
•attended  to,  though  in  some  other  respects  the  plan  has  been  either  disregarded  or 
not  completed. 

The  city  was  begun  in  1682,  and  within  less  than  a  year  "  eighty  houses  and  cot 
tages  were  built,  wherein  merchants  and  mechanics  exercised  their  respective  occu 
pations;"  and  they  soon  found  the  country  around  them  so  well  cultivated  by  the 
planters,  as  to  afford  them  bread  and  vegetables,  while  the  venison,  fowl,  and  fish 
made  an  agreeable  variety  with  the  salted  provisions  which  they  imported.  Penn 
himself  writes,  with  an  air  of  cheerfulness,  that  he  was  well  contented  with  the 
country  and  the  entertainment  which  he  found  in  it.  This  letter  is  among  his  printed 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  239 

works,  and  in  the  same  collection  we  find  an  affectionate  address  to  the  people  of 
Pennsylvania ;  in  it  he  appears  to  have  a  tender  concern  for  their  moral  and  religious 
improvement,  and  warns  them  against  the  temptations  to  which  they  were  exposed. 
Their  circumstances  were,  indeed,  peculiar ;  they  had  suffered  contempt  and  perse 
cution  in  England,  and  were  now  at  rest ;  in  the  enjoyment  of  liberty,  under  a  popu 
lar  form  of  government ;  the  eyes  of  the  world  were  upon  them  ;  their  former  enemies 
were  watching  their  conduct,  and  would  have  been  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  re 
proach  them  ;  it  was,  therefore,  his  desire  that  they  should  be  moderate  in  pros 
perity,  as  they  had  been  patient  in  adversity.  The  concluding  words  of  this  address 
may  give  us  a  specimen  of  his  style  and  manner  of  preaching  :  "  My  friends,  remem 
ber  that  the  Lord  hath  brought  you  upon  the  stage  ;  He  hath  now  tried  you  with 
liberty,  yea,  and  with  power;  He  hath  put  precious  opportunities  into  your  hands: 
have  a  care  of  a  perverse  spirit,  and  do  not  provoke  the  Lord  by  doing  those  things 
by  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  land,  that  were  before  you,  grieved  His  Spirit ;  but 
sanctify  God,  the  living  God,  in  your  hearts,  that  His  blessing  may  fall  and  rest,  as 
the  dew  of  Heaven,  on  you  and  your  offspring.  Then  shall  it  be  seen  to  the  nations 
that  there  is  no  enchantment  against  Jacob,  nor  divination  against  Israel ;  but  your 
tents  shall  be  goodly  and  your  dwellings  glorious." 

In  the  spring  of  1683  a  second  Assembly  was  held  in  the  new  city  of  Philadel 
phia,  and  a  great  number  of  laws  were  passed.  Among  other  good  regulations,  it 
was  enacted,  that  to  prevent  lawsuits,  three  arbitrators,  called  peace-makers,  should 
be  chosen  by  every  county  court,  to  hear  and  determine  small  differences  between 
man  and  man.  This  Assembly  granted  to  the  Governor  an  impost  on  certain  goods 
exported  and  imported,  which  he,  after  acknowledging  their  goodness,  was  pleased, 
for  the  encouragement  of  the  traders,  "  freely  to  remit."  But  the  most  distinguished  . 
act  of  this  Assembly  was  their  acceptance  of  another  frame  of  government  which 
the  proprietor  had  devised,  which  was  "  in  part  conformed  to  the  first,  in  part 
modified  according  to  the  act  of  settlement,  and  in  part  essentially  different  from 
both."  The  most  material  alterations  were  the  reducing  the  number  of  the  As 
sembly  from  seventy-two  to  fifty-four,  and  the  giving  the  Governor  a  negative  in  lieu 
of  a  treble  voice  in  acts  of  legislation.  Their  "  thankful  "  acceptance  of  this  second 
charter  was  a  proof  of  his  great  ascendency  over  them,  and  the  confidence  which 
they  placed  in  him  ;  but  these  changes  were  regarded  by  some  as  a  departure  from 
the  principles  on  which  the  original  compact  was  grounded. 

The  state  of  the  province  at  this  time  has  been  compared  to  that  of  "  a  father 
and  his  family,  the  latter  united  by  interest  and  affection  ;  the  former  revered  for 
the  wisdom  of  his  institutions  and  the  indulgent  use  of  his  authority.  Those  who 
were  ambitious  of  repose,  found  it  in  Pennsylvania ;  and  as  none  returned  with  an 
evil  report  of  the  land,  numbers  followed.  All  partook  of  the  leaven  which  they 
found:  the  community  wore  the  same  equal  face:  no  o'ne  aspired,  no  one  was 
oppressed  ;  industry  was  sure  of  profit,  knowledge  of  esteem,  and  virtue  of  venera 
tion."  When  we  contemplate  this  agreeable  picture,  we  can  not  but  lament  that 
Mr.  Penn  should  ever  have  quitted  his  province  ;  but  after  residing  in  it  about  two 
years,  he  found  himself  urged,  by  motives  of  interest  as  well  as  philanthropy,  to 
return  to  England.  At  his  departure  in  the  summer  of  1684,  his  capital  city,  then 
only  of  two  years'  standing,  contained  nearly  three  hundred  houses  and  two 
thousand  inhabitants  ;  besides  which  there  were  twenty  other  settlements  begun, 


240  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT. 

including  those  of  the  Dutch  and  Swedes.  He  left  the  administration  of  government 
in  the  hands  of  the  Council  and  Assembly,  having  appointed  five  commissioners  to 
preside  in  his  place. 

The  motives  of  his  return  to  England  were  two  :  a  controversy  with  Lord  Bal 
timore,  the  proprietor  of  Maryland,  concerning  the  limits  of  their  respective  patents; 
and  a  concern  for  his  brethren,  who  were  suffering  by  the  operation  of  the  penal 
laws  against  dissenters  from  the  Established  Church. 

The  controversy  with  Lord  Baltimore  originated  in  this  manner :  Before  Penn 
came  to  America,  he  had  written  to  James  Frisby  and  others,  at  their  plantations 
on  Delaware  Bay,  then  reputed  a  part  of  Maryland,  advising  them  that  as  he  was 
confident  they  were  within  his  limits,  they  should  yield  an  obedience  to  the  laws  of 
Maryland.  This  warning  served  as  a  pretext  to  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Cecil 
and  Baltimore  counties,  who  were  impatient  of  control,  to  withhold  the  payment  of 
their  rents  and  taxes.  Lord  Baltimore  and  his  council  ordered  the  military  officers 
to  assist  the  sheriffs  in  the  execution  of  their  duty,  which  was  accomplished,  though 
with  great  difficulty.  After  this,  Markham,  Penn's  agent,  had  a  meeting  with  Lord 
Baltimore  at  the  village  of  Upland,  which  is  now  called  Chester,  where  a  discovery 
was  made  by  a  quadrant,  that  the  place  was  twelve  miles  south  of  the  4Oth  degree 
of  latitude,  a  circumstance  before  unknown  to  both  parties.  Baltimore,  therefore, 
concluded  to  derive  an  advantage  from  precision,  whilst  Penn  wished  to  avail  him 
self  of  uncertainty.  After  Penn's  arrival  in  America,  he  visited  Lord  Baltimore,  and 
had  a  conference  with  him  on  the  subject.  An  account  of  this  conference,  taken  in 
,  short-hand  by  a  person  present,  with  a  statement  of  the  matter  in  debate,  were  sent 
by  Lord  Baltimore  to  England,  and  laid  before  the  Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations 
in  April,  1683.  Upon  which,  letters  were  written  to  both,  advising  them  to  come  to 
an  amicable  agreement.  This  could  not  be  done  ;  and  therefore  they  both  went  to 
England,  and  laid  their  respective  complaints  before  the  Board  of  Trade.  Baltimore 
alleged  that  the  tract  in  question  was  within  the  limits  of  his  charter,  and  had 
always  been  so  understood,  and  his  claim  allowed  until  disturbed  by  Penn.  The 
words  of  his  charter  were,  "  to  that  part  of  Delaware  Bay  on  the  north,  which  lies 
under  the  4Oth  degree  of  northerly  latitude  from  the  equinoctial."  Penn,  on  the 
other  hand,  affirmed  that  Lord  Baltimore's  grant  was  of  "  lands  not  inhabited  by 
the  subjects  of  any  Christian  prince  ;  "  that  the  land  in  question  was  possessed  by  the 
Dutch  and  Swedes  prior  to  the  date  of  the  charter  of  Maryland ;  that  a  surrender 
having  been  made  by  the  Dutch  of  this  territory  to  King  Charles,  in  1664,  the 
country  had  ever  since  been  in  possession  of  the  Duke  of  York.  The  Lords  at 
several  meetings,  having  examined  the  evidences  on  both  sides,  were  of  opinion  that 
the  lands  bordering  on  the  Delaware  did  not  belong  to  Lord  Baltimore,  but  to  the 
King.  They  then  proceeded  to  settle  the  boundary,  and  on  the  7th  of  November, 
1685,  it  was  determined,  that  "for  avoiding  further  differences,  the  tract  of  land  lying 
between  the  river  and  bay  of  Delaware,  and  the  eastern  sea,  on  the  one  side,  and 
Chesapeake  Bay  on  the  other  side,  be  divided  into  two  equal  parts  by  a  line  from 
the  latitude  from  Cape  Henlopen,  to  the  4Oth  degree  of  northern  latitude,  and  that 
one-half  thereof  lying  toward  the  Bay  of  Delaware  and  the  eastern  sea,  be  adjudged 
to  belong  to  his  Majesty,  and  that  the  other  half  remain  to  the  Lord  Baltimore, 
as  comprised  within  his  charter."  To  this  decision  Lord  Baltimore  submitted, 
happy  that  he  had  lost  no  more,  since  a  quo  warranto  had  been  issued  against  his 


BIOGRAPHIES    OF    THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  241 

charter.  But  the  decision,  like  many  others,  left  room  for  a  farther  controversy, 
which  was  carried  on  by  their  respective  successors  for  above  half  a  century.  The 
question  was  concerning  the  construction  of  "  the  4Oth  degree  of  latitude,"  which 
Penn's  heirs  contended  was  the  beginning,  and  Baltimore's  the  completion  of  the  4Oth 
degree,  the  difference  being  sixty-nine  miles  and  a  half. 

The  other  cause  of  Mr.  Penn's  departure  for  England  proved  a  source  of  much 
greater  vexation,  and  involved  consequences  injurious  to  his  reputation  and  interest. 
His  concern  for  his  suffering  brethren  induced  him  to  use  the  interest  which  he  had  at 
court  for  their  relief.  He  arrived  in  the  month  of  August,  and  the  death  of  Charles, 
which  happened  the  next  February,  brought  to  the  throne  James  II.,  under  whom, 
when  Lord  High  Admiral,  Penn's  father  had  commanded,  and  who  had  always  main 
tained  a  steady  friendship  with  the  son.  This  succession  rather  increased  than  di 
minished  his  attachment  to  the  court ;  but  as  James  openly  professed  himself  a  Pap 
ist,  and  the  prejudices  of  a  great  part  of  the  nation  against  him  were  very  high,  it  was 
impossible  for  his  intimate  friends  to  escape  the  imputation  of  being  popishly  affected. 
Penn  had  before  been  suspected  to  be  a  Jesuit,  and  what  now  contributed  to  fix  the 
stigma  upon  him  was,  his  writing  a  book  on  liberty  of  conscience,  a  darling  prin 
ciple  at  court,  and  vindicating  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  who  had  written  on  the 
same  subject.  Another  circumstance  which  strengthened  the  suspicion  was,  his  tak 
ing  lodgings  at  Kensington,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  court,  and  his  frequent  at 
tendance  there  to  solicit  the  liberation  of  his  brethren  who  now  filled  the  prisons  of 
the  kingdom. 

He  endeavored  to  allay  these  suspicions  by  publishing  an  address  to  his  brethren, 
in  which  he  refers  to  their  knowledge  of  his  character,  principles,  and  writings  for  eight 
een  years  past,  and  expresses  his  love  of  moderation,  and  his  wish  that  the  nation  might 
not  become  "  barbarous  for  Christianity,  nor  abuse  one  another  for  God's  sake."  But 
what  gave  him  the  greatest  pain  was,  that  his  worthy  friend,  Doctor  Tillotson,  had 
entertained  the  same  suspicion,  and  expressed  it  in  his  conversation.  To  him  he 
wrote  an  expostulatory  letter,  and  the  doctor  frankly  owned  to  him  the  ground  of  his 
apprehension,  which  Penn  so  fully  removed,  that  Doctor  Tillotson  candidly  acknowl 
edged  his  mistake,  and  made  it  his  business  on  all  occasions  to  vindicate  Penn's  char 
acter.  This  ingenuous  acknowledgment,  from  a  gentleman  of  so  much  information, 
and  so  determined  an  enemy  to  Popery,  is  one  of  the  best  evidences  which  can  be 
had  of  Mr.  Penn's  integrity  in  this  respect  ;  but  the  current  of  popular  prejudice  was 
at  that  time  so  strong,  that  it  was  not  in  the  power  of  so  great  and  good  a  man  as 
Doctor  Tillotson  to  turn  it. 

Had  Mr.  Penn  fallen  in  with  the  discontented  part  of  the  nation,  and  encouraged 
the  emigration  of  those  who  dreaded  the  consequences  of  King  James'  open  profes 
sion  of  Popery,  he  might  have  made  large  additions  to  the  numbers  of  his  colonists, 
and  greatly  increased  his  fortune  ;  but  he  had  received  such  assurances  from  the  King 
of  his  intention  to  introduce  universal  toleration,  that  he  thought  it  his  duty  to  wait 
for  the  enlargement  which  his  brethren  must  experience  from  the  expected  event. 
His  book  on  liberty  of  conscience,  addressed  to  the  King  and  council,  had  not  been 
published  many  days  before  the  King  issued  a  general  pardon,  and  instructed  the 
Judges  of  Assize  on  their  respective  circuits  to  extend  the  benefit  of  it  to  the  Qua 
kers  in  particular.  In  consequence  of  this,  about  thirteen  hundred  of  them,  who  had 
been  confined  in  the  prisons,  were  set  at  liberty.  This  was  followed  by  a  declaration  for 
31 


242  THE    AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

liberty  of  conscience,  and  for  suspending  the  execution  of  the  penal  laws  against  dis 
senters,  which  was  an  occasion  of  great  joy  to  all  denominations  of  them.  The  Qua 
kers,  at  their  next  general  meeting,  drew  up  an  address  of  thanks  to  the  King,  which 
was  presented  by  Mr.  Penn. 

The  declaration  of  indulgence  being  a  specimen  of  that  dispensing  power  which 
the  house  of  Stuart  were  fond  of  assuming,  and  being  evidently  intended  to  favor  the 
free  exercise  of  the  Popish  religion,  gave  an  alarm  to  the  nation,  and  caused  very 
severe  censures  on  those  who,  having  felt  the  benefit  of  it,  had  expressed  their  grati 
tude  in  terms  of  affection  and  respect.  The  Quakers  in  particular  became  very  ob 
noxious,  and  the  prejudice  against  Penn  as  an  abetter  of  the  arbitrary  maxims  of  the 
court  was  increased  ;  though  on  a  candid  view  of  the  matter,  there  is  no  evidence  that 
he  sought  anything  more  than  an  impartial  and  universal  liberty  of  conscience. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  he  had  not  taken  this  critical  opportunity  to  return 
to  Pennsylvania.  His  controversy  with  Lord  Baltimore  had  been  decided  by  the 
council,  and  his  pacific  principles  ought  to  have  led  him  to  acquiesce  in  their  deter 
mination,  as  did  his  antagonist.  He  had  accomplished  his  purpose  with  regard  to  his 
brethren,  the  Quakers,  who,  being  delivered  from  their  difficulties,  were  at  liberty 
either  to  remain  in  the  kingdom,  or  follow  him  to  America.  The  state  of  the  prov 
ince  was  such  as  to  require  his  presence,  and  he  might  at  this  time  have  resumed  his 
office  and  carried  on  his  business  in  Pennsylvania  with  the  greatest  probability  of 
spending  the  remainder  of  his  days  there  in  usefulness  and  peace. 

The  revolution  which  soon  followed,  placed  him  in  a  very  disagreeable  situation. 
Having  been  a  friend  to  James,  he  was  supposed  to  be  an  enemy  to  William.  As  he 
was  walking  one  day  in  Whitehall,  he  was  arrested  and  examined  by  the  lords  in 
council,  before  whom  he  solemnly  declared  "that  he  loved  his  country  and  the  Prot 
estant  religion  above  his  life,  and  that  he  had  never  acted  against  either  ;  but  that  King 
James  had  been  his  friend  and  his  father's  friend,  and  that  he  thought  himself  bound 
in  justice  and  gratitude  to  be  a  friend  to  him."  The  jealous  policy  of  that  day  had 
no  ear  for  sentiments  of  the  heart.  He  was  obliged  to  find  securities  for  his  appear 
ance  at  the  next  term,  and  thence  to  the  succeeding  term,  in  the  last  day  of  which, 
nothing  having  been  specially  laid  to  his  charge,  he  was  acquitted. 

The  next  year  (1690)  he  was  taken  up  again  on  suspicion  of  holding  correspond 
ence  with  the  exiled  King.  The  lords  requiring  security  for  his  appearance,  he  ap 
pealed  to  King  William  in  person,  who  was  inclined  to  acquit  him,  but  to  please 
some  of  the  council,  he  was  for  a  while  held  to  bail,  and  then  acquitted. 

Soon  after  this  his  name  was  inserted  in  a  proclamation,  wherein  eighteen  lords 
and  others  were  charged  with  adhering  to  the  enemies  of  the  kingdom ;  but  no  evi 
dence  appearing  against  him,  he  was  a  third  time  acquitted  by  the  Court  of  King's 
Bench. 

Being  now  at  liberty,  he  meditated  a  return  to  Pennsylvania,  and  published  pro 
posals  for  another  emigration  of  settlers.  He  had  proceeded  so  far  as  to  obtain  from 
the  Secretary  of  State  an  order  for  a  convoy  ;  but  his  voyage  was  prevented  by  a  fourth 
accusation,  on  the  oath  of  a  person  whom  the  Parliament  afterward  declared  a  cheat 
and  impostor;  a  warrant  was  issued  for  apprehending  him,  and  he  narrowly  escaped 
an  arrest,  at  his  return  from  the  funeral  of  his  friend,  George  Fox,  on  the  i6th  of 
January,  1691.  He  then  thought  it  prudent  to  retire,  and  accordingly  kept  himself 
concealed  for  two  or  three  years,  during  which  time  he  employed  himself  in  writing 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  243 

several  pieces,  one  of  which,  entitled  "  Maxims  and  Reflections  relating  to  the  Con 
duct  of  Human  Life,"  being  the  result  of  much  observation  and  experience,  has  been 
much  celebrated,  and  has  passed  through  several  editions.  In  1693,  by  the  media 
tion  of  several  persons  of  rank,  he  was  admitted  to  appear  before  the  King  in  council, 
where  he  so  maintained  his  innocence  of  what  had  been  alleged  against  him,  that  he 
was  a  fourth  time  honorably  acquitted. 

The  true  cause  of  these  frequent  suspicions  was  the  conduct  of  his  wife,  who, 
being  passionately  attached  to  the  Queen,  consort  of  James,  made  a  practice  to  visit 
her  at  St.  Germains  every  year,  and  to  carry  to  her  such  presents  as  she  could  collect 
from  the  friends  of  the  unhappy  royal  family.  Though  there  was  no  political  con 
nection  cr  correspondence  between  Penn's  family  and  the  King's,  yet  this  circum 
stance  gave  color  to  the  jealousy  which  had  been  conceived  ;  but  the  death  of  his 
wife,  which  happened  in  February,  1694,  put  an  end  to  all  these  suspicions.  He 
married  a  second  wife  in  1696,  a  daughter  of  Thomas  Callowhill,  of  Bristol,  by  whom 
he  had  four  sons  and  one  daughter. 

By  his  continual  expenses,  and  by  the  peculiar  difficulties  to  which  he  had  been 
exposed,  he  had  run  himself  deeply  into  debt.  He  had  lost  £7,000  before  the  revo 
lution,  and  .£4,000  since,  besides  his  paternal  estate  in  Ireland,  valued  at  £450  per 
annum.  To  repair  his  fortune,  he  requested  his  friends  in  Pennsylvania,  that  one 
hundred  of  them  would  lend  him  £100  each,  for  some  years,  on  landed  security. 
This,  he  said,  would  enable  him  to  return  to  America,  and  bring  a  large  number  of 
inhabitants  with  him.  What  answer  was  given  to  this  request  does  not  appear,  but, 
from  his  remaining  in  England  six  or  seven  years  after,  it  may  be  concluded  that  he 
received  no  encouragement  of  this  kind  from  them.  The  low  circumstances  of  the 
first  settlers  must  have  rendered  it  impossible  to  comply  with  such  a  request. 

Pennsylvania  had  experienced  many  inconveniences  from  his  absence.  The  Pro 
vincial  Council,  having  no  steady  hand  to  hold  the  balance,  had  fallen  into  a  controversy 
respecting  their  several  powers  and  privileges,  and  Moore,  one  of  the  proprietary 
officers,  had  been  impeached  of  high  misdemeanors.  Disgusted  with  their  disputes, 
and  dissatisfied  with  the  Constitution  which  he  had  framed  and  altered,  Penn  wrote 
to  his  commissioners  (1686)  to  require  its  dissolution  ;  but  the  Assembly,  perceiving 
the  loss  of  their  privileges,  and  of  the  rights  of  the  people  to  be  involved  in  frequent 
innovations,  opposed  the  surrender.  The  commissioners  themselves  were  soon  after 
removed  by  the  proprietor,  who  appointed  for  his  deputy  John  Blackwcll,  an  officer 
trained  under  Cromwell,  and  completely  versed  in  the  arts  of  intrigue.  He  began 
his  administration  in  December,  1688,  by  a  display  of  the  power  of  the  proprietor, 
and  by  endeavoring  to  sow  discord  among  the  freemen.  Unavved  by  his  insolence, 
they  were  firm  in  defense  of  their  privileges,  whilst  at  the  same  time  they  made  a 
profession  of  peace  and  obedience.  He  imprisoned  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly 
which  had  impeached  Moore,  and  by  a  variety  of  artifices  evaded  the  granting  an 
habeas  corpus.  He  delayed  as  long  as  possible  the  meeting  of  a  new  Assembly, 
and  when  they  entered  on  the  subject  of  grievances  he  prevailed  on  some  of  the 
members  to  withdraw  from  their  seats,  that  there  might  not  be  a  quorum.  The 
remainder  voted  that  his  conduct  was  treacherous,  and  a  strong  prejudice  was  con 
ceived,  not  only  against  the  deputy,  but  the  proprietor  who  had  appointed  him. 
The  province  also  fell  under  the  royal  displeasure.  Their  laws  had  not  been  pre 
sented  for  approbation,  and  the  new  King  and  Queen  were  not  proclaimed  in  Penn- 


244  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

sylvania  for  a  long  time  after  their  accession  ;  but  the  administration  of  government 
was  continued  in  the  name  of  the  exiled  monarch.  At  what  time  the  alteration  was 
made  we  can  not  be  certain  ;  but  in  the  year  1692  the  King  and  Queen  took  the 
government  of  the  colony  into  their  own  hands,  and  appointed  Colonel  Fletcher  Gov 
ernor  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  with  equal  powers  and  prerogatives  in  both, 
without  any  reference  to  the  charter  of  Pennsylvania. 

It  being  a  time  of  war  between  England  and  France,  and  the  province  of  New 
York  being  much  exposed  to  the  incursions  of  the  Indians  in  the  French  interest, 
the  principal  object  which  Fletcher  had  in  view  was  to  procure  supplies  for  the  de 
fense  of  the  country  and  the  support  of  those  Indians  who  were  in  alliance  with  the 
English.  The  Assembly  insisted  on  a  confirmation  of  their  lavvs  as  a  condition  of 
their  granting  a  supply,  to  which  he  consented  during  the  King's  pleasure.  They 
would  have  gone  farther  and  demanded  a  redress  of  grievances,  but  Fletcher  having 
intimated  to  them  that  the  King  might  probably  annex  them  to  New  York,  and 
they,  knowing  themselves  unable  to  maintain  a  controversy  with  the  Crown,  sub 
mitted  for  the  present  to  hold  their  liberties  by  courtesy  and  voted  a  supply.  On 
another  application  of  the  same  kind,  they  nominated  collectors  in  their  bill,  which 
he  deemed  inconsistent  with  his  prerogative,  and,  after  some  altercation,  dissolved 
them. 

In  1696  William  Markham,  Deputy  Governor  under  Fletcher,  made  a  similar  pro 
posal,  but  could  obtain  no  supply  till  an  expedient  was  contrived  to  save  their  priv 
ileges.  A  temporary  act  of  settlement  was  passed,  subject  to  the  confirmation  of 
the  proprietor,  and  then  a  grant  was  made  of  three  hundred  pounds;  but  as  they 
had  been  represented  by  some  at  New  York  as  having  acted  inconsistently  with  their 
principles  in  granting  money  to  maintain  a  war,  they  appropriated  the  grant  to  "  the 
relief  of  those  friendly  Indians  who  had  suffered  by  the  war."  The  request  was  re 
peated  every  year  as  long  as  the  war  continued,  but  the  infancy,  poverty,  and  em 
barrassments  of  the  province  were  alleged  for  non-compliance.  The  peace  of  Rys- 
wick  in  1698  put  an  end  to  these  requisitions. 

Thus  the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  as  well  as  its  proprietor,  experienced  many 
inconveniences  during  their  long  separation  of  fifteen  years ;  and  it  is  somewhat 
singular  to  remark,  that,  whilst  they  were  employed  in  an  ineffectual  struggle  with 
the  royal  Governor  and  his  Deputy,  he  (whom  Montesquieu  styles  the  American 
Lycurgus)  was  engaged  in  his  darling  work  of  religious  controversy  and  of  itinerant 
preaching  through  England,  Wales,  and  Ireland. 

In  August,  1699,  he  embarked  with  his  family,  and,  after  a  tedious  passage  of 
three  months,  arrived  in  Pennsylvania.  By  reason  of  this  long  voyage  they  escaped 
a  pestilential  distemper,  which  during  that  time  raged  in  the  colony. 

He  did  not  find  the  people  so  tractable  as  before.  Their  minds  were  soured  by 
his  long  absence,  by  the  conduct  of  his  Deputies  and  the  royal  Governors ;  their  sys 
tem  of  laws  was  incomplete,  and  their  title  to  their  lands  insecure.  After  much  time 
spent  in  trying  their  tempers  and  penetrating  their  views,  he  found  it  most  advisable 
to  listen  to  their  remonstrances.  Five  sessions  of  Assembly  were  held  during  his 
second  residence  with  them.  His  expressions  in  his  public  speeches  were  soothing 
and  captivating,  and  he  promised  to  do  everything  in  his  power  to  render  them 
happy.  They  requested  of  him  that  in  case  of  his  future  absence  he  would  appoint 
for  his  Deputies  men  of  integrity  and  property,  who  should  be  invested  with  full 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  245 

powers  to  grant  and  confirm  lands,  and  instructed  to  give  true  measure ;  and  that  he 
would  execute  such  an  instrument  as  would  secure  their  privileges  and  possessions. 
To  these  requests  he  seemed  to  consent,  and,  with  the  most  flattering  complaisance, 
desired  them  to  name  a  person  for  his  substitute,  which  they  with  equal  politeness 
declined. 

In  May,  1700,  the  charter  was  surrendered  by  six  parts  in  seven  of  the  Assembly 
under  a  solemn  promise  of  restitution,  with  such  alterations  and  amendments  as 
should  be  found  necessary.  When  a  new  charter  was  in  debate,  the  representatives 
of  the  lower  counties  wanted  to  obtain  some  privileges  peculiar  to  themselves  which 
the  others  were  not  willing  to  allow.  The  members  from  the  territory  therefore  re 
fused  to  join,  and  thus  a  separation  was  made  of  the  province  of  Pennsylvania  from 
the  three  lower  counties. 

In  this  new  charter  the  people  had  no  voice  in  the  election  of  counselors;  who 
ever  afterward  served  in  this  capacity  were  appointed  by,the  proprietor,  but  they  had 
no  power  of  legislation.  The  executive  was  vested  solely  in  him,  and  he  had  a  neg 
ative  on  all  their  laws.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Assembly  had  the  right  of  originat 
ing  laws  which  before  had  been  prepared  for  their  deliberation.  The  number  of 
members  was  four  from  each  county,  and  more. if  the  Governor  and  Assembly  should 
agree.  They  were  invested  with  all  the  powers  of  a  legislative  body,  according  to 
the  rights  of  English  subjects  and  the  practice  of  other  American  colonies.  The 
privileges  before  granted  were  confirmed,  and  some  of  their  most  salutary  laws  were 
included  in  the  body  of  the  charter;  all  which  were  declared  irrevocable,  except  by 
consent  of  six-sevenths  of  the  Assembly  with  the  Governor;  but  the  clause  respect 
ing  liberty  of  conscience  was  declared  absolutely  irrevocable.  A  provisional  article 
was  added,  that,  if  in  three  years  the  representatives  of  the  province  and  territories 
should  not  join  in  legislation,  each  county  of  the  province  might  choose  eight  per 
sons  and  the  city  of  Philadelphia  two  to  represent  them  in  one  Assembly,  and  each 
county  of  the  territory  the  same  number  to  constitute  another  Assembly.  On  the 
28th  of  October,  1701,  this  charter  was  accepted  by  the  representatives  of  the  prov 
ince,  previous  to  which  (viz,  on  the  25th)  the  city  of  Philadelphia  was  incorporated 
by  another  charter  and  the  government  of  it  committed  to  a  Mayor  and  Recorder, 
eight  Aldermen,  and  twelve  Common  Councilmen.  The  persons  in  each  of  these 
offices  were  appointed  by  name  in  the  charter,  who  were  empowered  to  choose  suc 
cessors  to  themselves  annually,  and  to  add  to  the  number  of  Aldermen  and  Common 
Councilmen  so  many  of  the  freemen  as  the  whole  court  should  think  proper. 

These  two  charters  were  the  last  public  acts  of  Mr.  Penn's  personal  administration 
in  Pennsylvania.  They  were  done  in  haste,  and  while  he  was  preparing  to  re-embark 
for  England,  which  he  did  immediately  on  signing  them.  The  cause  of  his  sudden 
departure  was  an  account  which  he  had  received,  that  a  bill  was  about  to  be  brought 
into  Parliament  for  reducing  the  proprietary  and  chartered  governments  to  an  im 
mediate  dependence  on  the  Crown.  In  his  speech  to  the  Assembly  he  intimated  his 
intention  to  return  and  settle  among  them  with  his  family ;  but  this  proved  to  be  his 
last  visit  to  America.  He  sailed  from  Philadelphia  in  the  end  of  October,  and  arrived 
in  England  about  the  middle  of  December,  1701.  The  bill  in  Parliament,  which  had 
so  greatly  alarmed  him,  was,  by  the  solicitation  of  the  friends  of  the  colonies,  post 
poned,  and  finally  lost.  In  about  two  months  King  William  died,  and  Queen  Anne 
came  to  the  throne,  which  brought  Penn  again  into  favor  at  Court,  and  in  the  name 


THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

of  the  society,  of  which  he  was  at  the  head,  he  presented  to  her  an  address  of  con 
gratulation. 

He  then  resumed  his  favorite  employment  of  writing,  preaching,  and  visiting  the 
societies  of  Friends  in  England  till  the  year  1707,  when  he  found  himself  involved  in 
a  suit  at  law  with  the  executors  of  a  person  who  had  formerly  been  his  steward.  The 
cause  was  attended  with  such  circumstances  that  though  many  thought  him  ill  used, 
the  Court  of  Chancery  did  not  give  him  relief;  which  obliged  him  to  live  within  the 
rules  of  the  Fleet  prison  for  about  a  year,  till  the  matter  was  accommodated.  After 
this  he  made  another  circuitous  journey  among  his  friends,  and  in  the  year  1710  took 
a  handsome  seat  at  Rushcombe,  in  Buckinghamshire,  where  he  resided  during  the 
remainder  of  his  life. 

At  his  departure  from  Philadelphia  he  left  for  his  deputy  Andrew  Hamilton, 
whose  principal  business  was  to  endeavor  a  reunion  of  the  province  and  territory, 
which,  being  ineffectual,  the  province  claimed  the  privilege  of  a  distinct  Assembly. 

On  Mr.  Hamilton's  death,  John  Evans  was  appointed,  in  1704,  to  succeed  him. 
His  administration  was  one  unvaried  scene  of  controversy  and  uneasiness.  The  ter 
ritory  would  have  received  the  charter,  and  the  Governor  warmly  recommended  a 
union,  but  the  province  would  not  hearken  to  the  measure.  They  drew  up  a  state 
ment  of  their  grievances,  and  transmitted  to  the  proprietor  a  long  and  bitter  remon 
strance,  in  which  they  charge  him  with  not  performing  his  promises,  but  by  deep-laid 
artifices  evading  them  ;  and  with  neglecting  to  get  their  laws  confirmed,  though  he 
had  received  great  sums  of  money  to  negotiate  the  business.  They  took  a  retro 
spective  view  of  his  whole  conduct,  and  particularly  blamed  his  long  absence,  from 
1684  to  1699,  during  which  the  interest  of  the  province  was  sinking,  which  might 
have  been  much  advanced  if  he  had  come  over  according  to  his  repeated  promises. 
They  complained  that  he  had  not  affixed  his  seal  to  the  last  charter ;  that  he  had 
ordered  his  deputy  to  call  assemblies  by  his  writs,  and  to  prorogue  and  dissolve  them 
at  his  pleasure ;  that  he  had  reserved  to  himself,  though  in  England,  an  assent  to 
bills  passed  by  his  deputy,  by  which  means  three  negatives  were  pat  on  their  acts, 
one  by  the  Deputy  Governor,  another  by  the  proprietor,  and  a  third  by  the  Crown. 
They  also  added  to  their  list  of  grievances,  the  abuses  and  extortions  of  the  secre 
tary,  surveyor,  and  other  officers,  which  might  have  been  prevented  if  he  had  passed 
a  bill  proposed  by  the  Assembly,  in  1701,  for  regulating  fees;  the  want  of  an  estab 
lished  judicature  between  him  and  the  people,  for  the  judges,  being  appointed  by  him, 
could  not,  in  that  case,  be  considered  as  independent  and  unbiased  ;  the  imposition 
of  quit  rents  on  the  city  lots,  and  leaving  the  ground,  on  which  the  city  was  built, 
encumbered  with  the  claim  of  its  first  possessors,  the  Swedes. 

The  language  of  this  remonstrance  was  plain  and  unreserved  ;  but  the  mode  of 
their  conducting  it  was  attended  with  a  degree  of  prudence  and  delicacy  which  is 
not  commonly  observed  by  public  bodies  of  men  in  such  circumstances.  They  sent 
it  to  him  privately  by  a  confidential  person,  and  refused  to  give  any  copy  of  it 
though  strongly  urged.  Tliey  were  willing  to  reclaim  the  proprietor  to  a  due  sense 
of  his  obligations,  but  were  equally  unwilling  to  expose  him.  They  had  also  some 
concern  for  themselves  ;  for  if  it  had  been  publicly  known  that  they  had  such  objec 
tions  to  his  conduct,  the  breach  might  have  been  so  widened  as  to  dissolve  the  rela 
tion  between  them  ;  in  which  case,  certain  inconveniences  might  have  arisen  re 
specting  oaths  and  militia  laws,  which  would  not  have  been  pleasing  to  an  Assembly 
consisting  chiefly  of  Quakers. 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.          .     247 

Three  years  after  (viz,  in  1707),  they  sent  him  another  remonstrance,  in  which 
they  complained  that  the  grievance  before  mentioned  was  not  redressed  ;  and  they 
added  to  the  catalogue  articles  of  impeachment  against  Logan,  the  Secretary,  and 
Evans,  the  Deputy  Governor.  The  latter  was  removed  from  his  office,  and  was  suc 
ceeded  by  Gookin  in  1709,  and  he  by  Sir  William  Keith  in  1717;  but  Logan  held 
his  place  of  secretary,  and  was  in  fact  the  Prime  Minister  and  mover  in  behalf  of 
the  proprietor,  though  extremely  obnoxious  to  the  people. 

These  Deputy  Governors  were  dependent  on  the  proprietor  for  their  appoint 
ment,  and  on  the  people  for  their  support ;  if  they  displeased  the  former,  they  were 
recalled ;  if  the  latter,  their  allowance  was  withheld  ;  and  it  was  next  to  impossible 
to  keep  on  good  terms  with  both.  Such  an  appointment  could  be  accepted  by  none 
but  indigent  persons,  and  could  be  relished  by  none  but  those  who  were  fond  of 
perpetual  controversy. 

To  return  to  the  proprietor.  His  infirmities  and  misfortunes  increased  with  his 
age,  and  unfitted  him  for  the  exercise  of  his  beloved  work.  In  1711  he  dictated  a 
preface  to  the  journal  of  his  old  friend  John  Banks,  which  was  his  last  printed  work. 
The  next  year  he  was  seized  with  a  paralytic  disorder,  which  impaired  his  memory. 
For  three  succeeding  years  he  continued  in  a  state  of  great  debility,  but  attended 
the  meeting  of  Friends  at  Reading,  as  long  as  he  was  able  to  ride  in  his  chariot,  and 
sometimes  spoke  short  and  weighty  sentences,  being  incapable  of  pronouncing  a  long 
discourse.  Approaching  by  gradual  decay  to  the  close  of  life,  he  died  on  the  3Oth 
of  July,  1718,  in  the  74th  year  of  his  age,  and  was  buried  in  his  family  tomb  at 
Jordon's  in  Buckinghamshire. 

Notwithstanding  his  large  paternal  inheritance,  and  the  great  opportunities  which 
he  enjoyed  of  accumulating  property  by  his  connection  with  America,  his  latter  days 
were  passed  in  a  state  far  from  affluent.  He  was  continually  subject  to  the  impor 
tunity  of  his  creditors,  and  obliged  to  mortgage  his  estate.  He  was  on  the  point  of 
surrendering  his  province  to  the  Crown  for  a  valuable  consideration,  to  extricate 
himself  from  debt.  The  instrument  was  preparing  for  his  signature,  but  his  death, 
which  happened  rather  unexpectedly,  prevented  the  execution  of  it ;  and  thus  his 
province  in  America  descended  to  his  posterity,  who  held  it  till  the  Revolution. 


APPEN  DIX. 

MR.  WINSLOW'S  ACCOUNT  OF  THE    NATIVES  OF  NEW    ENGLAND,   ANNEXED  TO  HIS   NARRATIVE 
OF  THE  PLANTATIONS,   A.D.    1624 — [PURCHAS  IV.,    1667]. 

A  FEW  things  I  thought  meet  to  add  hereunto,  which  I  have  observed  amongst 
the  Indians ;  both  touching  their  religion  and  sundry  other  customs  among  them 
And  first,  whereas  myself  and  others,  in  former  letters  (which  came  to  the  press 
against  my  will  and  knowledge),  wrote  that  the  Indians  about  us  are  a  people  with 
out  any  religion,  or  knowledge  of  any  God ;  therein  I  erred,  though  we  could  then 
gather  no  better;  for  as  they  conceive  of  many  divine  powers,  so  of  one,  whom  they 


248  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

call  Kiehtan,  to  be  the  principal  maker  of  all  the  rest ;  and  to  be  made  by  none. 
He,  they  say,  created  the  heavens,  earth,  sea,  and  all  creatures  contained  therein. 
Also  that  he  made  one  man  and  one  woman,  of  whom  they,  and  we,  and  all  man 
kind  came;  but  how  they  became  so  far  dispersed,  that  they  know  not.  At  first, 
they  say,  that  there  was  no  sachem  or  king,  but  Kiehtan,  who  dwelleth  above  the 
heavens,  whither  all  good  men  go  when  they  die,  to  see  their  friends  and  have  their 
fill  of  all  things.  This  his  habitation  lieth  westward  in  the  heavens,  they  say ; 
thither  the  bad  men  go  also,  and  knock  at  his  door,  but  he  bids  them  quachet,  that 
is  to  say,  walk  abroad,  for  there  is  no  place  for  such ;  so  that  they  wander  in  restless 
want  and  penury.  Never  man  saw  this  Kiehtan,  only  old  men  tell  them  of  him,  and 
bid  them  tell  their  children,  yea  charge  them  to  teach  their  posterities  the  same,  and 
lay  the  like  charge  upon  them.  This  power  they  acknowledge  to  be  good  ;  and 
when  they  would  obtain  any  great  matter,  meet  together  and  cry  unto  him  ;  and  so 
likewise  for  plenty,  victory,  etc.,  sing,  dance,  feast,  give  thanks,  and  hang  up  gar 
lands  and  other  things  in  memory  of  the  same. 

Another  power  they  worship,  whom  they  call  Hobbamock,  and,  to  the  northward 
of  us,  Hobbamoqiti ;  this,  as  far  as  we  can  conceive,  is  the  devil.  Him  they  call  upon 
to  cure  their  wounds  and  diseases.  When  they  are  curable,  he  persuades  them  he 
sends  the  same  for  some  conceived  anger  against  them ;  but  upon  their  calling  upon 
him  can  and  doth  help  them ;  but  when  they  are  mortal  and  not  curable  in  nature, 
then  he  persuades  them  Kiehtan  is  angry,  and  sends  them,  whom  none  can  cure ; 
insomuch  as  in  that  respect  only  they  somewhat  doubt  whether  he  be  simply  good, 
and,  therefore,  in  sickness  never  call  upon  him.  This  Hobbamock  appears  in  sundry 
forms  unto  them,  as  in  the  shape  of  a  man,  a  deer,  a  fawn,  an  eagle,  etc.,  but  most 
ordinarily  a  snake.  He  appears  not  to  all,  but  the  chiefest  and  most  judicious  among 
them  ;  though  all  of  them  strive  to  attain  to  that  hellish  height  of  honor.  He  ap 
pears  most  ordinary,  and  is  most  conversant  with  three  sorts  of  people :  one,  I  con 
fess,  I  neither  know  by  name  or  office  directly ;  of  these  they  have  few,  but  esteem 
highly  of  them,  and  think  no  weapon  can  kill  them  ;  another  they  call  by  the  name 
of  Powak,  and  the  third  Paniese. 

The  office  and  duty  of  the  Powah  is  to  be  exercised  principally  in  calling  upon 
the  devil,  and  curing  diseases  of  the  sick  or  wounded.  The  common  people  join 
with  them  in  the  exercise  of  invocation,  but  do  but  only  assent,  or,  as  we  term  it,  say 
Amen  to  that  he  saith ;  yet  sometimes  break  out  into  a  short  musical  note  with  him 
The  Powah  is  eager  and  free  in  speech,  fierce  in  countenance,  and  joineth  many  antic 
and  laborious  gestures  with  the  same,  over  the  party  diseased.  If  the  party  be 
wounded,  he  will  also  seem  to  suck  the  wound  ;  but  if  they  be  curable  (as  they  say) 
he  toucheth  it  not ;  but  a  shooke,  that  is,  the  snake,  or  Wobsacuck,  that  is,  the 
eagle,  sitteth  on  the  shoulder,  and  licks  the  same.  This  none  see  but  the  Powah, 
who  tells  them  he  doth  it  himself.  If  the  party  be  otherwise  diseased,  it  is  accounted 
sufficient  if  in  any  shape  he  but  come  into  the  house,  taking  it  for  an  undoubted  sign 
of  recovery. 

And  as  in  former  ages  Apollo  had  his  temple  at  Delphos,  and  Diana  at  Ephesus, 
so  have  I  heard  them  call  upon  some  as  if  they  had  their  residence  in  some  certain 
places,  or  because  they  appeared  in  those  forms  in  the  same.  In  the  Powah's  speech 
he  promiseth  to  sacrifice  many  skins  of  beasts,  kettles,  hatchets,  beads,  knives,  and 
other  the  best  things  they  have,  to  the  fiend,  if  he  will  come  to  help  the  party 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  249 

diseased  ;  but  whether  they  perform  it  I  know  not.  The  other  practices  I  have  seen, 
being  necessarily  called  sometimes  to  be  with  their  sick,  and  have  used  the  best 
arguments  I  could  to  make  them  understand  against  the  same.  They  have  told  me 
I  should  see  the  devil  at  those  times  come  to  the  party;  but  I  assured  myself  and 
them  of  the  contrary,  which  so  proved  ;  yea,  themselves  have  confessed  they  never 
saw  him  when  any  of  us  were  present.  In  desperate  and  extraordinary  hard  travail 
in  child-birth,  when  the  party  can  not  be  delivered  by  the  ordinary  means,  they  send 
for  this  Powah,  though  ordinarily  their  travail  is  not  so  extreme  as  in  other  parts  of 
the  world,  they  being  of  a  more  hardy  nature ;  for  on  the  third  day  after  child-birth 
I  have  seen  the  mother  with  the  infant,  upon  a  small  occasion,  in  cold  weather,  in  a 
boat  upon  the  sea. 

Many  sacrifices  the  Indians  use,  and  in  some  cases  they  kill  children.  It  seemeth 
they  are  various  in  their  religious  worship  in  a  little  distance,  and  grow  more  and 
more  cold  in  their  worskip-to  Kiehtan,  saying,  in  their  memory  he  was  much  more 
called  upon.  The  Narohiggansets  exceed  in  their  blind  devotion,  and  have  a  great 
spacious  house,  wherein  only  some  few  (that  are,  as  we  may  term  them,  priests) 
come ;  thither,  at  certain  known  times,  resort  all  their  people,  and  offer  almost  all  the 
riches  they  have  to  their  gods,  as  kettles,  skins,  hatchets,  beads,  knives,  etc.,  all 
which  are  cast  by  the  priests  into  a  great  fire  that  they  make  in  the  midst  of  the 
house,  and  there  consumed  to  ashes.  To  this  offering  every  man  bringeth  freely ; 
and  the  more  he  is  known  to  brin^,  hath  the  better  esteem  of  all  men.  This  the 
other  Indians  about  us  approve  of  as  good,  and  wish  their  sachems  would  appoint  the 
like ;  and  because  the  plague  has  not  reigned  at  Narohigganset  as  at  other  places 
about  them,  they  attribute  it  to  this  custom  there  used. 

The  Panieses  are  men  of  great  courage  and  wisdom,  and  to  these  also  the  devil 
appeareth  more  familiarly  than  to  others,  and,  as  we  conceive,  maketh  covenant  with 
them  to  preserve  them  from  death  by  wounds  with  arrows,  knives,  hatchets,  etc.,  or 
at  least  both  themselves  and  especially  the  people  think  themselves  to  be  freed  from 
the  same.  And  though  against  their  battles  all  of  them,  by  painting,  disfigure  them 
selves,  yet  they  are  known  by  their  courage  and  boldness,  by  reason  whereof  one  of 
them  will  chase  almost  an  hundred  men  ;  for  they  account  it  death  for  whomsoever 
stand  in  their  way.  These  are  highly  esteemed  of  all  sorts  of  people,  and  are  of  the 
sachem's  counsel,  without  whom  they  will  not  war  or  undertake  any  weighty  business. 
In  war  their  sachems,  for  their  more  safety,  go  in  the  midst  of  them.  They  are  com 
monly  men  of  great  stature  and  strength,  and  such  as  will  endure  most  hardness,  and 
yet  are  more  discreet,  courteous,  and  humane  in  their  carriages  than  any  amongst 
them,  scorning  theft,  lying,  and  the  like  base  dealings,  and  stand  as  much  upon  their 
reputation  as  any  men.  And  to  the  end  they  may  have  store  of  these,  they  train  up 
the  most  forward  and  likeliest  boys,  from  their  childhood,  in  great  hardness,  and 
make  them  abstain  from  dainty  meat,  observing  divers  orders  prescribed,  to  the  end 
that  when  they  are  of  age  the  devil  may  appear  to  them,  causing  to  drink  the  juice 
of  sentry  and  other  bitter  herbs  till  they  cast,  which  they  must  disgorge  into  the 
platter,  and  drink  again  and  again,  till  at  length,  through  extraordinary  pressing  of 
nature,  it  will  seem  to  be  all  blood  ;  and  this  the  boys  will  do  with  eagerness  at  the 
first,  and  so  continue  till,  by  reason  of  faintness,  they  can  scarce  stand  on  their  legs, 
and  then  must  go  forth  into  the  cold ;  also  they  beat  their  shins  with  sticks,  and 
cause  them  to  run  through  bushes  and  stumps  and  brambles  to  make  them  hardy  and 
acceptable  to  the  devil,  that  in  time  he  may  appear  unto  them. 
32 


250  THE   AMERICAN   CONTINENT. 

Their  sachems  can  not  be  all  called  kings,  but  only  some  few  of  them,  to  whom 
the  rest  resort  for  protection  and  pay  homage  unto  them  ;  neither  may  they  war 
without  their  knowledge  and  approbation ;  yet,  to  be  commanded  by  the  greater,  as 
occasion  seemeth.  Of  this  sort  is  Massassowat,  our  friend,  and  Conanacus,  of  Narohig- 
ganset,  our  supposed  enemy.  Every  sachem  taketh  care  of  the  widow  and  fatherless, 
also  for  such  as  are  aged  and  any  way  maimed,  if  their  friends  be  dead,  or  not  able  to 
provide  for  them.  A  sachem  will  not  take  any  to  wife  but  such  an  one  as  is  equal  to 
him  in  birth ;  otherwise,  they  say  their  seed  would  become  ignoble ;  and,  though 
they  have  many  other  wives,  yet  are  they  no  other  than  concubines  or  servants,  and 
yield  a  kind  of  obedience  to  the  principal,  who  ordereth  the  family  and  them  in  it. 
The  like  their  men  observe  also,  and  will  adhere  to  the  first  during  their  lives ;  but 
put  away  the  other  at  their  pleasure.  This  government  is  successive  and  not  by 
choice ;  if  the  father  die  before  the  son  or  daughter  be  of  age,  then  the  child  is  com 
mitted  to  the  protection  and  tuition  of  some  one  amongst  them  who  ruleth  in  his 
stead,  till  he  be  of  age,  but  when  that  is  I  know  not. 

Every  sachem  knoweth  how  far  the  bounds  and  limits  of  his  own  country  ex- 
tendeth  ;  and  that  is  his  own  proper  inheritance  ;  out  of  that,  if  any  of  his  men  desire 
land  to  set  their  corn,  he  giveth  them  as  much  as  they  can  use,  and  sets  them  in  their 
bounds.  In  this  circuit,  whoever  hunteth,  if  any  kill  venison,  they  bring  him  his  fee, 
which  is  four  parts  of  the  same,  if  it  be  killed  on  land,  but  if  in  the  water,  then  the 
skin  thereof.  The  great  sachems  or  kings  know  not  their  own  bounds  or  limits  of 
land  as  well  as  the  rest.  All  travelers  or  strangers,  for  the  most  part,  lodge  at  the 
sachem's.  When  they  come  they  tell  them  how  long  they  will  stay,  and  to  what 
place  they  go ;  during  which  time  they  receive  entertainment  according  to  their  per 
sons,  but  want  not.  Once  a  year  the  Panieses  used  to  provoke  the  people  to  bestow 
much  corn  on  the  sachem.  To  that  end  they  appoint  a  certain  time  and  place,  near 
the  sachem's  dwelling,  where  the  people  bring  many  baskets  of  corn  and  make  a  great 
stack  thereof.  There  the  Panieses  stand  ready  to  give  thanks  to  the  people  on  the 
sachem's  behalf;  and  after  acquainting  the  sachem  therewith,  who  fetches  the  same, 
and  is  no  less  thankful,  bestowing  many  gifts  on  them.  When  any  are  visited  with 
sickness,  their  friends  resort  unto  them  for  their  comfort,  and  continue  with  them 
oftentimes  till  their  death  or  recovery.  If  they  die,  they  stay  a  certain  time  to  mourn 
for  them.  Night  and  morning  they  perform  this  duty,  many  days  after  the  burial, 
in  a  most  doleful  manner,  insomuch  as  though  it  be  ordinary  and  the  note  musical, 
which  they  take  from  one  another  and  altogether,  yet  it  will  draw  tears  from  their 
eyes  and  almost  from  ours  also.  But  if  they  recover,  then,  because  their  sickness  was 
chargeable,  they  send  corn  and  other  gifts  unto  them,  at  a  certain  appointed  time, 
whereat  they  feast  and  dance,  which  they  call  coinmoro.  When  they  bury  the  dead 
they  sew  up  the  corpse  in  a  mat,  and  so  put  it  in  the  earth  ;  if  the  party  be  a  sachem, 
they  cover  him  with  many  curious  mats,  and  bury  all  his  riches  with  him,  and  enclose 
the  grave  with  a  pale.  If  it  be  a  child,  the  father  will  also  put  his  own  most  special 
jewels  and  ornaments  in  the  earth  with  it ;  also  he  will  cut  his  hair,  and  disfigure 
himself  very  much  in  token  of  sorrow.  If  it  be  the  man  or  woman  of  the  house,  they 
will  pull  down  the  mats  and  leave  the  frame  standing,  and  bury  them  in  or  near  the 
same,  and  either  remove  their  dwelling  or  give  over  housekeeping. 

The  men  employ  themselves  wholly  in  hunting  and  other  exercises  of  the  bow,  ex 
cept  at  some  times  they  take  some  pains  in  fishing.  The  women  live  a  most  slavish  life  ; 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE    EARLY    DISCOVERERS.  251 

they  carry  all  their  burdens ;  set  and  dress  their  corn,  gather  it  in,  and  seek  out  foi 
much  of  their  food;  beat  and  make  ready  the  corn  to  cat,  and  have  all  household 
care  lying  upon  them. 

The  younger  sort  reverence  the  elder,  and  do  all  mean  offices,  whilst  they  are  to 
gether,  although  they  be  strangers.  Boys  and  girls  may  not  wear  their  hair  like  men 
and  women,  but  are  distinguished  thereby. 

A  man  is  not  accounted  a  man  till  he  do  some  notable  act,  or  show  forth  such 
courage  and  resolution  as  becometh  his  place.  The  men  take  much  tobacco,  but  for 
boys  so  to  do  they  account  it  odious. 

All  their  names  are  significant  and  variable ;  for  when  they  come  to  the  state  of 
men  and  women,  they  alter  them  according  to  their  deeds  or  dispositions. 

When  a  maid  is  taken  in  marriage  she  first  cutteth  her  hair,  and  after  weareth  a 
covering  on  her  head  till  her  hair  be  grown  out.  Their  women  are  diversely  disposed, 
some  as  modest  as  they  will  scarce  talk  one  with  another  in  the  company  of  men  ;  being 
very  chaste  also  ;  yet  other  some  are  light,  lascivious,  and  wanton.  If  a  woman  have 
a  bad  husband,  or  can  not  affect  him,  and  there  be  war  or  opposition  between  that 
and  any  other  people,  she  will  run  away  from  him  to  the  contrary  party,  and  there  live, 
where  they  never  come  unwelcome  ;  for  where  are  most  women  there  is  greatest  plenty. 

When  a  woman  hath  her  monthly  terms  she  separateth  herself  from  all  other  com 
pany  and  liveth  certain  days  in  a  house  alone  ;  after  which  she  washeth  herself  and 
all  that  she  hath  touched  or  used,  and  is  again  received  to  her  husband's  bed  or 
family.  For  adultery  the  husband  will  beat  his  wife  and  put  her  away,  if  he  please. 
Some  common  strumpets  there  are,  as  well  as  in  other  places ;  but  they  are  such  as 
either  never  married,  or  widows,  or  put  away  for  adultery ;  for  no  man  will  keep  such 
a  one  to  wife. 

In  matters  of  unjust  and  dishonest  dealing,  the  sachem  examineth  and  punisheth 
the  same.  In  case  of  theft,  for  the  first  offense,  he  is  disgracefully  rebuked  ;  for  the 
second,  beaten  by  the  sachem  with  a  cudgel  on  the  naked  back  ;  for  the  third,  he  is 
beaten  with  many  strokes,  and  hath  his  nose  slit  upwards,  that  thereby  all  men  may 
know  and  shun  him.  If  any  man  kill  another  he  must  likewise  die  for  the  same.  The 
sachem  not  only  passeth  sentence  upon  malefactors,  but  executeth  the  same  with  his 
own  hands,  if  the  party  be  then  present ;  if  not,  sendeth  his  own  knife  in  case  of  death, 
in  the  hands  of  others,  to  perform  the  same.  But  if  the  offender  be  to  receive  other 
punishment,  he  will  not  receive  the  same  but  from  the  sachem  himself,  before  whom, 
being  naked,  he  kneeleth,  and  will  not  offer  to  run  away,  though  he  beat  him  never 
so  much,  it  being  a  greater  disparagement  for  a  man  to  cry  during  the  time  of  his 
correction  than  in  his  offense  and  punishment. 

As  for  their  apparel,  they  wear  breeches  and  stockings  in  one,  like  some  Irish, 
which  is  made  of  deer-skins,  and  have  shoes  of  the  same  leather.  They  wear  also  a 
deer's  skin  loose  about  them  like  a  cloak,  which  they  will  turn  to  the  weather  side. 
In  this  habit  they  travel ;  but  when  they  are  at  home,  or  come  to  their  journey's  end, 
they  presently  pull  off  their  breeches,  stockings,  and  shoes,  wring  out  the  water,  if 
they  be  wet,  and  dry  them,  and  rub  or  chafe  the  same.  Though  these  be  off,  yet 
have  they  another  small  garment  which  covereth  their  secrets.  The  men  wear  also, 
when  they  go  abroad  in  cold  weather,  an  otter  or  fox  skin  on  their  right  arm ;  but 
only  their  bracer  on  the  left.  Women,  and  all  of  that  sex,  wear  strings  about  their 
legs,  which  men  never  do. 

The  people  are  very  ingenious  and   observative :   they  keep  account  of  time  by 


252  THE    AMERICAN    CONTINENT. 

the  moon,  and  winters  or  summers.  They  know  divers  of  the  stars  by  name  ;  in  par 
ticular,  they  know  the  North  Star,  and  call  it  ^fask(•,  which  is  to  say,  the  Bear  ;  also' 
they  have  many  names  for  the  winds.  They  will  guess  very  well  at  the  wind  and 
weather  beforehand,  by  observations  in  the  heavens.  They  report  also  that  some 
of  them  can  cause  the  wind  to  blow  in  what  part  they  list — can  raise  storms  and 
tempests,  which  they  usually  do  when  they  intend  the  death  or  destruction  of  other 
people,  that  by  reason  of  the  unseasonable  weather  they  may  take  advantage  of  their 
enemies  in  their  houses.  At  such  times  they  perform  their  greatest  exploits,  and  at 
such  seasons,  when  they  are  at  enmity  with  any,  they  keep  more  careful  watch  than 
at  other  times. 

As  for  their  language,  it  is  very  copious,  large,  and  difficult ;  as  yet  we  can  not 
attain  to  any  great  measure  thereof;  but  can  understand  them,  and  explain  our 
selves  to  their  understanding,  by  the  help  of  those  that  daily  converse  with  us. 

And  though  there  be  difference  in  an  hundred  miles  distance  of  place,  both  in 
language  and  manners,  yet  not  so  much  but  that  they  very  well  understand  each 
other.  And  thus  much  of  their  lives  and  manners. 

Instead  of  records  and  chronicles  they  take  this  course :  where  any  remarkable 
act  is  done,  in  memory  of  it,  cither  in  the  place,  or  by  some  pathway  near  adjoining, 
they  make  a  round  hole  in  the  ground  about  a  foot  deep,  and  as  much  over,  which, 
when  others,  passing  by,  behold,  they  inquire  the  cause  and  occasion  of  the  same, 
which,  being  once  known,  they  are  careful  to  acquaint  all  men,  as  occasion  serveth 
therewith  ;  and,  lest  such  holes  should  be  filled  or  grown  up  by  any  accident,  as  men 
pass  by  they  will  oft  renew  the  same ;  by  which  means  many  things  of  great  an 
tiquity  are  fresh  in  memory.  So  that  as  a  man  traveleth,  if  he  can  understand  his 
guide,  his  journey  will  be  less  tedious,  by  reason  of  many  historical  discourses  which 
will  be  related  to  him. 

For  that  continent  on  which  we  are,  called  New  England,  although  it  hath  ever 
been  conceived  by  the  English  to  be  a  part  of  the  main  land  adjoining  to  Virginia, 
yet  by  relation  of  the  Indians  it  should  appear  to  be  otherwise ;  for  they  affirm  con 
fidently  that  it  is  an  island,  and  that  either  the  Dutch  or  French  pass  through  from 
sea  to  sea  between  us  and  Virginia,  and  drive  a  great  trade  in  the  same.  The  name 
of  that  inlet  of  the  sea  they  call  Mo/icgan,  which  I  take  to  be  the  same  which  we  call 
Hudson's  River,  up  which  Master  Hudson  went  many  leagues,  and  for  want  of 
means  (as  I  hear)  left  it  undiscovered.  For  confirmation  of  this  their  opinion  thus 
is  much;  though  Virginia  be  not  above  an  hundred  leagues  from  us,  yet  they  never 
heard  of  PowJiatan,  or  knew  that  any  English  were  planted  in  his  country,  save  only 
by  us  and  Tisquantum,  who  went  thither  in  an  English  ship  ;  and  therefore  it  is  more 
probable,  because  the  water  is  not  passable  for  them,  who  are  very  adventurous  in 
their  boats. 

Then,  for  the  temperature  of  the  air,  in  almost  three  years'  experience  I  can 
scarce  distinguish  New  England  from  Old  England  in  respect  of  heat  and  cold,  frost, 
snow,  rain,  wind,  etc.  Some  object  because  our  plantation  lieth  in  the  latitude  of 
two  and  forty,  it  must  needs  be  much  hotter.  I  confess  I  can  not  give  the  reason  of 
the  contrary;  only  experience  teaches  us  that  if  it  do  exceed  England  it  is  so  little 
as  must  require  better  judgments  to  discern  it.  And  for  the  winter,  I  rather  think 
(if  there  be  difference)  it  is  both  sharper  and  longer  in  New  England  than  in  Old ; 
and  yet  the  want  of  those  comforts  in  the  one  which  I  have  enjoyed  in  the  other 
may  deceive  my  judgment  also.  But  in  my  best  observation,  comparing  our  own  con- 


BIOGRAPHIES   OF   THE   EARLY   DISCOVERERS.  253 

ditions  with  the  relations  of  other  parts  of  America,  I  can  not  conceive  of  any  to 
agree  better  with  the  constitutions  of  the  English,  not  being  oppressed  with  the  ex 
tremity  of  heat,  nor  nipped  by  biting  cold,  by  which  means,  blessed  be  God,  we  enjoy 
our  health,  notwithstanding  these  difficulties  we  have  undergone,  in  such  a  measure  as 
would  have  been  admired  had  we  lived  in  England  with  the  like  means.  The  day  is  two 
hours  longer  than  here  when  at  the  shortest,  and  as  much  shorter  when  at  the  longest. 

The  soil  is  variable,  in  some  places  mold,  in  some  clay,  and  others  a  mixed  sand, 
etc.  The  chiefest  grain  is  the  Indian  maise,  or  Guinea  wheat ;  the  seed-time  begin- 
neth  in  the  middle  of  April,  and  continueth  good  till  the  midst  of  May.  Our  har 
vest  beginneth  with  September.  This  corn  increaseth  in  great  measure,  but  is  infe 
rior  in  quality  to  the  same  in  Virginia :  the  reason  I  conceive  is  because  Virginia  is 
far  hotter  than  it  is  with  us,  it  requiring  great  heat  to  ripen.  But  whereas  it  is  ob 
jected  against  New  England,  that  corn  will  not  grow  there  except  the  ground  be 
manured  with  fish :  I  answer,  that  where  men  set  with  fish  (as  with  us)  it  is  more 
easy  so  to  do  than  to  clear  ground,  and  set  without  some  five  or  six  years,  and  so 
begin  anew,  as  in  Virginia  and  elsewhere.  Not  but  that  in  some  places,  where  they 
can  not  be  taken  with  ease  in  such  abundance,  the  Indians  set  four  years  together 
without  them,  and  have  as  good  corn  or  better  than  we  have,  that  set  with  them  ; 
though  indeed  I  think  if  we  had  cattle  to  till  the  ground,  it  would  be  more  profit 
able  and  better  agreeable  to  the  soil  to  sow  wheat,  rye,  barley,  peas,  and  oats,  than 
to  set  maise,  which  our  Indians  call  Ewachim  ;  for  we  have  had  experience  that  they 
like  and  thrive  well ;  and  the  other  will  not  be  procured  without  good  labor  and 
diligence,  especially  at  seed-time,  when  it  must  also  be  watched  by  night,  to  keep 
the  wolves  from  the  fish,  till  it  be  rotten,  which  will  be  in  fourteen  days ;  yet  men 
agreeing  together,  and  taking  their  turns,  it  is  not  much. 

Much  might  be  spoken  of  the  benefit  that  may  come  to  such  as  shall  plant  here, 
by  trading  with  the  Indians  for  furs,  if  men  take  a  right  course  for  obtaining  the 
same ;  for  I  dare  presume  upon  that  small  experience  I  have  had  to  affirm,  that  the 
English,  Dutch,  and  French  return  yearly  many  thousand  pounds  profit  by  trade 
only,  from  that  island  on  which  we  are  seated. 

Tobacco  may  be  there  planted,  but  not  with  that  profit  as  in  some  other  places, 
neither  were  it  profitable  there  to  follow  it,  though  the  increase  were  equal,  because 
fish  is  a  better  and  richer  commodity,  and  more  necessary,  which  may  be,  and  there  are 
had  in  as  great  abundance  as  in  any  other  part  of  the  world  ;  witness  the  west  coun 
try  merchants  of  England,  which  return  incredible  gains  yearly  from  thence.  And 
if  they  can  do  so,  which  here  buy  their  salt  at  a  great  charge,  and  transport  more 
company  to  make  their  voyage  than  will  sail  their  ships,  what  may  the  planters  ex 
pect  when  once  they  are  seated,  and  make  the  most  of  their  salt  there,  and  employ 
themselves  at  least  eight  months  in  fishing,  whereas  the  other  fish  but  four,  and  have 
their  ship  lie  dead  in  the  harbor  all  the  time,  whereas  such  shipping  as  belong  to 
plantations  may  take  freight  of  passengers  or  cattle  thither,  and  have  their  lading 
provided  against  they  come?  I  confess  we  have  come  so  far  short  of  the  means,  to 
raise  such  returns,  as  with  great  difficulty  we  have  preserved  our  lives;  insomuch  as 
when  I  look  back  upon  our  condition,  and  weak  means  to  preserve  the  same,  I  rather 
admire  at  God's  mercies  and  providence  in  our  preservation,  than  that  no  greater 
things  have  been  effected  by  us.  But  though  our  beginning  have  been  thus  raw, 
small  and  difficult,  as  thou  hast  seen,  yet  the  same  God  that  hath  hitherto  led  us 
through  the  former,  I  hope  will  raise  means  to  accomplish  the  latter 


14  DAY  USE 

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